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THE 
PASTOR   OF   THE   PILGRIMS 


STURTON-LE-STEEPLE    CHURCH    AT   THE   PRESENT    DAY. 


THE  PASTOR  OF  THE 
PILGRIMS 

A   BIOGRAPHY   OF   JOHN   ROBINSON 


BY 


WALTER    H.   BURGESS 


NEW    YORK 
HARCOURT,  BRACE    &    HOWE 

LONDON  :    WILLIAMS  AND  NORGATE 

1920 


iZ- 


Printed  in  Great  Britain 


"There  is  no  creature  so  perfect  in  wisdom 
and  knowledge  but  may  learn  something  for 
time  present  and  to  come  by  times  past." 

John  Robinson. 


FOREWORD 

The  following  pages  give  an  independent  study  of 
the  work  of  the  Pastor  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  and 
those  associated  with  him.  Robinson  and  his  com- 
panions loved  England  with  a  passionate  love,  yet 
they  were  compelled  to  leave  the  land  of  their  birth 
to  secure  freedom  to  worship  according  to  the  dictates 
of  their  conscience.  Two  sentences  from  Robinson's 
writings  will  explain  the  position  :  "  For  the  common- 
wealth and  kingdom,  as  we  honour  it  above  all  the 
States  in  the  world,  so  would  we  thankfully  embrace 
the  meanest  corner  in  it,  at  the  extremest  conditions 
of  any  people  in  the  kingdom."  Again  he  says, 
"  For  our  country  we  do  not  forsake  it,  but  are  by  it 
forsaken,  and  expelled  by  most  extreme  laws  and 
violent  prescriptions,  contrived  and  executed  by  the 
prelates  and  on  their  own  behalf."  To  say,  as  has 
recently  been  said,  that  it  was  their  own  intolerance 
which  drove  these  pilgrims  to  Holland  is  a  gross 
misinterpretation  of  the  facts. 

Besides  the  identification  of  the  early  home  and  the 
parentage  of  John  Robinson,  these  pages  throw  a 
little  fresh  light  upon  the  Southworths  and  Carvers 
and  others  connected  with  the  Pilgrim  Father  move- 
ment. Gervase  Neville  is  identified,  and  the  anony- 
mous opponent  of  Robinson  in  one  of  his  earliest 
controversies  is  named.  The  history  of  the  obscure 
Church  in  the  western  parts  of  England  is  unfolded, 
and  an  attempt  made  to  settle  the  vexed  question  of 
the  identity  of  John  Smith.  The  Appendices  give 
illustrative  extracts  from  contemporary  documents. 

Given  time  and  means,  no  doubt  further  facts 
concerning  members  of  the  Pilgrim  Church  could  be 

vii 


viii  FOREWORD 

recovered.  It  should  be  possible  to  identify  the 
actual  site  of  the  Robinson  homestead — or  toftstead, 
to  use  the  old  word — at  Sturton.  But  sufficient  is 
known  now  to  set  the  story  out  in  fair  proportions. 

I  desire  to  thank  all  who  have  helped  in  my  work 
of  research,  and  to  express  my  deep  obligation  to  the 
writings  of  the  late  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter  and  his  son 
Morton  Dexter,  on  whom  I  have  mainly  relied  for  the 
Ley  den  period  of  this  narrative.  To  the  Hibbert 
Trustees  I  am  also  much  indebted.  It  is  in  great 
part  due  to  their  encouragement  and  support  that 
the  publication  of  this  volume  has  been  made  possible. 

Walter  H.  Burgess. 

Plymouth, 
England. 


CONTENTS 


CHAP.  PAGE 

I.      THE      BIRTHPLACE      AND      PARENTAGE      OF      JOHN 

ROBINSON       .......  1 

ii.    john  robinson's  wife    .         .         .         .         .17 

27 

IV.      LIFE   AT   CAMBRIDGE  .....  32 

V.       RELIGION  IN  ENGLAND  IN  THE  DAYS  OF  ELIZABETH 

AND    JAMES  ......  42 

VI.      DISPUTATIONS    ON    RELIGION    AT    CAMBRIDGE    AND 

LEYDEN  .......  49 

VII.       JOHN    ROBINSON   AT   NORWICH      ....  58 

VIII.       SEPARATION    FROM    THE    CHURCH    OF    ENGLAND 

ROBINSON   AND    BERNARD GERVASE  NEVILLE 

WILLIAM   BREWSTER  .....  67 

IX.       "  AN    ADVENTURE    ALMOST    DESPERATE  "         .  .82 

X.      RELIGIOUS    REFUGEES    AT   AMSTERDAM  .  .  85 

XI.      CONTROVERSIES     WITH     JOSEPH     HALL    AND     JOHN 

BURGESS  .......  94 

XII.      THE    PILGRIMS    AT   LEYDEN  ....        100 

XIII.  "  JUSTIFICATION    OF    SEPARATION  "  .  .       110 

XIV.  ROBINSON'S     INTERCOURSE     WITH     AMES,     PARKER 

AND    JACOB  .......        123 

ix 


i  CONTENTS 

CHAP.  PAGE 

XV.  INFANT  BAPTISM,  FLIGHT  IN  PERSECUTION  AND 
THE  OFFICE  OF  MAGISTRACY  DISCUSSED  BY 
ROBINSON       .......       143 

XVI.      THE   PILGRIM   CHURCH   IN   RELATION   TO   THE  CIVIC 

AND    UNIVERSITY    LIFE    OF   LEYDEN  .  .156 

XVII.      THE    PILGRIM    PRESS   AT   LEYDEN  .  .  .       164 

XVIII.       INTERCOURSE     BETWEEN     LEYDEN     AND     AMSTER- 
DAM— RICHARD    CLIFTON — FRANCIS    JOHNSON 

HENRY    AINS WORTH 187 

xix.     robinson's  plea  for  lay  preaching       .         .     204 

XX.      "  THIS   weighty   BUSINESS   ABOUT  VIRGINIA  "        .       209 

XXI.      THEY    PREPARE    FOR    THE     VOYAGE — THE     "  MAY- 
FLOWER " 236 

XXII. 

ROBERT       CUSHMAN'S       LETTER THE      "  MAY- 
FLOWER'S "    VOYAGE 248 

XXIII.  ROBINSON  AND   THE   PLYMOUTH   PLANTATION  .       267 

XXIV.  OPPOSITION  TO  ROBINSON'S    MIGRATION HIS    CON- 

CERN   FOR   THE   INDIANS HIS    LAST   LETTERS      .       273 

XXV.      ROBINSON'S       HOUSEHOLD       AT       LEYDEN LATER 

CONTROVERSIES ROGER    WHITE         .  .  .       282 

XXVI.      LETTERS    OF    THE    LEYDEN     CHURCH ROBINSON'S 

ESSAYS — HIS    DEATH         .....       290 

XXVII.      AFFAIRS  IN    PLYMOUTH     COLONY A    BRIEF     CATE- 
CHISM               .......       314 

XXVIII.       THE    INFLUENCE    OF    ROBINSON    ON    THE    THOUGHT 

AND    LIFE    OF   HIS   AGE    .....       322 

XXIX.      THE    FORTUNES    OF    THE    ROBINSON    FAMILY    AND 

THE  AFTER-HISTORY  OF  THE  PILGRIM   CHURCH 

A    PARALLEL    RELIGIOUS    DEVELOPMENT   IN    OLD 

AND    NEW    ENGLAND — CONCLUSION  .  •       348 


CONTENTS  xi 


APPENDICES 


PAGE 


I.  SUITS  AT  LAW  OF  TUDOR  AND  STUART  TIMES 
ILLUSTRATING  LIFE  AT  STURTON  IN  ROBINSON'S 
DAY 369 

II.       RESIDENTS    IN    STURTON    IN    THE    SIXTEENTH    AND 

SEVENTEENTH    CENTURIES  ....       395 

III.  STATEMENT    BY    JOHN     BURGESS,    DATED     JULY    2, 

1604 407 

IV.  DID  JOHN  SMITH  THE  SE-BAPTIST  AND  SEPARATIST 

LEADER   SPRING   FROM    STURTON?     .  .  .       409 

CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE  OF  THE  WRITINGS  OF  JOHN 

ROBINSON      .......       418 

INDE^S 421 


LIST   OF    ILLUSTRATIONS 

Facing  page 
STURTON-LE-STEEPLE   CHURCH      ....    Frontispiece 

sketch  plan  of  corpus  christi  college,  cambridge      .       32 

letter  from  the  fellows  of  corpus  christi  college, 
bearing  Robinson's  signature,  preserved  at  hat- 
field  HOUSE        ........        40 

greasley  church    ........       46 

sketch  map  of  the  pilgrim  district      ....       74 

sturton-le-steeple  church  as  robinson  knew  it  .       84 

facsimile  of  a  document,  by  an  anonymous  opponent 

of  robinson,  in  the  bodleian  library    ...       99 

ST.  Wilfrid's  church,  scrooby        .....     187 

THE  "  MAYFLOWER  "  STONE  AND  MEMORIAL  TABLET  AT 

PLYMOUTH,  DEVON    .......   263 

THE  OLD  CHAPEL  AT  GAINSBOROUGH       .     .     .     .322 

A  LIST  OF  PREACHERS  TO  THE  GAINSBOROUGH  PROTESTANT 

dissenters,  1698-1700 354 

HANDWRITING     OF    JOHN     BURGESS,     FROM     A     DOCUMENT     IN 

THE   PUBLIC    RECORD    OFFICE 408 


Xll 


JOHN  ROBINSON 
PASTOR  OF  THE   PILGRIM   FATHERS 

CHAPTER  I 

THE   BIRTHPLACE  AND   PARENTAGE   OF  JOHN   ROBINSON 

On  the  last  day  of  May  1919,  Lieutenant- Commander 
A.  C.  Read,  the  first  man  to  cross  the  Atlantic  entirely 
by  air,  landed  at  the  historic  Barbican  jetty  in 
Plymouth.  He  and  his  gallant  companions  brought 
their  seaplane  down  in  a  graceful  sweep  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Cattewater,  and  after  a  welcome  from  their 
compatriots,  on  board  a  naval  vessel  of  the  United 
States,  they  were  received,  as  they  stepped  ashore, 
by  the  Mayor  of  the  ancient  borough,  at  the  "  May- 
flower  stone."  One's  thoughts  naturally  turned  to  the 
little  company  of  Englishmen,  known  as  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers,  who  sailed  from  that  spot  three  hundred  years 
ago  on  a  venture  scarcely  less  daring.  It  is  of  the 
Pastor  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  his  life,  his  times,  his 
work,  his  friends  and  his  influence,  that  we  tell  in 
the  following  pages. 

The  men  of  the  Mayflower,  who  made  the  first 
effective  settlement  on  the  shores  of  New  England 
in  1620,  were  sustained  and  inspired  by  religious 
convictions  arrived  at  under  the  guidance  of  John 
Robinson,  their  pastor.  Robinson  was  a  remarkable 
man.  He  left  the  impress  of  his  thought  upon  much 
of  the  religious  life  of  America  and  England.  In  the 
tenacity  of  his  nature  and  the  solidity  of  his  judg- 
ment, he  was  essentially  English.  In  the  depth  and 
range  of  his  spiritual  experience  he  was  essentially 


2  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Christian.  Though  his  life  only  extended  to  a  bare 
half-century,  it  was  crowded  with  incident  and  marked 
by  an  unwearied  industry.  He  came  into  contact 
with  many  men  and  women,  who  took  an  active  and 
decided  part  in  the  religious  movements  of  his  age. 
He  himself  tells  us,  in  one  of  his  latest  writings,  how, 
in  the  days  of  his  "  pilgrimage,"  he  had  enjoyed 
"  special  opportunity  of  conversing  with  persons  of 
divers  nations,  estates  and  dispositions  in  great 
variety."  x  This  gave  a  wider  range  to  his  outlook 
than  was  usual  amongst  the  Puritans.  We  find  him 
domiciled  at  Cambridge,  at  Norwich,  at  Amsterdam, 
at  Leyden,  in  each  case  in  the  midst  of  a  stimulating 
environment,  each  a  centre  where  the  principles  of 
political  and  religious  liberty  were  brought  under  dis- 
cussion and  hammered  into  practical  shape.  Any  one 
desiring  to  gain  a  thorough  understanding  of  the 
religious  history  of  England  in  the  Stuart  period,  or 
of  the  origin  of  the  Free  Churches  of  the  English- 
speaking  world,  cannot  afford  to  ignore  the  personality 
of  John  Robinson  or  the  books  which  came  from  his 
pen. 

When  the  "  first  collected  edition  of  the  Works  of 
the  Pastor  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers"2  appeared,  in 
1851,  Robert  Ashton,  the  editor,  prefixed  a  Memoir, 
which  claimed  to  contain  "  all  that  can  be  learned 
respecting  Mr.  Robinson."  He  justly  remarked  that 
"  the  parentage,  education,  youthful  predilections,  and 
exploits  of  a  distinguished  man,  are  important  to  be 
known;  they  give  an  interest  and  specificness  to  his 
biography,  and  take  it  out  of  the  mere  generalizations 
of  an  everyday  memoir,"  but  he  went  on  to  say,  "  un- 
happily, none  of  these  things  can  be  learned  respect- 
ing Mr.  Robinson."  3  Even  so  recently  as  1910  a 
writer  on  this  subject  says,  "  considering  4  all  the  time 

1  Observations  Divine  and  Moral,  1625,  preface. 

2  The  Works  of  John  Robinson,  3  vols.,  preface,  p.  vii.  This  edition  is 
referred  to  in  these  pages  as  Works.  I  have  consulted  original  editions  on 
vital  points. 

3  Ibid.,  vol.  i.  p.  xiii. 

4  Burrage,  New  Facts  Concerning  John  Robinson,  1910,  p.  5. 


BIRTHPLACE   AND   PARENTAGE  3 

that  has  been  spent  in  studying  Robinson's  life,  it  is 
surprising  how  slight  is  our  present  knowledge  of  his 
early  years." 

In  the  following  pages  something  will  be  done  to 
fill  in  the  gaps  in  the  biography  of  John  Robinson. 
The  time  has  arrived  for  a  fresh  study  of  his  life  and 
work.  We  must  consider  him  in  connexion  with  the 
men  and  movements  of  his  time.  We  must  picture 
him  against  the  background  of  rural,  academic,  civic, 
social  and  religious  life  in  the  midst  of  which  he  lived. 
We  must  look  at  his  works  in  due  perspective,  and 
judge  them  in  relation  to  the  controversies  of  the  time 
in  which  they  appeared,  remembering  that  the  topics 
handled  were  then  of  living  interest,  though  in  these 
days  they  may  seem  to  be  remote  and  moribund. 

Hitherto  the  Scrooby  district  of  Nottinghamshire, 
and  the  village  of  Austerfield  in  the  adjoining  county 
of  Yorkshire,  have  received  special  attention  as  the 
cradle-home  of  the  church  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers.  In 
the  former  parish  lived  the  Brewster  family,  and  in 
their  roomy  house  the  early  religious  meetings  of 
the  society  were  held;  in  the  latter  parish  William 
Bradford,1  the  historian  and  "  governor  "  of  Plymouth 
Plantation,  was  born.  To  Joseph  Hunter  belongs  the 
credit  of  identifying  the  homes  of  these  two  eminent 
lay  leaders  in  the  "  Pilgrim  movement,"  and  he  fondly 
designated  the  district  as  maximce  gentis  incunabula. 
But  for  the  early  home  of  John  Robinson,  the 
"  Pilgrim  pastor,"  the  clerical  leader  of  the  move- 
ment, we  must  journey  a  few  miles  to  the  eastward 
from  Scrooby,  to  the  little  town  of  Sturton-le-Steeple. 
In  this  part  of  Nottinghamshire  there  is  a  range  of  hills 
running  north  and  south,  almost  parallel  with  the 
Trent,  a  few  miles  to  the  westv:ard  of  that  noble  river. 
These  hills  slope  down  gently  to  the  broad  Trent 
Valley,  and  from  their  heart  flow  many  streamlets  of 
clear,  sweet  water  to  join  the  brimming  river.     The 

1  Bradford  was  baptized  in  the  Chapel  of  St.  Helen,  Austerfield.  March  19, 
1589-90;  died  at  New  Plymouth,  May  9,  1657.  Both  he  and  Brewster 
were  on  the  Mayflower. 


4  JOHN   ROBINSON 

soil  is  fertile,  and  the  firm  ground  of  the  foothills 
between  the  marshy  lands  nearer  the  river  and  the 
more  exposed  hill-tops  was  early  chosen  as  a  desirable 
place  of  habitation.  The  earth  is  here  friable  and 
easily  worked,  and  the  pasturage  is  good  for  cattle. 
The  Trent  afforded  a  fine  waterway,  giving  access 
down-stream  to  the  ports  of  the  north  and  the 
Humber,  and  up-stream  to  Newark,  Nottingham,  and 
the  heart  of  England. 

The  old  Roman  road  from  Lincoln  to  Doncaster 
crossed  the  river  by  a  ford  at  Agelocum,  now  known 
as  Littleborough,  and  passed  in  a  north-westerly 
direction  over  the  water-logged  ground  near  the  river. 
Two  miles  from  the  ford,  the  Roman  "  ramper,"  as 
it  is  still  called,  joined  the  road  connecting  the  home- 
steads and  hamlets  lying  north  and  south  along  the 
foot  of  these  hills  that  form  the  watershed  between 
the  Trent  and  Idle  valleys,  and  here  a  village  grew  up, 
to  which  the  name  Estretton — the  town  on  the  Street 
— was  given.  In  due  course  a  fine  parish  church  was 
built  and  dedicated  to  St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul.  It 
was  embellished  with  a  magnificent  pinnacled  tower, 
which  serves  as  a  landmark  for  miles  around.  This 
striking  feature  of  the  village  gives  the  definitive  term 
to  its  present  title,  Sturton-le-Steeple,  and  so  distin- 
guishes it  from  other  Sturtons  in  that  part  of  England. 
The  village,  geographically,  was  in  the  North  Clay  x 
division  of  the  wapentake  or  hundred  of  Bassetlaw. 
Its  position,  like  that  of  the  neighbouring  manors,  was 
fairly  well  defined  even  at  the  time  of  the  great  survey 
embodied  in  Domesday  Book.  The  Archbishop  of 
York  held  large  estates  in  the  neighbourhood,  granted 
to  his  See  before  the  Conquest,  and  represented  to-day 
by  the  "  Liberty  of  Southwell  and  Scrooby."  2 

The  district  was  well  peopled,  and  there  were  many 
small  freeholders.     I  am  inclined  to  think,  from  a 

1  Hence    the    alternative    designation — Sturton-in-the-Clay — which    was 
sometimes  used. 

2  The  Charter  by  which  King  Edgar  made  this  grant  may  still  be  read  in 
the  Liber  Alius  at  York. 


BIRTHPLACE   AND   PARENTAGE  5 

perusal  of  Subsidy  Rolls  for  the  locality,  that  Sturton 
and  its  neighbourhood  carried  a  larger  population  in 
the  days  of  Henry  VIII  and  Elizabeth  than  it  does 
to-day.  Three  of  the  old  parishes  adjoining  the 
Sturton  of  John  Robinson's  time  have  in  modern  days 
been  merged  in  neighbouring  parishes,  and  the  churches 
of  West  Burton,  Habblesthorpe  and  South  Wheatley, 
on  which  Robinson's  eyes  must  often  have  rested,  have 
fallen  into  ruin,  and  were  long  ago  dismantled. 

In  mediaeval  times,  if  resident  incumbents  were  not 
available  for  these  small  parochial  cures,  they  were 
served  by  priests  from  the  neighbouring  religious 
houses,  of  which  there  was  an  abundance.  At  Matter- 
sey  stood  the  Gilbertine  Priory  of  St.  Helen,  granted 
at  the  Dissolution  of  the  Monasteries  to  Anthony 
Nevill  and  Mary  his  wife,1  members  of  a  family  to  whom 
we  shall  have  further  occasion  to  refer.  Blyth  was  the 
seat  of  a  Benedictine  settlement,  while  Worksop  had 
an  active  colony  of  Augustinian  monks,  with  a  noble 
priory  church.  The  trouble  was  that  these  religious 
houses  engrossed  for  their  own  purposes  the  Church 
revenues  of  such  parochial  "  livings  "  as  were  granted 
to  them.  The  tithes,  levied  in  the  first  instance  for 
the  maintenance  of  a  resident  parish  clergyman,  were 
in  these  cases  collected  for  a  distant  monastery,  and 
the  parish  had  to  be  content  with  the  perfunctory  ser- 
vices of  a  visiting  priest,  or  depend  on  an  ill-paid  vicar. 
If  these  revenues  had  been  restored  to  parochial  Church 
uses  at  the  Dissolution  of  the  Monasteries,  as  the  Puri- 
tan clergy  later  on  desired  them  to  be,  the  smaller 
parishes  would  not  have  languished.  Their  position 
in  respect  to  religious  services  was  often  rendered 
worse  than  before,  because  the  rectorial  and  vicarial 
tithes  held  by  the  monasteries  were  now  granted  for 
the  most  part  to  laymen,  and  diverted  altogether  from 
ecclesiastical  uses. 

The  tithes  of  Sturton  itself  were  farmed  out  by  the 

1  Grant  of  the  house  and  monastery  of  the  Priory  of  Matte rsey  and  the 
manor  of  Mattersey,  as  Thomas  Norman,  late  prior,  hold  the  same.  November 
1539,  Letters  and  Papers  of  Henry  VIII,  vol.  xiv.  p.  220. 


6  JOHN  ROBINSON 

Dean  and  Chapter  of  the  cathedral  church  at  York, 
the  clerical  patrons  of  the  living,  and  it  must  have 
been  necessary  for  the  parishioners  to  supplement  the 
scanty  revenue  assured  to  their  vicar  by  substantial 
voluntary  offerings. 

The  social  life  of  Sturton  in  Robinson's  boyhood  was 
still  largely  conditioned  by  feudal  ideas  and  practices. 
The  "  great  family  "  was  that  of  the  Manners,  the 
Earls  of  Rutland,  whose  seat  was  at  Belvoir  Castle. 
They  had  a  finger  in  the  affairs  of  Sturton  and  Little- 
borough  in  virtue  of  holding  the  Manor  of  Oswaldbec 
Soke  (which  extended  into  those  two  parishes)  and 
owning  rights  in  Littleborough  Ferry.  They  appointed 
bailiffs  to  look  after  their  interest  in  the  Soke.       | 

In  Sturton  itself,  with  its  dependent  township  of 
Fenton,  there  were  three  leading  families — Lassells, 
Fenton  and  Thornhagh,  with  a  goodly  sprinkling  of 
yeomanry  of  lesser  rank,  such  as  the  Whites,  Smyths, 
Sturtons,  Flowers,  Dickons,  Bellamys  and  Eatons. 


The  Lassells  Family 

The  lord  of  the  Manor  of  Sturton  in  the  earlier  part 
of  the  reign  of  Henry  VIII  was  Thomas  Lord  Darcy 
(1467-1537),  appointed,  June  18,  1509,  as  warden  of 
the  forests  beyond  Trent.  He  took  a  prominent  part 
in  public  affairs  in  the  North,  but  brought  himself  into 
trouble  through  his  support  of  the  rebellion  known 
as  the  Pilgrimage  of  Grace,  which  broke  out  in 
Lincolnshire  in  the  autumn  of  1536  owing  to  dissatis- 
faction at  the  suppression  of  the  religious  houses. 
He  was  charged  with  treason,  and  executed  on  the 
last  day  of  June  1537.  A  scramble  for  his  lands  at 
once  ensued.  We  find  that  George  Lassells  was  in 
London  in  the  early  days  of  1539  suing  for  "  the  late 
Lord  Dersy's  lands  in  Stirton."  His  brother,  John 
Lassells,  was  in  the  service  of  Thomas  Cromwell,  and 
the  family  gained  some  pickings  from  the  confiscated 
monastic  lands.  George  Lassells  had  been  busy  in 
March  1538,  with  Sir  John  Markham,  Sir  John  Hercy 


BIRTHPLACE   AND   PARENTAGE  7 

of  Grove,  and  John  Babyngton  of  Rampton,  in  sup- 
pressing Lenton  Priory  and  bringing  the  Prior  to  trial 
and  execution  in  accordance  with  the  powers  of  a 
commission  from  the  King.  It  was  he  who  carried 
the  report  of  their  proceedings  to  London.1  A  letter 
from  Sir  John  Hercy  to  Thomas  Cromwell,  dated  from 
Grove,  October  31,  1538,  has  survived,  in  which  Hercy 
refers  to  his  "  cousin  John  Lassells,"  and  then  goes 
on  to  say,  "  I  beg  you  will  remember  your  servant 
Lassells  to  have  the  preferment  of  Beyvall  Abbey 
for  the  setting  forward  of  a  faithful  brother,  and  you 
shall  command  me,  having  no  children,  to  help  him."  2 

Beauvale  Abbey  will  come  into  our  story  again,  as 
it  was  thence  that  John  Robinson  took  his  bride  to 
be  married  in  1604. 

A  landmark  in  the  township  of  Sturton  was  "  Mr. 
Lasseles  wyndmylne."  3  Some  of  his  lands  in  Sturton 
and  Fenton  were  sold  away  by  George  Lassells  on 
August  10,  1545,  for  £68  to  "  Anthony  Thorney."  4 
In  Robinson's  time  the  Lassells  family  moved  to 
Gateford,  near  Worksop,  but  they  continued  to  exert 
an  influence  as  landowners  in  Sturton.  The  ancestors 
of  Robinson's  wife  bought  their  homestead  in  Sturton 
from  this  family.5 


The  Fenton  Family 

The  Fentons  of  Fenton  Hall  were  of  good  old  stock 
long  settled  in  the  parish  of  Sturton,  and  supplied 
their  country  with  several  men  who  did  good  work 
in  the  public  service.  Two  branches  of  the  family 
appear  in  the  Heralds'  Visitations  of  the  county,  one 
descended  from  Sir  Richard  Fenton,  Knt.,  Lord  of 
Fenton,  to  which  belonged  Captain  Edward  Fenton, 

1  Letters  and  Payers  of  Henry  VIII,  vol.  xiii.  Pt.  I.  pp.  225,  294,  388. 

2  Ibid.,  vol.  xiii.  Pt.  II,  No.  726.  This  request  was  not  granted.  Beau- 
vale  Abbey  was  allowed  to  continue  another  two  years,  and  was  surrendered 
by  the  Prior,  Thos.  Woodcock,  July  18,  1540. 

3  Vide  Will  of  Wm.  Flower  of  Sturton,  husbandman,  1602. 

4  Add.  MS.,  Brit.  Mus.  30,997,  f.  17. 

5  Exchequer  Depositions,  Notts.  Mich.  5,  xi.,  Chas.  I. 


8  JOHN  ROBINSON 

who  commanded  the  Mary  Rose  with  gallantry  in  the 
great  Armada  fight,  and  won  distinction  as  a  navigator 
and  explorer.  Tales  of  his  adventures  and  the  strange 
lands  he  visited  would  filter  through  to  his  old  home 
and  be  talked  over  round  the  winter  firesides  in 
Sturton,  and  so  reach  the  ear  of  young  John  Robinson. 
Another  member  of  this  branch  was  Sir  John  Fenton, 
who  filled  the  difficult  post  of  Secretary  for  Ireland 
with  credit.  This  family  of  Fentons  intermarried 
with  the  Disneys  and  Nevilles. 

The  second  branch,  of  humbler  station,  looked  to 
Thomas  Fenton,  of  Fenton,  Notts.,  as  its  founder. 
One  of  its  members,  Lawrence  Fenton,  married 
Catherine  Leggatt  of  Sturton,  a  sister  of  George 
Leggatt,  the  first  husband  of  Catherine  Carver.  There 
is  evidence  that  the  Robinsons  also  were  in  some  way 
connected  with  these  Fentons,  for  John  Robinson,  the 
father  of  the  "  Pilgrim  Pastor,"  appointed  William 
Fenton,  his  "  lovinge  Cozen,"  as  one  of  the  "  overseers  " 
of  his  will. 


The  Thornhagh  Family 

The  Thorney  or  Thornhagh  family 1  were  also  of 
old  local  stock.  They  acquired  land  in  Fenton  by 
the  marriage  of  John  Thornhagh  with  Katherin,  the 
daughter  of  Francis  Paine  of  Fenton  before  the  year 
1440,  and  continued  to  add  to  their  possessions  in 
the  locality  by  purchases  from  various  small  yeomen 
and  landowners.  In  the  period  with  which  we  are 
concerned  the  family  was  further  enriched  by  the 
marriage  of  John  Thornhagh  with  Elizabeth,  the 
daughter  and  heiress  of  Brian  Bailies,  who  had  made 
a  fortune  in  Yorkshire  as  a  merchant  by  dealings  in 
Leeds,  Wakefield  and  Hull,  to  which  towns  he  left 
bequests.  With  their  rising  fortunes  a  grant  of  arms 
was  applied  for  and  secured,  and  the  son,  John  Thorn- 

1  An  excellent  account  of  the  Thornhagh  family,  drawn  up  by  B.  G.  in 
the  year  1683,  based  on  "  their  old  Evidences  and  other  Authorities,"  is 
contained  in  Add.  MS.  30,997  in  the  British  Museum. 


BIRTHPLACE   AND   PARENTAGE  9 

hagh  the  younger,  served  as  a  cadet  in  the  Manners 
household  at  Belvoir  Castle,  and  was  knighted.  When 
John,  the  fourth  Earl  of  Rutland,  died,  John  Thorn- 
hagh  the  younger  was  in  attendance  on  the  family. 
The  Countess  Elizabeth  was  then  in  residence  at 
Winkburn.1  There  she  gave  birth  (October  17,  1588) 
to  a  posthumous  daughter,  who  was  baptized  twelve 
days  later  as  Frances.  In  the  same  church,  on  the 
following  February  5,  "  Francis,  son  of  John  Thorn- 
haighe,  gentleman,"  was  baptized. 

The  elder  John  Robinson  was  brought  into  close 
association  with  John  Thornhagh.  The  will  of  Richard 
Worsley  of  Sturton,  1588,  contains  this  clause,  "  I 
desyere  Mr.  John  Thornhaghe  esquier,  John  Robinson, 
and  William  Hunter  of  Fenton,  yoman,  to  be  the 
supervisors  of  this  my  last  will."  2  As  a  Justice  of  the 
Peace,  Thornhagh  had  much  of  the  public  work  of 
the  locality  to  attend  to,  and  in  this  he  was  assisted 
by  a  young  ward  of  his,  Edward  Southworth 3  by 
name,  between  whom  and  young  John  Robinson  a 
firm  and  fast  friendship  grew  up.  Young  Sir  John 
Thornhagh  went  on  the  grand  tour  to  Italy  in  1596, 
and  became  member  of  Parliament  for  Retford  in 
1603.  His  son  Francis  went  up  to  Cambridge  about 
the  year  that  the  "  Pilgrims,"  under  Robinson's  lead, 
were  leaving  their  old  homes  for  Holland.  He  was 
there  in  April  1608,  and  subsequently  travelled, 
writing  home  from  Orleans  September  4,  1611,  to  his 
father.  His  life  crosses  the  thread  of  our  story  in 
later  years. 

We  may  note  that  when  Roger,  Earl  of  Rutland, 
was  made  Chief  Justice  of.  Sherwood  Forest,  he 
appointed  John  Thornhagh,  senior,  his  Deputy  and 
Lieutenant  for  the  forest  by  a  deed  dated  June  18, 
1600. 

Old  John  Thornhagh  lived  on  till  1614,  and  so  long 

1  Winkburn  was  a  Donative,  and  had  been  a  Cell  or  Camera  of  the  Knights 
Hospitallers,  dependent  on  their  Commandery,  at  Newland,  Yorkshire. 

2  Wills  at  York,  vol.  xxiii.  f.  735. 

3  His  widow,  Alice,  and  his  sons  Constant  and  Thomas  .Southworth,  subse- 
quently went  to  Plymouth,  New  England. 


10  JOHN  ROBINSON 

as  he  lived  he  rather  overshadowed  his  son  Sir  John. 
He  directed  that  his  body  was  to  be  buried  "  within 
the  Chancell  of  the  parish  church  of  Sturton,"  and 
left  the  bulk  of  his  property  to  his  "  beloved  son,  Sir 
John  Thornagh,  Knight,"  with  £1000  to  his  grandson 
Francis,  and  £700  and  £500  respectively  to  the  grand- 
children Elizabeth  and  "  Brigett  "  Thornhagh.  The 
vicar,  Christopher  Fielding,  witnessed  the  will,  along 
with  Gregory  Starky  and  Wm.  Webber,  "  my  man." 
At  the  Inquisition  Post  Mortem,  held  at  East  Ret- 
ford September  23,  1614,  the  jury  presented  that  he 
held  Fenton  Hall  "as  of  ye  King's  Manor  of  Oswald- 
beck  Soke  in  free  Socage  by  Fealty  and  Suit  of  Court 
to  ye  said  Manor  and  by  ye  rent  of  15s.  7|d.  p. 
annum."  Other  of  his  lands  in  Sturton  were  held  of 
"  the  King's  Manor  of  Bassetlawe  parcell  of  his  Duchy 
of  Lancaster  by  fealty  and  suit  of  Court  to  the  said 
manor  twice  a  yeare." 

The  Robinsons  of  Sturton 

Perhaps  it  was  in  connexion  with  some  of  the 
changes  resultant  upon  the  forfeiture  of  the  Darcy 
estates  or  the  enclosure  of  fresh  lands  in  the  locality 
that  the  Robinson  family  became  established  in 
Sturton.  There  were  those  of  the  name  among  the 
landholders  of  several  parishes  within  easy  distance 
of  Sturton,  but  I  do  not  find  it  among  the  names 
of  the  "  Archers  "  and  "  Billmen  "  of  Sturton  and 
Fenton  in  the  thirtieth  year  of  King  Henry's  reign 
(1537),  nor  does  it  occur  in  the  list  of  Sturton  residents 
who  contributed  to  a  "  Benevolence  "  for  that  monarch 
in  1543.  When  we  turn  to  a  list  of  Sturton  taxpayers 
for  the  next  year,  however,  we  find  Christopher 
Robinson  amongst  those  assessed  on  the  value  of  their 
lands.  The  nominal  annual  value  of  his  holding  is 
given  as  £l  6s.  Sd.9  while  that  of  Anthony  Thorney, 
the  highest  in  the  parish,  is  £10.  In  1571  Christopher 
Robinson  still  held  his  place  in  the  parish,  and  under 
a  new  assessment  he  paid  his  subsidy  on  lands  then 


BIRTHPLACE  AND   PARENTAGE  11 

valued  at  £2.x  When  we  reach  the  year  1585  Chris- 
topher Robinson  has  dropped  out,  and  "  John  Robin- 
son "  takes  his  place,  paying  the  same  tax  of  five 
shillings  and  fourpence  on  lands  of  the  same  value  as 
Christopher  Robinson  had  held.  It  is  natural  to  infer 
that  in  the  intervening  time  Christopher  had  died,  and 
that  John  Robinson,  who  declared  in  1603  that  he  was 
born  at  Sturton,  was  the  son  who  succeeded  to  his  farm. 

One  glimpse  we  have  of  Christopher  Robinson  in 
his  lifetime  which  shows  him  in  touch  with  the  Fenton 
family.  This  was  at  the  signing  of  the  will  of  Thomas 
Fenton,  July  25,  1552,  when  Christopher  Robinson, 
Alexander  Nevell  and  Wm.  Wollay  attended  and 
signed  the  document  as  witnesses. 

I  take  it  that  John  Robinson  the  elder,  as  we  must 
call  him,  to  distinguish  him  from  his  gifted  son,  was 
born  about  1550,2  and  had  come  to  man's  estate  and 
married  shortly  after  the  death  of  Christopher  Robin- 
son. Soon  a  son  was  born  to  him  and  his  good  wife 
Ann,  and  the  young  father  settled  down  to  steady 
work  to  win  a  livelihood  for  his  growing  household. 
To  the  eldest  son  the  name  John  was  given.  Doubtless 
he  was  taken  to  the  parish  church  for  baptism  in  the 
ordinary  way  by  the  vicar  of  the  parish.  The  registers 
of  Sturton  are  not  extant  for  this  period,  in  fact  they 
do  not  begin  till  the  year  1638,  so  we  gain  no  help 
from  them,  and  can  only  say  that  young  John  Robin- 
son was  born  about  the  year  1576.  Other  children 
came  to  brighten  the  home  of  this  Nottinghamshire 
yeoman :  a  son  William,  a  daughter  Mary  and  another 
daughter.  These  lived  to  manhood  and  womanhood, 
surviving  their  parents.  When  the  future  Pastor  of 
the  Pilgrims  was  about  seven  years  old,  Sturton  was 
afflicted  with  an  infectious  sickness,  which  swept 
away  many  of  its  inhabitants,  but  he  and  his  father's 
family  happily  survived. 

1  Lay  Subsidies  in  the  Record  Office,  Bassetlaw,  Notts.  Roll  160-206.  See 
Appendix  A. 

2  He  deposed  in  1591  that  he  was  "  thirty-six  years  or  thereabouts  "  ;">  in 
1603  that  he  was  fifty-three  years  of  age,  and  in  1609  that  he  was  sixty. 
There  was  no  exactitude. 


12  JOHN  ROBINSON 

I  have  found  several  contemporary  references  to 
the  elder  John  Robinson  which  go  to  show  that  he 
was  a  man  of  probity  and  dependable  character,  win- 
ning the  regard  and  esteem  of  neighbours  and  fellow- 
parishioners.  Richard  Worsley,  yeoman,  of  Sturton, 
in  making  his  will,  March  26,  1588,  appointed  this 
John  Robinson  as  "  supervisor,"  that  is  to  say,  he 
trusted  him  to  see  the  provisions  of  the  will  duly 
carried  out.  Three  years  later  we  find  Robinson 
giving  evidence  at  East  Retford  on  behalf  of  the 
Dowager  Countess  of  Rutland. 

In  1599  he  and  Robert  Poole  were  nominated  as 
"  supervisors  "  of  the  will  of  Ellen  White  of  Fenton, 
one  of  whose  sons  appears  to  have  crossed  in  the 
Mayflower.  Then  in  the  will  of  William  Flower  of 
Sturton,  dated  June  29,  1602,  "  John  Robinson, 
yeoman,"  was  appointed,  together  with  "  John  Quippe, 
Clerk,  our  vicar,"  to  receive  a  bond  from  Margaret 
Flower  as  an  assurance  that  she  would  keep  her  son 
and  his  houses  and  lands  "  sumcientlie  according  to 
the  order  of  the  la  we  "  till  he  was  of  age.  Flower 
refers  in  a  codicil  to  "  my  lovinge  neighbour,  John 
Robinson."  The  will  itself  concludes  with  these 
terms — 

"  I  desire  John  Quippe,  Clerk,  and  John  Robinson  to  be  the 
supervisors  of  this  my  last  will  and  testam*  to  see  all  things 
p' formed  in  it  to  the  pleasure  of  god  and  my  soules  healthe. 
These  being  witnesses  John  Quippe,  George  Smyth,  John 
Bate."  1 

If  Margaret  Flower  declined  her  obligation,  then 
William  Flower  directed  that  "  John  Quippe,  Clerke, 
and  John  Robinsonne  shall  have  the  tuicon  of  my 
sonne." 

In  1604,  the  year  of  his  son's  wedding,  old  John 
Robinson  witnessed  the  will  of  Thomas  Sturton  of 
Sturton,  signing  the  document  along  with  "  Christopher 
ffieldinge,  clerke,  George  Diccons,  Willm  Ha  worth, 
Thomas    Lassells,    Robert    Heppenstall,  and    Dennis 

1  Probate  Registry  at  York,  vol.  xxviii.  f.  830, 


BIRTHPLACE   AND   PARENTAGE  13 

Barmbie."  Six  years  or  so  later  he  did  a  similar  service, 
together  with  "  Christofer  ffeildinge,  Cler.,"  and  Robert 
Bishop,  for  one  of  his  humbler  neighbours,  John 
Cawthorne.  I  also  find  him  mentioned  in  connexion 
with  the  vicar  of  Sturton  in  the  will  of  Anne  Padley, 
which  was  executed  March  11,  1610-11.  Both  of 
them  sign  as  witnesses  to  this  document. 

"  Itm  I  give  unto  Christopher  ffeildinge,  clerke,  tenne 
shillings  and  unto  John  Robinson  three  shillings  fourepence 
and  I  do  desire  the  said  Christopher  ffeilding  and  John 
Robinson  that  they  would  be  the  supervisors  of  this  my 
last  will  and  testament  to  see  the  true  performance  thereof." 

Now  it  is  clear  from  these  references  that  John 
Robinson  the  elder  was  held  in  good  esteem  by  those 
amongst  whom  he  lived,  and  was  accustomed  to  act 
in  close  association  with  John  Quipp,  who  was  vicar 
of  the  parish  in  the  boyhood  of  young  John  Robinson, 
and  with  Fielding,  his  successor  in  the  benefice  of 
Sturton.  In  all  likelihood  young  Robinson  received 
some  of  his  early  education  under  the  guidance  of 
John  Quipp.  Moreover,  he  had  the  priceless  advan- 
tage of  having  constantly  before  him  the  example  of 
the  industry  and  integrity  of  his  father — a  man  whose 
judgment  was  sought  and  trusted  in  the  valuation  of 
the  cattle  and  effects  of  his  neighbours,  and  whose 
testimony  was  recognized  to  be  of  weight  in  affairs 
concerning  the  interest  and  welfare  of  the  locality. 

The  wills  of  both  parents  of  the  Pastor  of  the 
Pilgrims  I  found  registered  in  York.  They  give  us 
authentic  information  as  to  the  family,  and  throw 
fresh  light  on  the  position  it  held  in  the  Sturton 
district. 


The  Will  of  John  Robinson's  Father 

Extracted   from  the   District   Probate   Registry   at   York 
attached  to  His  Majesty's  High  Court  of  Justice. 

"  In  the  Name  of  God  Amen  the  fourteenth  daye  of  March  in 
the  yeare  of  or  Lorde  God  one  thousand  sixe  hundred  and 


14  JOHN  ROBINSON 

thirteene  I  John  Robinson  of  Sturton  in  the  Countie  of 
Notts  Yeoman  beinge  weeke  of  bodie  but  of  good  and  perfect 
memorie  praise  bee  given  to  God  therefore  doe  make  and 
ordaine  this  my  last  Will  and  Testament  in  manner  and 
forme  followinge  That  is  to  say  First  I  bequeathe  my  soule 
to  Almightie  God  my  Creator  and  to  Iesus  Christ  my  Re- 
deemer by  whose  precious  blood  sheading  I  have  an  assured 
hope  of  salvation  and  my  body  to  the  earth  from  whence  it 
came. 

Itm  I  give  to  the  poore  of  Sturton  and  Fenton  sixe  pounde 
thirteen  shillinge  fourpence  to  bee  payed  wfchin  one  yeare  after 
my  decease 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeathe  unto  John  Robinson  my  eldest 
sonne  five  marks  and  his  wife  xx8  and  to  John  theire  sonne 
fourtie  shillings  and  to  everie  of  their  other  children  xx8 
apiece. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  William  Robinson  my 
Younger  sonne  one  hundred  and  five  pounds  and  to  the  wife 
of  the  said  William  xx8  to  everie  of  their  children  xx8. 

Itm  I  give  to  my  sonne  in  lawe  Roger  Lawson  xx11  wch 
he  owed  me  upon  condicon  that  he  performe  a  will  and  a 
guifte  wch  he  made  to  William  Pearte. 

Itm  I  give  to  William  Pearte  my  sonne  in  lawe  xx8  to  his 
wife  xx8  and  to  everie  one  of  theire  children  xx8. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  to  Richard  Barke  and  his  wyfe 
x8. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  to  John  Mytton  my  servant  tenne 
shillinge  and  to  Joane  Greene  ij*  vid. 

Itm  I  give  to  my  Cosen  William  Fenton  xs  and  to  his 
Daughter  my  Goddaughter  ij*  vjd. 

Itm  I  ordaine  and  make  my  lovinge  wyfe  Anne  Robinson 
my  whole  and  sole  Executrix  of  this  my  last  Will  and  Testa- 
ment to  whome  I  doe  give  and  bequeath  all  the  residue  of  my 
Goods  and  Cattels  not  before  by  me  given  and  bequeathed 
she  to  see  my  debts  and  legacies  satisfied  and  my  funerall 
expenses  discharged  And  lastly  I  desyre  my  lovinge  Cozen 
William  Fenton  my  lovinge  sonne  William  Peart  to  bee 
overseers  of  this  my  last  Will  and  Testament  in  Witness 
whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  the  daye  and  yeare 
above  written.  Red  signed  and  acknowledged  in  the  p'nce 
of  William  Fenton  Robert  Bishopp." 

On  the  19th  day  of  August  1614  the  Will  of  Iohn 
Robinson  late  of  Sturton  in  the  County  of  Nottingham 
Yeoman  deceased  was  proved  by  the  oath  of  Anne 
Robinson  the  Relict  and  sole  Executrix. 


BIRTHPLACE   AND   PARENTAGE  15 


Will  of  John  Robinson's  Mother 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  Amen,  the  sixteenth  day  of  October 
in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  God  1616.  I  Ann  Robinson  of 
Sturton  in  the  countye  of  Nottingham  widowe  beinge  aged 
and  weake  in  body  but  whole  and  sound  in  mynd  and  of  good 
and  p'fect  remembrance  thankes  be  to  Almightye  god  and 
perceiving  and  consideringe  the  instabilitye  of  this  vaine 
and  transitory  world  and  the  shortness  of  mannes  lyfe  therein 
doe  ordaine  and  make  this  my  last  will  and  testament  heareby 
revoking  and  absolutely  adnullinge  thereby  all  and  everye 
former  will  and  testament  by  me  in  anywise  heretofore  made 
in  manner  and  forme  followinge  that  is  to  say  ffirst  and 
principally  into  the  hands  of  Allmightye  Godd  my  creator 
redeemer  and  sanctifier  I  commend  my  soule  assuredly  hope- 
inge  and  trustinge  in  and  by  the  meritts  death  and  passion 
of  his  deare  sonne  Jesus  Christ  my  onely  lord  and  Saviour 
to  be  one  of  his  electe  and  blessed  Companye  in  the  kingdom 
of  heaven  and  by  noe  other  way  or  meanes  whatsoever. 

And  my  body  I  committ  to  the  earth  to  be  interred  or  buried 
in  the  p'ish  church  of  Sturton  be  foresaid  or  else  wheare  it  shall 
please  God  to  call  me  to  his  mercy. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  the  poore  people  of  Stourton 
and  ffenton  fortye  shilling  of  lawfull  money  of  England  to 
be  given  and  bestowed  at  my  funerall  at  the  disposition  of  my 
sonne  in  lawe  William  Pearte. 

Itm  I  give  unto  my  sonne  John  my  sonne  and  heire  apparent 
the  some  of  fortye  shillings  of  lyke  lawfull  money  of  Englande. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  Bridgett  Robinson  wife  to 
my  said  sonne  John  one  paire  of  lynninge  sheets  and  one  silver 
spoon. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  to  John  Robinson  sonne  of  my 
said  sonne  John  Robinson  the  some  of  fortye  shillings  and 
to  every  one  of  my  said  sonne  John  his  children  the  some  of 

XXs. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  said  sonne  John  Robinson 
all  the  pailes  railes  stoupes  gates  and  all  fences  round  about 
the  messuage  or  Toftstead  wherein  I  now  dwell  wth  all  and 
singular  rackes  and  maingers  beastes  houses  and  plowhows 
wth  all  the  glasse  about  the  said  messuage  to  remaine  and  be 
to  him  and  his  heires  for  ever. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  Ellen  my  sonne  William  his 
wife  one  paire  of  lyninge  sheets  and  a  silver  spoone  and  to 
every  one  of  his  children  twenty  shillings. 

Itm  I  give  unto  fower  of  the  children  of  my  sonne  in  law 


16  JOHN  ROBINSON 

William  Pearte  that  is  to  say  to  William,  Thomas,  Originall 
and  John  Pearte  everye  of  them  the  some  of  xx8. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  Mr.  Charles  White  of  Stourton 
ten  shillings  And  I  appoint  and  make  him  (as  I  trust  he  will 
be)  to  be  super vr  and  overseer  of  this  my  said  last  will  and 
testament. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  to  Marye  my  daughter  and  wife 
to  the  said  William  Pearte  all  my  wearinge  app'ell  wolle 
and  lynnen. 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  John  Robson  ijs  &  vjd.  Itm 
unto  Jone  Greene  s'vante  other  two  shillings  and  sixpence 

Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  said  sonne  William 
Robinson,  my  debts  legacies  and  funerall  expenses  pd  and 
discharged  all  and  singular  the  motye  [moiety]  and  halfe 
p'te  of  all  my  goods  cattails  and  chatties  quicke  and  deade 
moveable  and  unmoveable  of  what  kynd  quantity  or  quality 
soer  they  be  and  unbequeathed. 

And  I  make  and  ordaine  my  said  son  in  law  William  Pearte 
my  sole  executor  of  this  my  laste  will  and  testament  and  doe 
give  and  bequeath  unto  the  said  William  Pearte  all  and 
singular  the  other  motye  and  halfe  of  all  my  said  goods 
cattells  and  chattells  quicke  and  deade  moveable  and  un- 
moveable of  what  kynd  quantytye  or  qualitye  soever  they 
be  and  unbequeathed. 

In  witness  whereof  I  have  hereunto  set  my  hand  and  scale 
the  day  and  ye  are  ffirste  above  written.  These  beinge 
witnesses  George  Dickons  Robt  Byshopp  George  Halton." 

This  will  was  proved  by  the  oath  of  William  Pearte 
on  January  16,  1616-17,  and  probate  was  granted 
by  the  Exchequer  Court  of  York. 


CHAPTER  II 


john  robinson's  wife 


Another  household  of  Sturton  with  which  our 
story  is  concerned  is  that  of  the  Whites,  for  it  was 
from  this  family  that  John  Robinson,  the  pastor, 
eventually  took  his  bride,  in  the  person  of  Bridget 
White.  She  made  an  excellent  wife  and  mother. 
The  White  family  was  settled  at  Sturton  earlier  than 
the  Robinsons.  While  we  can  point  with  proba- 
bility to  the  grandfather  of  John  Robinson,  we  can 
do  so  with  certainty  to  the  grandfather  of  his  wife, 
who  was  Thomas  White,  sometime  bailiff  for  the 
manor  of  Sturton.  He  made  his  will,  October  14, 
1579,  directing  that  he  was  to  be  buried  "  in  the 
churche  or  churche  yeard  of  Sturton."  He  was  then 
a  widower,  and  his  will  gives  no  indication  of  his 
wife's  name  or  family.  The  main  bequests  are  as 
follows — 

"  I  will  and  bequeath  to  Alexander  Whyt  my  eldest  sonne 
all  my  Glass  and  paile  aboute  the  nowe  dwellingehouse  of  me 
the  abovesaid  Thomas  White  his  ffaither  and  also  my  best 
gowne." 

To  his  son  "John  Whyte "  he  left  his  "  ffurred 
gowne  " ;  to  his  son  William  "  a  Satten  dublet  and 
a  sleveles  damaske  coote  and  a  Jackett  of  marble  and 
a  pair  of  my  best  slivinge  hoise  "  ;  to  each  of  his  three 
daughters,  Elizabeth,  Mary  and  Jane,  "two  kyne  " ; 
to  Jane  Davis,  his  servant,  he  bequeathed  "  a  yonge 
waill  headed  white  cowe  and  xls  for  her  two  yeares 
waiges  and  four  quarters  of  barlye  and  the  bedd  which 
I  lye  in  and  all  the  furnyture  thereunto  belonging." 
Other  of  his  servants  were  suitably  remembered  with 
c  17 


18  JOHN  ROBINSON 

gifts  of  cattle  or  "  freese  cootes."  Then,  after  a 
bequest  of  xiij3  iiijd  "  to  the  poore  people  "  of  Sturton, 
"to  be  distributed  among  them  the  day  of  my 
funerall,"  the  residue  of  his  goods  he  gives  "  unto 
Alexander  Whyte  John  White  and  William  Whyte 
my  three  sonnes  to  be  equallie  divided  amongst 
them,"  and  with  a  schedule  of  debts  1  owing  and  due, 
and  instructions  to  Alexander  to  "  maike  John  Bowles 
lease  according  to  the  articles  before  drawn  for  xxi 
yeares,"  and  to  let  "  Willm  Davis  have  his  house  for 
the  terme  of  his  lyfe  payinge  for  the  same  xxs  by  the 
yeare,"  the  document  ends.  It  reveals  an  estate  of 
a  value  rather  higher  than  those  of  the  average 
yeomen  in  the  district. 

Soon  after  his  father's  death,  Alexander  White 
married  Eleanor  Smith  and  brought  her  to  his  home  in 
Sturton.  It  was  a  good  match.  Eleanor  Smith  was 
the  daughter  of  William  and  Katherine  Smith  of 
Honington,  in  the  county  of  Lincoln.  If  you  visit 
the  pleasantly-situated  church  of  St.  Wilfrid  at 
Honington,  standing  on  the  hill  behind  the  vicarage, 
you  can  see  the  tomb  erected  to  the  memory  of  her 
father,  with  a  full-length  brass  representing  William 
Smith  in  his  long  robe,  "  guarded  "  with  fur  or  velvet 
trimming  and  graced  with  a  collarette.  A  monogram 
is  on  each  side  of  his  head,  one  combining  the  initial 
letters  of  the  Christian  names  of  himself  and  his  wife, 
the  other  his  own. 

0 

The  inscription  tells  us  something  of  the  family. 

HERE  LIETH  WILLIAM  SMITH  ESQIER  WHO  DECESED  .  YE  . 
X  OF  .  FEBRVARY  .  AN  .  DO  .  MDLI  .  HE  MARIED  [KATHERINE 
DAVGHTER  OF]  AVGVSTINE  PORTER  OF  BELTON  ESQVIER  AND 
HAD  ISSVE  BY  HER  THRE  SONES  .  YT  .  IS  .  TO  .  SAYE  AVGVSTINE 
.  WILLIAM  .  AND  ED  MONDE  AND  THRE  DAVGHTERS  ELIZABETH 
.  ELENOR  .  Ct  .  MAGAET 

1  "  Itm  I  owe  unto  John  Curnell  for  a  horse  lvs,"  gives  us  an  idea  of  the 
current  value  of  horses. 


JOHN  ROBINSON'S   WIFE  19 

Something,  I  say,  but  not  all,  for  Katherine  Porter 
was  a  forceful  woman,  and  after  the  death  of  William 
Smith,  she  married  Thomas  Disney  of  Carlton-le- 
Moorland,  who  sat  in  the  Parliament  of  1563  as  member 
for  Boroughbridge.  She  had  borne  six  children  to  her 
first  husband,  and  now  had  another  family  of  equal 
number,  five  sons  and  a  daughter,  by  her  second. 
The  Disneys  played  a  prominent  part  in  Lincolnshire 
affairs. 

By  his  marriage  with  Eleanor  Smith,  Alexander 
White  was  brought  into  touch  with  several  prominent 
local  families.  His  wife's  sister  of  the  full  blood, 
Elizabeth  Smith,  married  Edward  Saltmarshe  of 
Strubby,  in  the  adjacent  county  of  Lincoln;  while 
her  sister  of  the  half-blood  was  married,  at  St. 
Margaret's,  Lincoln,  in  1577,  to  William  Monson,  a 
clergyman,  a  poorish  member  of  a  powerful  county 
family,  who,  perhaps  owing  to  his  large  number  of 
children,  or  a  reckless  habit  of  spending,  does  not 
seem  to  have  made  much  of  things,  and  died  early. 

Remembering  the  hospitable  customs  of  the  time, 
it  will  be  realized  that  there  were  plenty  of  good 
homes  in  the  counties  of  Notts,  and  Lincoln  open  to  the 
visitation  of  the  Whites.  But  the  energies  of  the 
young  couple  would  soon  be  absorbed  in  the  affairs 
of  their  own  household,  for  year  by  year  it  increased 
in  number.  First  came  a  daughter,  who  was  named 
Catherine,  after  her  grandmother.  She  was  destined 
to  cross  the  Atlantic  in  the  Mayflower  on  its  memorable 
voyage.  Then  came  a  son,  who  was  christened 
Charles;  a  daughter,  Bridget,  followed,  in  whom  we 
are  specially  interested,  then  three  younger  sons, 
Thomas  and  Roger  (of  whom  we  shall  hear  again  in 
Holland),  and  Edward,  and  the  family  closed  with 
daughters,  Jane  and  Frances,  both  of  whom  went  to 
Leyden  with  the  Pilgrim  Church.  In  spite  of  the 
increased  charges  and  responsibilities  which  his 
growing  family  brought,  Alexander  White  and  his 
wife  prospered  and  ventured  to  take  on  lease  proper- 
ties  at  some   distance  from   Sturton,  amongst   them 


20  JOHN  ROBINSON 

Beauvale  Abbey,  in  the  parish  of  Greasley.  When  John 
Thornhagh,  the  elder,  bought  eight  acres  of  land  on 
October  26,  1591,  from  George  Eaton  and  Francis 
Eaton,  of  Fenton,  for  £30,  Alexander  White,  together 
with  John  Thornhagh,  junior,  witnessed  the  deed. 

In  March  1594-5  Alexander  White  drew  up  his  will, 
and  must  have  died  soon  after,  as  it  was  proved  by 
his  widow  in  May  of  the  following  year.  An  abstract 
of  the  document  will  give  us  an  idea  of  the  standing  of 
the  family  and  the  piety  of  the  household. 

I  have  identified  the  residence  of  the  Whites  as 
the  house  and  farm  known  as  Wybornedale.  The 
form  now  used  in  the  parish  terrier  is  Wyberton,  and 
in  going  through  the  old  "  Town's  Book  "  the  variants 
Wybendale,  Wibaldon,  and  Warbendale  can  he  traced.1 
Fields  to  the  west  of  the  village,  bounded  by  Freeman's 
Lane  on  the  north  and  WTood  Lane  on  the  east,  still 
perpetuate  the  name. 

The  Will  of  John  Robinson's  Father-in-Law 

"  In  the  name  of  God  Amen  the  xvtb  day  of  Mche  in  the 
yeare  of  or  lord  1594  I  Alexander  White  of  Sturton  in  the 
County  of  Notts  beinge  holl  in  health  and  perfect  memory 
praised  be  God  therefore,  do  ordaine  constitute  and  make  this 
my  last  will  and  testament  in  mannr  and  forme  followinge. 
First  I  comend  my  soule  into  the  hands  of  the  liveinge  god 
my  Creat?  and  maker  most  humbly  beseechinge  him  for  his 
deare  Sonn  Jesus  Christ  his  sake  my  Redeemer  to  accept 
the  same  by  whose  death  and  passion  I  stedfastly  believe  my 
sinnes  shalbe  remitted  and  pardoned  and  the  wrath  of  God 
his  father  against  me  for  the  same  appeased  and  by  whose 
resurrection  and  assention  I  likewise  stedfastly  trust  before 
his  matte  both  in  soule  and  body  at  the  last  day  to  be  justified 
in  the  meantime  my  body  to  be  buried  in  the  earth  when  and 
where  it  shall  please  God  to  appoint  and  for  such  porcon  of 
these  vaine  transitory  and  earthly  goods  as  it  hath  pleased 
the  lord  in  his  goodness  to  make  me  Steward  of  for  the 
stablishinge  of  my  conscience  and  quietinge  of  my  wyfe  and 
children  so  farr  as  the  same  shall  extend  I  will  shall  be 
divided  and  bequeathed  in  such  sorte  as  in  this  my  pn)te 
will  shalbe  declared  and  appointed  First  I  will  that  all  my 

1  Letter  dated  September  15,  1916,  from  Mr,  S,  Ingham,  of  Sturton-le- 
Steeple. 


JOHN  ROBINSON'S   WIFE  21 

debtes  be  dewly  and  truly  paied  at  such  dayes  and  tymes 
as  the  same  is  or  shalbe  dew  Item  I  give  to  the  poore  people 
of  Sturton  xxs  to  my  sister  Palliley  xxs  and  every  one  of  her 
and  my  Sister  pooles  children  one  ewe  lamb  To  Thomas 
Laicock  over  and  besides  his  child  parte  in  my  handes  xxs 
Item  I  give  unto  the  Children  of  my  brother  John  White 
and  Willm  White  foure  pounds  yearely  of  the  cofnoditie  of 
my  lease  at  Wragby  equally  to  be  devided  amongst  them 
dureinge  the  continuance  of  the  said  lease.  Item  I  give  unto 
my  sonn  Charles  White  all  my  seelinge  stuffe  timber  stone 
troughes  glass  pale  and  Rale  about  my  house  Item  I  give 
unto  every  one  of  my  Daughters  Katherin  Bridget  Jane  and 
Frances  one  hundred  marks  of  lawful  English  money  to  be 
paid  them  when  they  shall  accomplish  the  age  of  xxjtie  years 
and  if  any  of  them  dye  before  that  age  then  the  parte  of  that 
dead  one  to  be  devided  amongst  the  rest  of  my  Children 
Item  I  give  to  every  one  of  my  youngr  Sonnes  Thomas,  Roger, 
and  Edward  White  Two  yeares  profitt  of  my  lease  at  Muskhm 
and  Carleton  and  to  every  one  of  them  one  annutie  or  yearely 
Rent  of  five  poundes  of  lawfull  English  money  to  be  taken 
out  of  my  lands  and  tenemts  in  Sturtonne  to  have  and  to  hold 
severally  unto  every  one  of  them  and  their  assigns  after  such 
tymes  as  he  or  they  shall  accomplish  the  age  of  xxjtie  yeares 
the  said  Annall  rent  of  v11  yearly  to  every  one  of  them  for 
and  during  their  naturall  lives  provided  alwaies  that  my 
meaninge  is  that  the  survivors  of  them  shall  have  but  his  or 
their  onely  rent  of  v11  yearly  and  the  particular  v11  to  sease 
at  the  death  of  every  one  of  them.  The  Residew  of  all  my 
landes  Messuages  tenemts  and  other  hereditaments  whatsoever 
in  Sturton  and  Littlebrough  and  also  of  all  my  Goods  and 
cattells  moveable  and  immovable  I  give  and  bequeath  unto 
Ellener  my  loveinge  wife  whome  I  make  sole  Executrix  of 
this  my  last  will  and  Testament  and  tutor  and  garden  of  all 
my  said  Children  towards  her  maintennce  and  bringing 
up  of  my  said  Children  and  dureinge  her  naturall  life  yielding 
&  paying  unto  my  said  sonne  Charles  and  if  he  die  unto  my 
next  heir  twentie  marks  yearly  at  the  Feast  of  St  Michael 
the  Archangell  and  annunciation  of  the  blessed  Virgin  Ste 
Marie  after  such  tyme  as  he  or  they  shall  accomplish  the  age 
of  xxi  years  and  also  the  said  annuities  of  v11  yearly  to  my 
young1  sonnes  as  is  aforesaid  and  if  it  please  God  my  wyfe  be 
married  after  my  said  sonne  and  heir  shall  accomplish  his 
said  [age]  of  xxjtie  yeares  then  my  will  is  that  my  said  sonne 
and  heir  shall  have  and  hold  all  my  said  lands  messuages  and 
tenements  in  Sturton  and  Littlebrough  if  he  will  and  pay 
therefore  unto  my  said  Wyfe  dureinge  her  naturall  life  xx1* 


22  JOHN   ROBINSON 

yearcly  of  lawfull  English  money  and  also  the  said  annuities 
of  v11  yearly  unto  my  said  Younger  children  and  if  the  said 
annuities  of  v11  yearly  be  not  payd  unto  my  said  Youngr 
sonne[s]  yearely  as  I  have  appointed  at  the  Feast  of  St 
Michael  and  thannunciation  of  the  Blessed  Virgin  St  Marie 
or  wthin  xv  dayes  after  either  of  the  said  Feastes  by  even 
porcons  then  my  finall  will  is  that  my  said  Youngr  Sonnes 
Thomas  Roger  and  Edward  shall  have  and  hould  all  that  my 
Messuage  in  nethr  Sturton  and  all  lande  meadows  and  pastures 
thereto  belonging  untill  they  be  satisfied  of  the  said  yearly 
rent  and  the  arrerages  thereof  if  any  be. 

Witnesses  Robert  Poole  Charles  White. 

On  the  6th  day  of  Maij  1596  the  Will  of  Alexander 
White  late  of  Sturton  in  the  County  of  Notts  was  proved 
by  the  Oath  of  Ellcnore  White  widow  the  Relict  and  sole 
Executrix." 

Soon  after  her  father's  death  Catherine  White  was 
married  to  George  Leggatt,  a  member  of  a  yeoman 
family  long  settled  at  Sturton,  and  soon  the  widowed 
Eleanor  White  attained  the  dignity  of  "  grandmother  " 
by  the  advent  of  a  daughter  to  the  home  of  the 
Leggatts,  who  was  named  Marie.  Before  many 
years  had  passed  Catherine  Leggatt  lost  her  husband, 
and  in  course  of  time  she  married  John  Carver.  It 
was  a  happy  choice.  Carver  I  take  to  have  belonged 
to  a  family  represented  in  the  Sturton  district  in  the 
time  of  Henry  VIII,  at  which  period  the  name  occurs 
in  the  Rolls.  I  do  not  think  the  Carvers  held  land. 
But  Carver  was  skilled  in  farm  management,  and 
Catherine  found  him  of  the  greatest  possible  service 
in  the  management  of  the  estate  which  her  first 
husband  left  her.  Carver,  quiet  and  dependable,  had 
sound  common  sense,  and  made  her  a  good  husband. 
He  won  the  affection  and  regard  of  John  Robinson, 
and  it  was  on  account  of  his  solid  merit  that  he  was 
chosen  as  the  first  governor  of  the  Plymouth  Colony. 

With  the  marriage  of  her  eldest  sister  a  great  deal 
of  responsibility  would  be  thrown  upon  Bridget, 
the  second  daughter  in  the  White  family.  There 
were  many  mouths  to  provide  for,  many  limbs  to 


JOHN  ROBINSON'S   WIFE  23 

clothe,  and  a  large  house,  for  those  days,  to  be  kept 
in  order.  Bridget  received  a  thorough  drilling  in 
all  household  arts  under  her  mother's  careful  guidance, 
much  to  the  advantage  of  the  future  home  of  the 
pastor  of  the  Pilgrim  Church,  where  the  cares  of  the 
house  were  lifted  from  the  master's  shoulders,  and 
his  mind  left  free  for  his  pastoral  work. 

But  the  health  of  Eleanor  White  was  failing  under 
the  strain  of  caring  for  so  large  a  family,  and,  like  the 
wise  woman  that  she  was,  she  sought  to  set  her 
affairs  in  order  and  make  what  provision  she  could 
for  the  welfare  of  her  infant  children.  On  April  7, 
1599,  she  made  her  will,  and  died  within  the  next 
few  months.  The  document,  with  its  concern  for 
details  of  the  house  and  its  furnishing,  bears  the 
woman's  touch,  and  gives  us  a  good  idea  of  the 
plenishing  and  equipment  of  the  home  in  which  John 
Robinson  was,  no  doubt,  a  frequent  visitor. 

Eleanor  White  here  describes  herself  as  "  late  wife 
of  Alexander  White  of  Sturton."  The  preamble 
follows  the  same  form  as  that  in  her  husband's  will. 
We  may  note  the  following  bequests — 

"  I  give  to  my  daughter  Janie  *  White  over  and  besides 
the  porcon  given  her  by  her  father  xxxiij11  vjs  viijd  "  and  a 
like  amount  in  like  terms  "  to  my  daughter  ffrancis  White." 

To  "  my  sonne  Charles  White  fowerr  standing  bedsteades, 
fower  covred  stooles  of  one  sorte,  fower  cushens  sutable,  one 
cupbord  in  the  best  chamber  and  another  cupbord  in  the 
great  chamber  two  tables  wth  there  frames  and  two  joyned 
ch aires  there ;  one  great  chist  in  my  owne  chamber  .  .  All 
the  tables  cupboarde  stooles  and  formes  in  the  Hall  a  Vallence 
of  needlework  five  silk  curtaines  two  of  my  best  fether- 
bedds  two  bolsters  two  payre  of  fustian  pill  owes  two  good 
mattresses  two  pair  of  my  best  blankitts  my  best  counterpoint 
wth  three  of  my  best  covrlets  six  paire  of  lynnen  sheets  and 
six  paire  of  pillow  beares  marked  with  a  C  two  dozen  of  table 
napkins  two  broad  table  clothes  two  cupbord  clothes  my 
maryage  Ringe,  my  silver  salte,  one  bowl  one  pott  p'cell 
guilt  and  six  silver  spoones,  all  his  fathers  bookes,  all  my 

1  The  mother's  affectionate  diminutive  for  her  daughter  in  place  of  the 
father's  plain  Jane. 


24  JOHN   ROBINSON 

brassc  and  my  pewther  wth  dishbricke  1  and  all  boords  and 
cupbords  in  the  kitchen  and  buttry,  all  my  housells  Imple- 
m[en]ts  of  husbandrie,  ymplements  belonging  to  the  stable 
to  the  brewhouse  to  the  backhouse  kilnehouse,  oxehouse  and 
cowhouse  and  evrye  of  them. 

Itm  all  the  rest  of  the  benefitt  and  yearly  profitt  of  my 
lease  at  Muskham  2  not  given  by  my  husband  I  give  and 
bequeath  to  my  three  sonnes  Thomas,  Roger  and  Edward 
whereof  my  will  is  that  as  ev'ry  of  my  said  sonnes  shall 
accomplish  the  aige  of  xiiij  yeares  xx»  shalbe  bestowed 
towards  the  binding  of  them  apprentices  at  London  in  sure 
good  places  ....  if  my  Executors  and  Supervisors  shall 
think  them  fitt  to  be  put  for  prentices  and  if  not  then  the 
said  money  to  be  bestowed  for  there  best  advantage  .... 
till  they  come  to  xxjtie  yeares  of  aige. 

Itm  I  give  to  my  said  three  sonnes  Thomas,  Roger,  and 
Edward  besides  all  the  benefltt  of  my  lease  of  MuskEm 
evrye  one  of  them  xx1*  to  be  put  furth  by  my  exors  .  .  to 
there  best  p'fitt  and  advantage  as  they  shall  accomplish  there 
sevrall  aiges  of  fifteene  yeares. 

Itm  I  give  to  my  sonne  Legatt  and  his  wife  [Catherine] 
tenne  pounde  betwixt  them  and  to  theire  daughter  Marie 
Legatt  x11  wch  I  will  shalbe  putt  furth  for  her  best  advantage 
when  shee  shall  come  to  her  aige  of  tenne  years  ...... 

to  my  five  youngest  children  Thomas,  Roger,  Edward, 
Janie,  and  ffrancis  xij11  xs  a  yeare  out  of  my  lease  at  Beavall 
for  seven  yeares  after  my  deathe. 

To  my  daughter  Legatt  two  paire  of  lynnen  sheets  one  longe 
needleworke  cushen  and  two  paire  of  pillowbeares  3  in  full 
satisfaccon  of  her  childes  porcon. 

Itm  I  give  to  my  daughter  Bridgett  fiftie  pounde  in  money 
ij  paire  of  lynnen  sheets  ij  paire  of  pillowbeeres  two  table- 
clothes  one  longe  needleworke  cushen  a  dozen  of  napkins 
two  lynnen  towells  and  my  newe  silvr  bowle  ....  to  my 
daughter  Janie  one  silvr  spoone  two  paire  of  lynnen  sheetes 
and  two  paire  of  pillowbeeres  ...  to  my  daughter  Francis 
one  silvr  spoone  guilt,  ij  paire  of  lynnen  sheets  and  two  paire 
of  pillowbeeres. 

Itm  I  will  that  the  porcon  given  to  my  daughter  Janie  by 
her  father's  will  and  myne  shalbe  paid  within  one  yeare 
after  my  death  and  put  furth  ...  to  her  best  profitt  and 

1  Earthenware  or  crockery. 

2  There  are  two  Muskhams,  North  and  South,  parishes  of  Notts.,  near 
Newark. 

3  Pillow-cases  in  modem  English. 


JOHN  ROBINSON'S   WIFE  25 

advantage  till  her  maryage  or  full  aige  of  xxi  yeares  .  .  . 
of  the  profitt  I  do  allott  v11  yearlie  for  her  maintenance  and 
the  rest  to  go  forward  to  the  increase  of  her  porcon. 

Francis  her  full  porcon  shalbe  paid  within  one  yeare  next 
after  my  death  to  my  sonne  Leggatt  to  her  use  if  his  wife 
be  then  livinge  unto  whom  I  committ  the  bringinge  upp  of  my 
said  daughter  [I  allot]  vu  yearlie  for  her  bringing  up  and 
mayntenance  [the  balance  was  to  go  forward] 

I  bequeath  to  my  brother  *■  Willm  Smith  vj11  xiij9  iiijd 
to  be  paid  within  one  yeare  after  my  deathe  if  he  depart  this 
life  before  receipt  thereof  then  I  will  it  shalbe  equallie  divided 
amongst  his  children. 

Itm  I  give  to  my  sister 2  Saltmarshe  one  hooped  gold 
ringe  ...  to  my  nephew  Thomas  Dysney  3  xxs  in  money 
...  to  every  one  of  my  sister  Mounsons  children  vs  a  peice 
....  at  their  several!  aiges  of  xxite  yeares  ...  to  my 
servante  Anthony  xl8  in  money  .  .  .  every  one  of  my  other 
servants  ijs  vjd  apeice  to  the  poore  of  Sturton  x8  .  .  .  every 
one  of  my  god  children  ij8  vjd  ...  to  my  cosen  Robert  Poole 
my  best  gelding  or  ells  in  money  vj11  xiij8  iiijd  .  .  .  my  cosen 
Thomas  Laycocke  4  x8." 

Eleanor  White  left  all  the  residue  to  her  son,  Charles 
White,  and  makes  him  sole  executor,  committing — 

"  the  tuicon  custody  and  bringing  upp  of  all  my  five  youngest 
children  unto  him  and  I  appoint  my  brother  Edward  Salt- 
marshe, my  brother  Thomas  Dysney  5  and  my  cosen  Robert 
Poole  sup'visors  thereof  to  whom  I  committ  my  said  sonne 
Charles  and  the  execucon  of  my  Will  untill  by  lawe  my  said 
sonne  Charles  may  .  .  .  execute  the  same  And  I  give  to  either 
of  my  said  brethren  two  Aungells  of  gold. 

[Signed]  In  the  presence  of  Bridgett  White,  George  Legatt, 
Anthony  Greene  smith." 


1  This  was  William  Smith  of  Honington,  Co.  Lincoln,  her  old  home. 

2  Her  sister  Elizabeth. 

3  This  was  Thomas  Disney  (bap.  September  8,  1579),  a  much  married 
man:  (1)  to  Ursula  Peterson  of  Deptford,  (2)  Elizabeth  Denman  of  Notts., 
(3)  Bridget,  daughter  of  Anthony  Nevile,  of  Mattersey  Abbey. 

4  The  Lacocks  possessed  land  in  Sturton  in  the  time  of  Henry  VIII  and 
served  under  him  in  France.     Their  motto  was  "  Verus  Honor  Honestas." 

5  Thomas  Disney,  half-brother  of  Eleanor  White,  fourth  son  of  her  mother 
Katherine  (Porter)  (Smith).  He  settled  at  Newark,  and  was  buried  there 
May  31,  1623. 


26  JOHN  ROBINSON 

Probate  of  the  will  was  granted  August  2,  1599, 
by  Dr.  George  Ormerod,  Dean  of  Retford,  to  Charles 
White. 

Nothing  could  give  us  a  better  idea,  in  the  same 
compass,  than  this  document,  of  the  type  of  home 
from  which  John  Robinson  took  his  bride.  Later 
on  we  shall  see  how  some  of  the  money  here  be- 
queathed was  eventually  invested  in  the  purchase 
of  the  house  at  Leyden,  which  became  the  dwelling- 
place  of  John  and  Bridget  Robinson  and  the  home  of 
the  Pilgrim  Church. 


CHAPTER  III 

john  robinson's  boyhood 

We  have  said  enough  about  the  locality  in  which 
John  Robinson  was  brought  up,  and  the  families  of 
Sturton  and  the  district,  to  enable  us  to  picture  him 
in  his  boyhood.  There  was  plenty  to  interest  a 
bright  lad  in  the  life  of  the  district.  We  can  picture 
him  running  round  to  John  Halton,  the  shoemaker, 
with  his  sister's  shoes  to  be  mended,  or  watching 
Richard  Smyth,  the  painter,  at  his  work.  When  the 
perambulation  of  the  parish  boundaries  took  place 
he  would  be  there,  tramping  along  with  John  Quipp 
and  his  parish  officers  "  to  the  middle  of  Stafford 
Bridge."  He  would  help  to  drive  stray  cattle  and 
horses  to  the  Sturton  pound  with  the  pinder,  and 
accompany  his  father  at  times  to  Gainsborough 
market  to  sell  the  corn,  or  to  Retford  to  sell  their 
kine.  Above  all,  we  think  of  him  on  the  quiet  Sunday 
mornings  accompanying  his  father  and  mother  to 
the  fine  old  parish  church,  where  the  child's  sense  of 
awe  and  wonder  would  be  drawn  out  into  reverence 
as  his  thoughts  were  turned  to  the  sacred  mysteries 
and  awful  responsibilities  of  life. 

He,  with  other  village  children,  was  there  when 
weddings  were  afoot,  and  when  the  bells  tolled  for 
a  funeral 1  he  went  hushed  yet  curious  to  the  grave- 
yard to  see  the  last  burial  rites,  and  then  turned  with 
his  playmates  to  catch  the  minnows  in  the  Oswald  Beck. 
That  stream  has  run  on  from  Saxon  times  to  these  in 
the  same  channel  and  under  the  same  name,  a  type 

1  "  Four  shillings  to  them  that  helpe  to  ringe  the  bells  for  me  the  day  of 
my  buriall."     Will  of  Wm.  Flower  of  Sturton,  June  29,  1602. 

27 


28  JOHN  ROBINSON 

of  the  children  of  our  race — ever  changing  yet  ever 
the  same,  ever  passing  yet  always  renewed. 

If  you  want  to  know  how  the  people  talked  in 
Sturton  in  those  days,  here  are  two  illustrative  bits 
of  conversation  straight  from  the  time — 

"  Memorandum,  22  Jan.  1608,  William  Hopkinson  of  North 
Leverton  husbandman  being  weak  in  body  but  of  sane 
memory  did  by  word  of  mouth  declare  his  last  will  .  .  in 
this  wise,  vidz  Edmund  Greene  first  and  then  John  Roydhous 
moving  him  to  make  his  will  (quod  hee  the  said  Willm.) 
I  will  make  no  scribble  scrabble  I  geve  to  my  son  and 
my  daughter  either  of  them  two  shillings  and  my  blessinge 
in  satisfaction  of  their  portions  and  so  god  speed  them  well 
and  I  give  to  Christopher  Bomby  one  bushell  of  wheate 
when  god  sends  it  of  the  ground. 

"  And  being  then  minded  of  his  wife  he  answered  and  said 
she  knoweth  my  debts  I  know  not  hers  she  shall  have  the 
rest  of  my  goods  and  be  my  executor."  Act  Book,  Southwell 
Peculiar,  vol.  B.  f.  685. 

"  Memorandum  that  upon  the  18th  day  of  January  1609 
Robert  Shacklock,  Jenat  Webster  and  Katherine  Murre 
beinge  att  the  house  of  one  Willm.  Smyth  of  Sturton  whoe 
then  lyinge  under  the  visitacon  of  the  Allmighty  the  said 
Jannatt  Webster  being  sister  to  the  said  Will"*,  asked  him 
how  he  felte  himselfe  he  answered  c  sister  I  sente  for  you 
that  I  mighte  take  my  leave  of  you  for  I  felte  my  paines 
soe  great  that  I  am  not  in  hope  to  recover.'  Then  she 
willed  him  to  remember  his  daughters  he  aunswered  againe 
and  saide  as  for  my  daughter  Harrison  I  have  remembered 
her  alreadye.  Then  his  wief  standing  by  said  unto  him 
'  husband  whatsoever  you  will  give  them  I  will  p' forme  yt ' 
who  answeringe  againe  said  '  Doll  I  found  the[e]  lyke  a 
woeman  and  I  will  leave  the  lyke  one  therefore  I  leave  all 
and  give  all  unto  the  to  dispose  of  all  as  thou  shalte  think 
good.     And  I  make  the  my  executor."  * 

It  is  not  known  what  school  John  Robinson  attended. 
There  were  schools  at  Retford,  Gainsborough  and 
Lincoln  of  some  standing,  where  a  preparation  for 
the  University  and  a  grounding  in  Latin  could  be  got, 

1  The  Court  took  this  as  a  good  will,  and  granted  probate  to  Dorothy 
Smyth  accordingly.  York  Probate  Registry,  Register  Book,  Wills,  vol.  xxxi. 
f.  317. 


BOYHOOD  29 

and  I  have  thought  that  the  references  to  Robinson 
as  from  Lincolnshire  may  have  arisen  from  his  atten- 
dance at  the  Gainsborough  or  Lincoln  schools,  but 
the  Admission  Registers  of  these  grammar  schools  do 
not  go  back  sufficiently  far  to  decide  the  point.  He 
refers  in  his  works  to  the  "  posing  of  schoolboys  "  as 
though  it  were  something  familiar  in  his  experience. 
We  may  take  it  that  his  progress  in  school-learning, 
whether  at  Sturton  or  elsewhere,  led  his  parents  to 
feel  that  he  was  fitted  to  take  advantage  of  a  further 
course  of  study.  If  the  Smiths  could  send  their  boy 
to  college,  surely  the  Robinsons  could  do  the  same. 
So  when  the  time  came  to  decide  on  young  John 
Robinson's  course  after  his  schooldays,  his  parents 
resolved  to  send  him  to  Cambridge.  His  father  was 
still  in  the  prime  of  life  and  well  established  in  Sturton, 
so  he  would  have  less  desire  to  retain  the  young  lad 
to  help  him  on  his  land.  There  must  have  been 
consultations  with  his  schoolmaster  and  probably 
with  the  vicar  of  the  parish  as  to  the  boy's  capacities 
and  future  career.  His  bent  for  books  and  love  of 
learning  pointed  to  a  college  course  as  promising  good 
results.  When  once  that  was  determined  on,  the 
choice  of  Cambridge  would  naturally  follow,  for  the 
tradition  and  custom  of  the  district  had  brought  it 
into  closer  touch  with  that  University  than  with 
Oxford.  The  Neviles  of  South  Leverton  had  gone 
up  to  Cambridge  and  were  doing  well.  Antony 
Hickman  of  Gainsborough  was  there,  and  young 
John  Smith  of  Sturton  had  by  this  time  taken  his 
degree  of  Bachelor  of  Arts  and  was  well  on  the  way 
to  a  fellowship.  Moreover  Roger  (&.1576)  and  Francis 
Manners  (b.  1578),  sons  of  the  late  Earl  of  Rutland, 
were  both  at  Cambridge.  Roger  had  been  at  Queen's 
College  under  John  Jegon,  and  moved  with  him  when 
he  became  Master  of  Corpus  Christi  in  1590,  and  there 
Francis  joined  him.  Thither  it  was  decided  John 
Robinson  should  go.  We  can  picture  the  excitement 
in  the  Robinson  household  at  Sturton  when  the 
arrangements  for  young  John's  journey  to  Cambridge 


30  JOHN   ROBINSON 

were  complete  and  the  day  of  his  departure  drew  near. 
His  mother's  distress  at  parting  from  him  would  be 
tempered  by  a  feeling  of  pride  at  his  becoming  a 
collegian  and  by  her  hopes  for  his  future.  In  all 
likelihood  she  pictured  him  already  in  the  pulpit. 
There  were  leave-takings  with  companions  in  the 
village,and  presents  of  money  from  old  John  Thornhagh 
of  Fenton  Hall  and  other  of  his  father's  friends  to 
help  him  on  his  way.  And  as  he  left  bright  and  early 
in  the  fresh  spring  morning  to  join  other  hopeful 
scholars  on  the  great  North  Road  bound  for  the 
University,  I  think  it  likely  that  little  Bridget  White, 
seeing  but  unseen,  would  watch  him  out  of  sight. 

The  students  in  those  days  arranged  to  travel  up 
together,  both  for  the  sake  of  company  and  for  safety. 
They   often   carried   with   them  their   allowance    for 
the  term,  and  highway  robbers  were  well  aware  of 
the    fact.    Journeying    southward    through    Newark, 
Grantham,  Stamford  and  Peterborough  by  easy  stages 
they  would  at  last  strike  the  old  Roman  Road,  the 
Via  Devana,  which  ran  across  country  from  Chester 
to  Colchester.     Following  this  ancient  line  of  traffic, 
they  soon  reached  Huntingdon,  and  continued  on  the 
road  thence  towards  Cambridge.    As  they  came  over  the 
hill  by  Cambridge  Castle,  the  town  on  the  far  side  of 
the  river,  with  its  noble  buildings,  was  spread  out 
before  them.     No  young  lad  coming  up  to  the  Univer- 
sity could  fail  to  be  impressed  by  his  first  view  of  the 
town.     Young  Robinson,  it  is  true,  would  know  the 
magnificent  cathedral  of  Lincoln  and  the  fine  parish 
churches  of  the  district  in  which  he  was  reared,  but 
this    wonderful    assemblage    of    collegiate    buildings, 
hostels,  and  churches  was  bound  to  arrest  his  attention. 
How  eagerly  he  would  look  about  him  as  he  and  his 
new  friends  came  down  the  Castle  Hill  and  through 
Monks'  Place  to  the  Great  Bridge  !     Crossing  the  river 
he  would  pass  along  to  St.  Sepulchre's  Church,  where 
he  probably  turned  to  the  right  into  what  was  then 
the  High  Street,  leading  to  the  heart  of  the  town. 
Then,  passing  round  by  the  old  church  of  St.  Benedict, 


BOYHOOD  31 

familiarly  known  as  Benet  Church,  into  Luthburne 
Lane,  he  would  find  the  approach  to  the  College  of 
Corpus  Christi  on  his  right.  It  passed  beneath  a 
gallery  leading  from  the  college  to  an  oratory  con- 
nected with  the  church.  Turning  up  this  somewhat 
narrow  approach,  he  came  to  an  arched  entrance  on 
his  left  hand,  which  led  him  into  the  courtyard  of  the 
college  which  was  to  be  for  him  a  second  home  for 
many  years  to  come. 


Note. — From  evidence  given  in  a  dispute  as  to  a  u  close  " 
of  land  on  the  borders  of  Sturton  and  South  Wheatley  in 
1638  we  have  a  glimpse  of  Sturton  life  in  Robinson's  boyhood. 
The  close  known  as  "  Woodhouse  Field,"  "  Woodhouse  Waste," 
or  "  Beck  Close,"  was  claimed  by  Sir  Francis  Thornhagh  as 
parcel  of  his  manor  of  Oswaldbeck.  Richard  Smyth  of 
Sturton,  4t  paynter,"  aged  about  seventy-two,  testified  that 
in  or  about  1578  it  was  unenclosed,  and  he  had  known 
"  John  Toppin  and  after  him  Willm  Midleton,  heardsmen  of 
Stourton,  staffe-heard  and  keepe  swine  in  the  saide  p'cell  of 
ground  in  the  fallowe  yeares  and  in  the  open  time  of  the 
yeare."  And  Richard  Spencer  of  North  Leverton,  "  laborer," 
aged  sixty,  said  that  about  1591  he  had  seen  "  the  swine- 
heard  of  Stourton  keepe  the  Town  swine  in  the  place  now 
in  question,  and  that  he  did  so  long  agoe  kepet  a  flocke  of 
sheepe  in  the  same  ground  without  interupcon  of  any."  l 
We  may  be  sure  that  John  Robinson,  as  a  boy,  would  be  in 
at  the  pig-killings,  and  be  ready  to  lend  a  hand  in  driving 
the  swine  and  sheep  to  and  from  the  waste. 

In  another  case,  of  the  year  1636,  Laurence  Smith  of 
Sturton,  husbandman,  sixty-six  years  and  more,  deposed  that 
about  1603  he  had  been  bailiff  of  the ct  Manor  of  Oswaldbecke." 
He  mentioned  the  "common  pound  in  Stourton"  reputed 
to  be  within  the  Manor  of  Oswaldbec  Soke.  It  was  always 
repaired  by  the  tenants  of  that  Manor.  He  declared  "  the 
said  Comon  Pounde  hath  stood  in  the  place  where  it  now  is 
for  aboue  fiftie  yeares  to  this  deponent['s]  remembrance."  2 
The  pound  was  there,  then,  in  Robinson's  youth. 

1  Exchequer  Depositions,  Notts.  13,  Charles  I.  Mich.  The  evidence  was 
taken  at  East  Retford,  Sept.  28,  1638. 

2  Ibid.,  Notts.,  Mich.  5,  xi.  Charles  I. 


CHAPTER  IV 

LIFE    AT    CAMBRIDGE 

"  The  House  of  Scholars  of  Corpus  Christi  and  Blessed 
Mary  "  was  already  a  venerable  institution  in  Robinson's 
day.  It  could  boast  of  no  royal  or  lordly  founder,  for 
the  initial  impulse  which  led  to  its  foundation  came  from 
the  brethren  and  members  of  the  Guild  of  Corpus 
Christi.  The  idea  of  forming  a  college  seems  to  have 
been  broached  about  the  year  1342,  when  preparatory 
steps  for  securing  and  clearing  a  site  were  taken  by 
members  of  this  guild  living  in  the  parishes  of  St. 
Benedict  and  St.  Botolph.  They  were  soon  joined 
in  the  scheme  by  the  members  of  another  Cambridge 
guild — the  Guild  of  St.  Mary  the  Virgin.  Their  joint 
efforts  were  successful  in  securing  letters  patent  from 
Edward  III  in  1352  establishing  the  college.  Formal 
recognition  by  the  Chancellor  and  Masters  of  the 
University  and  by  the  Bishop  and  Prior  of  Ely 
followed  three  years  later.  It  was  not  long  before 
the  collegiate  buildings  of  Corpus  Christi  were  put  up  in 
the  form  of  a  quadrangle — a  style  that  became  preva- 
lent in  later  colleges — much  on  the  lines  of  the  larger 
manorial  houses  of  the  period.  If  the  visitor  pene- 
trates to  the  "  Old  Court  "  of  the  college,  he  will  see 
around  him  to-day  substantially  the  same  set  of 
buildings  as  those  originally  put  up,  and  on  which  the 
eyes  of  Robinson  also  rested.  The  southern  range  of 
buildings  held  the  kitchen,  buttery,  Hall,  and  Master's 
Lodge,  which  communicated  both  with  the  library 
at  the  junction  with  the  eastern  range  and  also  with 
the   common   parlour  below.     The   chambers   of  the 


SKETCH  PLAN  OF 

CORPUS    CHRISTI   or    BENET    COLLEGE 

AND  NEIGHBOURING  BUILDINGS 
IN  THE  TIME  OF 

JOHN  ROBINSON 


lOSO. 
1260 
14" *  IS" Centuries. 


A    Tower  circa 
Nave    circa 
C   Chambers, 

D.  Kitchen. 

E.  Buttery    &  Pantry 

F.  Old  Hall. 

G. Masters    Lodge  &   Parlour 
H.  Library. 
I .  Gallery  Corridor. 
J. Chapels  in  two  stories. 
K.  Entrance   to    College 
L.S' Bernards  Hostel,  founded    by 

Andrew  Dockett,  incorporated  1445. 
the  precurror  of  Queen's  College. 
M  Corpus  Chnsti Coll.  Bakehouse   1457. 
Tennis  Court  1474. 
Pensionary  1569 
Removed  in  1823  when    the 
New  Court     was  designed  t  built. 
M  Masters   Gallery      1544-54. 
0   Old  Houses. 


John  Bartholomew  &  Son.  Ltd 


LIFE   AT  CAMBRIDGE  33 

other  members  of  the  college  ran  round  the  other  sides 
of  the  "  quad."  There  was  no  elaborate  gateway  or 
tower,  but  a  simple  arched  entrance  in  the  northern 
range  of  building  giving  on  to  Benet  churchyard. 
Though  the  work  is  said  to  have  been  finished  "  in 
the  days  of  Richard  Tret  on,  the  second  Master,"  the 
walls  were  bare,  the  windows  imperfectly  glazed,  and 
mother  earth  served  as  the  floor  for  the  ground  storey 
until  the  mastership  of  Matthew  Parker,  1544-53, 
when  much  was  done  to  add  to  the  comfort  and  home- 
liness of  the  college.  A  bequest  by  Henry  Aldrich 
of  Norwich  in  1593  seems  to  point  to  the  remembrance 
of  cheerless  and  shivery  days  in  Hall :  "  out  of  his  great 
regard  for  his  old  college  of  Corpus  Christi,  he  left  £40 
to  provide  charcoal  for  the  Hall  fire  from  Candlemas 
till  thirty  days  after."  The  college  was  small,  but  had 
been  greatly  helped  by  the  benefactions  of  Archbishop 
Matthew  Parker  and  Sir  Nicholas  Bacon,  and  had  the 
promise  of  a  good  training-ground  for  such  a  youth  as 
John  Robinson. 

The  church  of  St.  Benedict  was  closely  associated  with 
the  college,  and  was  used  in  place  of  a  college  chapel 
for  over  a  hundred  years,  but  some  time  between  1487 
and  1515  two  chapels,  one  above  the  other,  were  built 
for  the  use  of  the  collegians,  adjoining  the  south  wall 
of  its  chancel.  By  special  licence  in  1578  St.  Benet's 
was  appropriated  to  Corpus  Christi  College,  on  condition 
that  the  college  authorities  maintained  the  services  and 
kept  the  church  in  repair.  Thenceforward  the  services 
were  taken,  for  the  most  part,  by  the  fellows,  while  the 
parishioners  supplemented  the  small  stipend  by  volun- 
tary contributions.  Here,  no  doubt,  Robinson  would 
take  his  turn  in  preaching  after  his  election  to  a  fellow- 
ship. In  St.  Benet's  tower — the  most  ancient  building 
in  Cambridgeshire — still  hangs  one  of  the  bells  (1558) 
used  by  the  University  before  the  tower  of  St.  Mary's 
was  built.  Its  tones,  as  well  as  those  of  the  mediaeval 
ring  of  four  in  St.  Botolph's  tower,  must  often  have 
fallen  upon  young  Robinson's  ears,  calling  him  to 
study  or  to  prayer,  or  to  some  University  Act. 

D 


34  JOHN   ROBINSON 

The  "  Admission  Book  "  of  Corpus  Christi  College, 
under  the  heading  "  Sizatores  "  and  the  date  April  9, 
1592,  has  the  entry — 

"  Johannes  Robinson  Eboracensis  admissus  est. 
Tutore   Mro   Jegon." 

Either  the  young  student  in  his  nervousness  mum- 
bled the  name  of  his  county  indistinctly,  or  else,  as 
looks  more  likely,  the  person  making  the  entry,  having 
to  write  Eboracensis  just  below  in  admitting  a  lad 
from  Yorkshire,  carelessly  gave  the  term  through 
inadvertence  in  the  entry  relating  to  Robinson.  He 
probably  asked  the  next  man  his  county  before  com- 
pleting the  entry  of  the  particulars  about  our  man. 
The  first  part  of  the  word  has  been  corrected  rather 
roughly  in  a  later  hand,  so  as  to  read  Nottingacensis, 
which  we  must  take  in  good  faith  for  Nottinghamiensis. 

Robinson,  then,  entered  the  college  as  a  "  sizar," 
that  is  to  say,  he  was  one  of  that  large  class  of  students 
who  secured  the  advantages  of  a  college  education  in 
return  for  the  services  he  rendered  in  Hall  and  to  the 
college  community  to  which  he  belonged.  His  tutor 
was  Thomas  Jegon,  a  younger  brother  of  John  Jegon, 
the  Master.  While  the  tutor  exercised  oversight  over 
the  sizar  and  directed  his  studies,  the  sizar  waited  on 
him  at  table,  attended  to  his  lodgings,  cleaned  his 
boots,  wakened  him  in  time  for  morning  chapels, 
accompanied  him  on  request  when  he  went  out  into 
the  countryside,  or  with  his  permission  ran  on  errands 
for  the  college  into  the  town.  This  was  all  honourable 
service,  and  the  "  sizar  "  had  a  well-recognized  place 
in  the  college  society,  with  good  opportunities  of  rising 
to  a  post  of  greater  consideration  if  he  had  diligence 
and  ability. 

They  kept  early  hours  in  the  Cambridge  of  those 
days.  Morning  chapel  was  at  five;  lectures  in  Hall 
began  at  six.  Here  Robinson's  knowledge  of  "  gram- 
mar "  attained  at  school  would  be  tested  and  en- 
larged, and  he  would  be  initiated  into  the  arts  of  logic 
and  rhetoric.     Extraordinary  attention  was  paid  to 


LIFE   AT   CAMBRIDGE  35 

the  work  of  setting  out  in  logical  form  the  laws  of 
reasoning  which  are  implicit  in  human  speech.  A 
breath  of  new  life  had  come  into  the  study  of  logic 
at  this  period  owing  to  the  boldness  of  the  new  line 
taken  by  Peter  Ramus,  who  disengaged  himself  to 
some  extent  from  the  scholastic  Aristotelian  methods 
which  had  been  in  vogue  in  mediaeval  times.  The 
system  of  Ramus  won  a  ready  acceptance  in  Protestant 
centres  of  learning,  and  attracted  much  notice  in 
Cambridge.  It  was  an  age  of  discussion,  and  hence 
great  importance  was  attached  to  the  work  of  secur- 
ing a  sound  method  of  argumentation  and  a  ready 
aptitude  for  detecting  all  defective,  misleading  and 
inconclusive  statements. 

Robinson  probably  found  the  lectures  on  this 
subject  rather  stiff  and  dry.  They  were  given,  like 
the  other  instruction  in  the  University,  in  the  Latin 
tongue,  and  involved  a  lot  of  strange  terminology.  But 
as  he  attended  day  after  day,  the  meaning  of  the  con- 
ventional phrases  would  gradually  dawn  upon  him, 
and  after  a  while  the  gist  and  drift  of  the  whole 
business  would  become  clear  to  him.  I  think  he  took 
a  greater  interest  in  the  lectures  on  the  books  of  the 
Old  and  New  Testaments,  which  were  made  the  subject 
of  special  and  continued  study.  He  took  some  pains 
to  acquaint  himself  with  the  original  Hebrew,  and  in 
course  of  time  gained  a  considerable  knowledge  in 
New  Testament  Greek. 

There  were  two  regular  meals  in  the  course  of  the 
day,  but  these  were  supplemented  by  "  be  vers  "  in 
the  early  morning  and  other  snacks.  After  the  morn- 
ing lectures  dinner  was  served  in  Hall  at  ten  o'clock, 
the  sizars  taking  their  share  after  waiting  on  the  fellows, 
fellow-commoners,  tutors  and  pensioners.  Then  came 
formal  disputations  on  set  subjects,  in  which  the 
freshmen  would  play  the  part  of  listeners  while  the 
u  sophisters "  exercised  themselves  in  the  art  of 
discussion ;  or  it  might  be  an  afternoon  for  further 
lectures  on  rhetoric,  geography  and  philosophy,  or  it 
might  be  a  free  afternoon,  on  which  the  sizar  would 


36  JOHN   ROBINSON 

attend  his  tutor  at  a  game  of  quoits  or  field  out  for 
him  at  tennis. 

The  members  met  again  in  chapel  for  Evensong  as 
the  afternoon  wore  on.  Then  came  the  evening  meal 
at  five  o'clock,  and  when  that  was  over  the  sizar  would 
withdraw  to  con  the  passages  his  tutor  had  set,  prepare 
himself  for  the  work  of  the  morrow,  and  enjoy  the 
opportunity  of  the  evening  hours  for  intercourse  and 
sky-larking  with  his  fellow-sizars.  But  the  rule  was 
early  to  bed — at  nine  in  winter  and  ten  o'clock  in 
summer  he  had  to  retire.  It  would  be  a  matter  of 
interest  to  young  Robinson  that  his  tutor,  Thomas 
Jegon,  was  elected  "  proctor  "  in  the  long  vacation 
of  his  first  year,  through  the  influence  of  Dr.  John 
Jegon,  the  Master  of  his  college. 

We  do  not  get  many  personal  glimpses  of  Robinson 
during  his  college  career.  He  followed  the  course  of 
most  other  students  of  his  station.  After  his  first 
year  as  freshman  he  would  become  a  "  junior  sophister  " 
and  put  in  attendances  as  a  listener  at  the  disputations 
in  the  "  Schools."  The  "  Regent  Walk,"  by  which  the 
"  Schools  "  were  approached,  had  been  made  by  a 
former  Master  of  "  Corpus,"  Matthew  Parker.  The 
old  Regent  House  and  Divinity  School  still  stand,  and 
are  incorporated  with  the  University  library  buildings. 
The  ancient  ceiling  exhibits  the  arms  of  Jegon  in  the 
western  bay.  Through  diligent  attendance  at  the 
"  Schools,"  Robinson  would  qualify  in  his  fourth  year 
as  a  "  senior  sophister,"  and  prepare  to  become  a 
"  questionist."  His  ability  and  steadiness  gained 
recognition.  When  he  had  nearly  completed  his 
fourth  year  as  sizar,  he  was  elected  to  the  rank  of  a 
"  scholar  "  on  the  foundation.  The  "  Order  Book  " 
of  his  college  has  the  entry — 

"  Johannes  Robinson  Nottingh.  electus  in  Scholarem, 
Jan.  23,  admissus  Febr.  16,  1595  "  (i.  e.  1596  in  modern 
reckoning). 

The  "  scholar "  received  an  allowance  from  the 
college  chest  for  his  commons,  and  also  free  quarters 
in  the  college  buildings.     The  entry  of  his  admission 


LIFE   AT  CAMBRIDGE  37 

to  the  standing  of  "  scholar  "  in  the  Register  of  his 
college,  however,  shows  some  slight  variations  from 
that  in  the  "  Order  Book."  It  runs,  dated  a  week 
later,  in  this  way — 

"  Johannes  Robinson,  Lincolniensis,  admissus  est 
in  Scholarem,  Februarii  23°." 

There  was  evidently  an  impression  in  some  minds 
that  he  came  from  Lincolnshire.  But  then  the  Register 
a  little  further  on  gives  his  county  correctly  in  noting 
that  "  Dns.  Robinson  Nottinghamiensis  "  was 
approved  for  his  Bachelor's  degree,  "  approbatus  pro 
gradu  Bacchal.     Februarii  25°,  1595  "  (i.  e.  1596). 

The  proceedings  for  securing  this  degree  took  place 
at  the  beginning  of  Lent,  when  Robinson  would  present 
himself  in  the  "  Schools"  prepared  to  "respond"  to 
such  propositions  as  might  be  put  to  him.  The  "  bedell " 
of  the  University  led  the  procession  of  aspiring  candi- 
dates into  the  presence  of  the  Vice-Chancellor  on 
Ash- Wednesday.  They  were  in  due  course  presented 
to  him  as  to  a  "  father,"  and  kneeling  down  were 
received  by  him  and  admitted  (incepit)  to  the  degree. 
Then  through  Lent  the  "  incepting  bachelors  "  acted 
as  "  determiners  "  in  respect  to  the  questions  raised 
in  the  "  Schools,"  leaving  to  the  senior  sophisters  the 
work  of  "  responding." 

After  passing  through  these  ceremonies  Robinson 
would  discard  the  "  round  cap  "  of  the  undergraduate, 
and  be  entitled  to  wear  the  square  cap  and  lined  hood 
of  his  degree. 

The  next  stage  in  his  college  career  was  the  course 
of  studies  leading  up  to  his  Master's  degree. 

As  a  scholar  and  Bachelor  of  Arts,  Robinson 
would  enjoy  a  good  deal  more  freedom  than  he  had 
been  allowed  as  a  sizar.  He  would  be  in  a  position 
to  take  advantage  of  the  lectures  by  the  different 
University  professors,  and  pursue  the  study  of  themes 
which  specially  attracted  him.  The  old  foundation 
of  the  "  trivium  " — grammar,  logic  and  rhetoric — was 
now  supposed  to  be  securely  laid  as  a  solid  basis  for 
further  studies.     After  three  more  years  of  University 


38  JOHN   ROBINSON 

training  Robinson  duly  "  commenced  Master  of  Arts." 
But  before  that  time  arrived  he  had  been  chosen 
fellow  of  his  college.  In  the  "  Order  Book,"  under 
date  1597,  his  name  stands  first  among  those  elected 
to  vacant  fellowships — 

"  Joh.  Robinson,  Lincolniensis,  admissus  et  juratus, 
Martii  27." 

Was  it  needful  to  pass  a  year's  probation  before 
entering  on  the  full  privileges  of  the  post  ?  The  entry 
in  the  Register  of  the  college  exactly  a  year  later 
points  in  this  direction :  "  Martii  27°,  ano  Dni.  1598, 
Johannes  Robinson,  Notinghamiensis  in  artibus  Bac- 
chalaureus  admissus  est  in  socium  Coll11.,"  i.  e.  John 
Robinson  of  Nottinghamshire  is  admitted  into  a 
fellowship  of  the  college.  It  was  quite  usual  for  those 
elected  to  fellowships  to  be  Bachelors  of  Arts.  Next 
year,  1599,  on  "  Martii  28,"  "  Mr.  Robinson,  Notting- 
ham," x  took  his  Master's  degree.  It  would  be  a 
memorable  day  for  him.  The  ceremony  of  "  the  Great 
Commencement,"  as  it  was  called,  usually  took  place 
in  Great  St.  Mary's  Church,  where,  after  disputations 
in  divinity  and  philosophy,  the  candidates  in  those 
subjects  received  their  degrees.  The  company  then 
crossed  over  to  the  Regent  House,  where  Robinson, 
with  other  Bachelors  of  Arts,  would  kneel  2  before  the 
Vice-Chancellor  and  be  graduated,  and  so  "  commence 
Master  of  Arts." 

In  the  oath  taken  by  the  candidates  for  this  degree 
they  undertook  to  remain  in  Cambridge  for  two  years 
to  take  their  part  in  tuition  and  the  work  of  the 
University.  Robinson  was  now  ranked  as  a  "  regent 
master."  As  a  junior  graduate  it  was  his  duty  to  give 
instruction  in  the  subjects  in  which  he  himself  had  been 
taught.  The  "  Order  Book  "  of  Corpus  Christi  College 
shows  that  he  fulfilled  the  duty.     It  notes  that  he  was 

1  Corpus  Christi  Register,  sub  dato.  See  also  letter,  pe?ies  me,  March  16,  1911, 
from  Mr.  A.  J.  Wallis,  Bursar  of  the  College,  whose  help  for  this  period  I 
gratefully  acknowledge. 

■  Joseph  Hall  knew  John  Robinson's  University  status.  He  refers  to 
this :  "  You  have  twice  kneeled  to  our  Vice -Chancellor  when  you  were  ad- 
mitted to  your  degree." — A  Common  Apologie  for  the  Church  of  England, 
1610,  p.  90. 


LIFE   AT   CAMBRIDGE  39 

elected  "  Praelector  Grsecus,"  or  Reader  in  Greek, 
in  1599,  and  in  1600  "  Decanus,"  that  is,  "  Dean," 
an  office  involving  some  special  oversight  over  the 
students.  His  name  does  not  occur  in  the  lists  of 
college  officers  for  1601-3,  though  we  find  it  duly 
entered  fifth  in  the  list  of  fellows  given  in  the  college 
Register  under  the  date  4th  February  1602  (i.  e.  1603) — 

"  Johannes  Robinson  Nottinghamiensis  Artium  Magr 
Sacerdos." 

The  description  "  sacerdos  "  is  interesting.  Robin- 
son no  doubt  took  orders  on  election  to  his  fellowship 
according  to  the  rule.1  He  would  take  his  part  in  the 
services  of  the  college  chapel  and  his  turn  in  supplying 
the  pulpit  of  Benet  Church.  He  may  also  have  given 
occasional  help  in  other  churches  where  the  living  was 
in  the  gift  of  his  college.  But  this  definite  description 
of  him  as  "sacerdos" — priest — points  to  his  having 
by  this  time  taken  up  some  regular  duty  in  the  Church 
of  England  while  still  holding  his  fellowship. 

Affairs  at  Corpus  Christi  College  were  coming  to  a 
period.  The  Master,  John  Jegon,  had  been  appointed 
Dean  of  Norwich,  July  22,  1601,  and  seemed  marked 
out  for  higher  honours,  which  would  take  him  away 
from  Cambridge.  The  call  of  the  outside  world  began  to 
appeal  to  Robinson  with  increasing  strength .  He  desired 
to  make  a  home  and  carve  out  a  career  for  himself. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  year  1602,  the  news  leaked 
out  that  Jegon  was  likely  to  be  appointed  Bishop  of 
Norwich.  The  fellows  lost  no  time  in  addressing  the 
following  letter  to  Sir  Robert  Cecil.  It  is  signed, 
among  others,  by  John  Robinson,  and  gives  us  the 
names  and  standing  of  some  of  his  fellow-collegians — 

"  Right  Honorable.  or  dutie  most  humblie  remembred. 
wee  beseech  yor  Honor  [give]  us  leave  to  become  humble 
suitors  to  you  in  a  cause  wch  we  hope  will  to  yor  HobIe  wise- 
dome  appeare  reasonable,  we  the  fellowes  of  Corp8  Christi 
Colledge  in  Camb.  have  gotten  knowledge  that  by  yor  HoMe 

1  Edmund  Gurnay  {d.  1648),  one  of  the  Fellows  of  Corpus  Christi  College 
in  Robinson's  time,  was  suspended  from  his  Fellowship  in  1607  for  not  being 
in  "  Orders."     See  Diet.  Nat.  Biog.  under  Gurney. 


40  JOHN  ROBINSON 

suite  and  mediacon  to  her  Mafcle  our  worthie  Mr-  [Master], 
Dr-  Jegon  is  like  to  be  advaunced  to  the  sea  of  Norwych, 
and  so  thereby  his  place  in  governement  of  vs  like  thereby 
to  become  voyde  :  wee  and  this  or  poore  Coll.  have  received 
much  good  by  his  wisedome  and  p'vident  care  over  vs  and 
it,  in  that  he  hath  restored  it,  wch  was  neere  fullie  ruined  by 
some  needie  and  careles  M«».  before  him.  From  whence 
havinge  taken  a  dew  consideracon  (as  is  behovefull  for  vs) 
we  are  desirous  and  well  advised  to  make  choyce  of  such  a 
one  to  succeede  him,  as  is  for  his  learninge  &  degrees, 
experience,  gravitie,  and  wisedome  verie  meete  and  suf- 
ficient to  guide  vs  and  or  little  cofnon  wealth;  and  in  his 
owne  estate  so  well  settled  as  he  shall  not  neede  to  pray 
vppon  vs,  butt  wilbe  able  and  carefull  to  vphold  or  howse 
in  the  p'sent  flourishinge  estate. 

"  Now  therefore  this  is  or  must  humble  suite,  that  it 
would  please  Yor  Honor  (as  or  noble  Chauncelor,  to  whose 
will  we  humbly  submitt  o^selves)  to  vowchsafe  yo'  allow- 
ance, that  accordinge  to  or  oathes  and  the  statutes  of  or 
howse,  we  may  be  p'mitted  (when  or  Master  shall  leave 
this  place)  to  proceede  freelie  to  a  new  election,  wherein 
we  wilbe  so  carefull,  as  we  doubte  not,  but  that  Yor  Honor 
shalbe  fullie  satisfied;  both  in  o*  generall  respect  to  this 
howse  and  the  good  government  thereof;  and  also  in  or 
pticuler  to  yor  Honor,  when  you  shall  see,  that  both  he  and 
wee  have  or  myndes  bente  to  doe  vo*  Honor  all  services. 

"  And  so  prayinge  pdon  for  this  o?  boldnes,  and  humbly 
beseechinge  two  lynes  from  yow  to  allow  or  free  election, 
(as  in  that  case  you  have  most  honourably  done  to  others) 
we  recomend  you  to  the  Almightie,  who  graunte  yo*  longe 
life  and  continuall  encrease  of  honor  and  happines. 

"  At  Cambrydge  December  the  22th,  1602. 

"  Yor  Honors  most  humblie  at  cofnaun dement. 

"  Anthonius  Watson,  Proprceses.     George  Hall. 

"  Henry  Buttes.  Decanus.  /  Marlian  Higden.  prlector  grec[i], 

"  William  Starkey.  pr lector  Rhet. 

"  Edward  Gent.  prlector.  / 

"Edmund  Gurnay.  prl :   top. 

"  John  Robinson."  1 

1  MSS.  at  Hatfield  House,  136,  108.  By  the  courtesy  of  the  Most.  Hon. 
the  Marquis  of  Salisbury  we  are  enabled  to  give  a  facsimile  of  this  document 
with  Robinson's  signature. 


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LETTER    FROM    THE     FELLOWS     OF    CORPUS    CHRISTI    COLLEGE,   1602,    BEARING    THE 
EARLIEST    SIGNATURE    OF    ROBINSON   THAT   HAS    YET    COME    TO    LIGHT. 


LIFE   AT  CAMBRIDGE  41 

In  the  following  month  John  Jegon  was  elected 
(January  18,  1602-3)  Bishop  of  Norwich.  He  so 
managed  affairs  as  to  secure  the  election  of  his  brother 
Thomas,  the  former  tutor  of  Robinson,  to  succeed 
him  as  Master  of  the  college.  Whitgift  was  greatly 
nettled  at  this,  as  he  wished  the  post  to  be  conferred 
on  his  chaplain,  Dr.  Carrier,  in  whose  interest  he  was 
bestirring  himself  when  he  found  himself  forestalled. 
Jegon's  mastership  at  Corpus  had  been  a  success.  He 
retrieved  the  financial  position  of  the  college  by  his 
careful  and  businesslike  administration.  He  brought 
several  students  with  him  from  Queen's  College  when 
he  took  up  the  post.  Thrice  he  held  the  office  of  Vice- 
Chancellor,  and  he  made  the  influence  of  Corpus  felt 
in  University  affairs.  In  person  he  was  short  and 
stout,  and  his  appearance,  to  judge  from  his  picture, 
not  very  engaging.  Such  was  the  Master  under 
whose  oversight  Robinson  ran  the  whole  of  his  college 
career.  Jegon  was  a  married  man,  and  the  presence 
of  his  wife,  Lilia,  with  her  little  girl  and  two  boys, 
gave  the  one  domestic  touch  to  the  college  society. 


CHAPTER  V 

RELIGION    IN    ENGLAND    IN    THE    DAYS    OF   ELIZABETH 

AND    JAMES 

The  position  with  regard  to  matters  of  religion  in 
England  at  the  opening  of  the  seventeenth  century 
was  full  of  interest.  The  situation  was  felt  to  be 
charged  with  important  possibilities.  Queen  Elizabeth 
was  drawing  to  the  close  of  her  life,  and  men  could 
not  help  wondering  what  would  happen  in  the  Church 
after  her  death.  A  long  and  brilliant  chapter  in  the 
national  history  was  coming  to  an  end,  and  it  was  a 
matter  for  speculation  as  to  how  the  story  would  be 
continued.  For  over  forty  years  Elizabeth  had  pur- 
sued a  policy  with  regard  to  religion  largely  based 
upon  that  of  her  father,  and  of  all  her  work  this 
has  left  the  most  lasting  impress  upon  the  life  of  our 
land.  Her  position  as  "  Supreme  Governor  of  the 
Church  "  was  secured  by  the  Act  of  Supremacy,  1559, 
and  the  Church  government  and  worship  to  be  followed 
throughout  the  land  were  determined  with  equal 
promptitude  by  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  passed  in 
April  of  the  same  year.  The  title  of  the  Act  gives 
us  one  key  to  Elizabeth's  policy.  She  bent  her 
energies  with  remarkable  pertinacity  upon  securing 
a  uniform  practice  in  worship  throughout  her  domin- 
ions. In  this  she  was  seconded  by  the  firm  adminis- 
tration of  John  Whitgift,  whom  she  appointed  Primate 
in  1583.  She  did  not  concern  herself  much  with 
men's  private  convictions,  but  insisted  at  the  least 
upon  an  outward  conformity  with  the  established 
plan  of  worship.  Any  attempts  to  express  antagon- 
istic opinions,  either  by  means  of  the  Press  or  by 
organizing  meetings  for  worship  apart  from  the 
established  and  legal  form,  were  rigidly  put  down. 

42 


RELIGION   IN  HIS   DAY  43 

Roman  Catholics,  on  the  one  hand,  and  Puritans  on 
the  other,  were  alike  restrained;  while  Separatists 
met  with  drastic  treatment,  and  were,  by  the  law  of 
1593,  banished  the  realm  when  found  to  be  irrecon- 
cilable to  the  Anglican  Church.  The  Puritans  had 
struggled  manfully  for  a  further  reformation  of 
religion.  They  had  looked  to  Parliament  for  redress 
of  what  they  considered  flagrant  evils  in  the  con- 
stitution of  the  Church  and  for  the  removal  of 
"  popish "  elements  in  her  worship.  Elizabeth  in 
her  masterful  way  peremptorily  forbade  Parliament 
to  meddle  with  matters  of  religion,  and  proceeded 
to  manage  ecclesiastical  affairs  by  means  of  Royal 
Commissions.  For  a  time  the  struggle  had  been 
severe,  but  with  the  closing  years  of  the  reign  and 
the  opening  of  the  new  century  there  came  a  lull 
in  the  storm.  It  almost  looked  as  though  the  policy 
of  enforcing  outward  assent  to  the  established  worship 
was  at  length  going  to  secure  an  inward  assent. 
To  some  extent  this  was  the  case.  By  use  and 
wont  the  very  words  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer 
became  dear  to  the  ears  of  Englishmen.  But  the 
Puritan  movement  was  really  far  from  being  crushed. 
The  principles  involved  in  it  were  bound  to  find 
expression.  There  were  those  also  who  felt  that 
the  English  Common  Law  and  the  power  of  Parlia- 
ment must  be  secured  in  a  position  of  supremacy 
as  against  the  absolutist  tendencies  of  the  Crown 
and  the  Church,  and  these  saw  most  hope  in  the 
Puritan  movement.  If  that  movement  could  not  be 
accommodated  within  the  borders  of  the  Anglican 
Church,  then  it  must  find  some  other  means  of 
organizing  itself. 

The  Puritans  were  quiet  at  the  opening  of  the 
century,  because  they  hoped  for  much  from  James 
of  Scotland.  Whitgift  and  the  Bishops  also  were 
less  stringent  for  the  time,  because  they  too  had  an 
eye  on  Scotland,  and  did  not  quite  know  what  would 
come  out  of  "  the  Scotch  mist."  In  the  last  Parlia- 
ment of  Elizabeth  (October  27,  1601,  to  December  19, 


44  JOHN  ROBINSON 

1601)  a  note  of  greater  independence  of  the  Crown 
was  heard.  With  the  accession  of  a  new  monarch  a 
fresh  Parliament  would  be  summoned.  Who  could 
say  what  it  might  not  accomplish  in  the  way  of 
reform  in  religion  ?  So  there  wTas  a  period  of  hushed 
expectancy. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  March  24,  1603,  Elizabeth 
died.  Whitgift  at  once  sent  off  Dr.  Neville,  Dean  of 
Canterbury,  to  wait  upon  James,  and  recommend  the 
Church  of  England  to  his  protection  and  favour.  Both 
parties  in  the  Church  were  busy.  The  Puritans  were 
active  in  promoting  petitions  for  reformation  and  in 
issuing  treatises,  and  strenuous  efforts  were  made  to 
secure  capable  party  representation  in  the  new  Parlia- 
ment. The  Humble  Petition  of  the  thousand  ministers, 
known  as  the  Millenary  Petition,  expressed  the 
Puritan  demands  in  moderate  terms.  The  King 
summoned  a  Conference  to  meet  at  Hampton  Court 
to  consider  matters  concerning  the  Church  and 
worship,  but  the  issue  of  that  gathering  clearly 
indicated  that  the  Puritans  had  nothing  to  hope 
for  from  James.  The  democratic  tendencies  inherent 
in  the  Puritan  movement  were  instinctively  recognized 
by  James  and  magnified  by  Bancroft.  A  pliant 
Episcopacy  was  precisely  the  type  of  Church  govern- 
ment that  suited  the  ideas  of  the  King.  The  Puritans 
of  England  appeared  to  him  to  be  too  much  like  the 
Presbyterians  of  Scotland,  of  whom  he  had  had 
bitter  experience,  and  he  saw  in  the  episcopate  a 
bulwark  for  the  monarchy.  Wliitgift  died  February 
29,  1604,  and  when  Richard  Bancroft  was  appointed 
Archbishop,  the  hopelessness  of  effecting  any  imme- 
diate change  in  the  form  of  worship  must  have  been 
apparent  to  all  observers.  Bancroft  had  been  the 
strenuous  opponent  of  the  Puritans  throughout  his 
career.  His  labours  in  that  direction  had  been  the 
very  ground  of  his  promotion  to  episcopal  rank. 
An  extraordinary  document  was  drawn  up  by  Whitgift, 
after  the  death  of  Aylmer,  Bishop  of  London,  for 
presentation  to  the  Court  as  a   recommendation  of 


RELIGION   IN  HIS   DAY  45 

Bancroft  for  the  vacant  See.  It  is  for  the  most 
part  a  statement  of  Bancroft's  work  in  opposition 
to  the  movement  for  a  further  reformation  in  religion. 
His  qualification  for  a  seat  on  the  Bishops'  Bench 
was  not  so  much  his  eloquence  or  learning,  or  a 
spiritual  frame  of  mind  and  Christian  temper  of 
heart,  but  this  :  "  that  since  he  had  professed  divinity- 
he  had  ever  opposed  himself  against  all  sects  and 
innovations."  Thus  did  Bancroft  win  his  mitre. 
As  Bishop  of  London  he  had  backed  up  Whitgift, 
and  now  (1604),  on  promotion  to  the  Primacy,  assured 
of  the  support  of  King  James,  he  tightened  the  cords 
of  subscription  and  worked  for  a  stricter  uniformity. 
Bancroft  had  presided  at  the  Convocation  called  at 
the  opening  of  the  reign,  as  the  Primacy  was  vacant. 
Here,  too,  he  was  active  against  the  Puritans. 
Licence  was  secured  from  the  King  to  make  canons, 
and  Bancroft  introduced  a  Book  of  Canons  to  the 
Lower  House  on  May  2,  1603,  to  which  he  sought 
to  give  the  force  of  law,  and  by  which  he  hoped  to 
keep  the  clergy  of  his  Church  in  bounds.  It  became 
evident  that  the  terms  of  conformity  were  going 
to  be  more  rigidly  enforced,  and  all  variation  from  the 
established  order  in  Church  affairs  repressed.  A 
requisition  was  sent  out  to  the  masters  and  heads 
of  colleges  in  Cambridge  requiring  them  to  certify 
as  to  the  conformity  of  fellows,  scholars  and  students 
in  regard  to  the  regulation  dress  and  "  due  observa- 
tion of  the  Communion  Book,"  and  the  authority 
upon  which  any  of  their  fellows  engaged  in  preaching. 
The  reply  from  Corpus  Christ i  is  extant,  but,  as 
Robinson  was  not  in  residence,  it  gives  no  particulars 
as  to  him — 

"  Corp  Christi  Coll :  in  Camb  Jan  8  1604.  This  Chrmas 
time  o^  fellows  are  mostle  abroade./Onely  fower  now  in  the 
Colledge  vidz. 

"  Mr   Watson  who  Jwas  made  master  bY  Ye  B-  of  Lincolne  / 
Mr.  Watson  who  |preacheth  by  or  University  licence. 

"  Mr  Walsall  who  iwas  made  minister  bY  Y6  B-  of  Lincoln 
Mr.  Walsall  who  |preacheth  by  or  University  licence. 


46  JOHN   ROBINSON 

{was  made  minister  by  ye  B.  of  Carlile 
preacheth  by  licence  from  ye  late  B.  of 
London. 

"Mr  Hidden       i  w.as    ordeyned    Deacon    by    ye    B.    of 
g  \  Lincolne  /  preacheth  not  as  yett. 

"  We  have  8  fellows  more  abroade  and  3  pensionars  that 
bee  Mrs  of  Arts  of  all  wch  number  there  bee  6  ministers 
more,  where  ordered  (sic)  or  how  licenced  I  know  not  yett  till 
they  come  and  shew ;  but  I  see  they  doo  all  approve  them- 
selves very  formall  and  forward  to  good  order  established. 

T.  JegonM*.  Colt"." 

This  tightening  up  of  the  strings  of  conformity  in 
Cambridge  may  have  influenced  Robinson  in  his 
decision  to  resign  his  fellowship,  but  a  more  potent 
reason  was  his  desire  to  marry,  settle  down  to  regular 
ministerial  work  and  form  a  home  of  his  own.  A 
fellowship  could  not  be  held  by  a  married  man.1 
Matrimony  meant  resignation.  Hence  the  entry  in 
the  Corpus  Christi  Register  under  date  February  10, 
1603-4— 

"  Thomas  Knolles,  Norfolc,  electus  et  admissus  est  in  Socium 
Collegii  unanimi  consensu  Mri  et  9  Sociorum,  cessante  et  in 
scripto  resignante  Mr0-  Robinson." 

That  is  to  say,  "  on  the  withdrawal  and  resignation 
in  writing  of  Master  Robinson,  Thomas  Knolles,  of 
Norfolk,  was  elected  and  admitted  to  a  fellowship 
of  the  college,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
Master  and  nine  fellows."  Five  days  later  Robinson 
was  married  at  the  parish  church  of  St.  Mary  at 
Greasley,  Nottinghamshire,  to  Bridget  White,  who 
was  then  living  at  Beau  vale  in  that  parish.  Beau  vale 
was  a  Carthusian  Priory  dedicated  to  the  Holy 
Trinity,  founded  by  Nicholas  de  Cantelupe  in  1343. 
In  1540  the  Priory  was  dissolved,  the  monks  pensioned 
off  and  the  lands  leased  out.  When  the  mother  of 
Bridget  White  died  she  was  in  possession  of  a  lease 
of    Beauvale.     It    would    be    from    the    farmhouse 

1  Robinson  refers  to  this,  he  says  the  Church  forbids  "  marriage  to  fellows 
in  colleges."     Justification  of  Sejjaration,  Works,  ii.  p.  399. 


r- 

k     JhI 

-Sp 

IILl  "" 

lb 

'    :'.            -..-,               1 

ST.   MARY'S    CHURCH,    GREASLEY,   IN    WHICH    JOHN    ROBINSON    WAS    MARRIED. 


RELIGION   IN  HIS   DAY  47 

adjoining  the  ruins  of  the  Priory,  perhaps  from  the 
Prior's  house  itself,  the  shell  of  which  is  still  standing, 
that  the  wedding  party  would  set  out.  May  is  the 
month  in  which  to  visit  this  "  beautiful  valley,"  but 
this  was  a  winter  wedding,  and  the  young  couple 
would  be  lucky  if  the  day  was  brightened  by  a  gleam 
of  sunshine. 

The  entry  in  the  Register  is  of  :  "  Mr.  John  Robyn- 
son  and  Mistress  Bridget  Whyte,"  February  15, 
1603-4.  Both  the  "Mr."  and  the  "Mistress"  are 
distinctive  in  the  entry,  and  indicate  that  the  parties 
were  considered,  in  local  esteem,  to  be  of  importance. 
The  entries  of  the  weddings  of  ordinary  parishioners 
give  the  bare  names.  Not  till  1608  does  this  formula 
occur  again  at  Greasley,  when  "  Mr.  John  Trymming- 
ton  and  Mistress  Ann  Poole  "  were  married. 

Robinson  took  his  bride  off  with  him  to  Norwich, 
and  in  that  city  a  son  and  daughter  were  born  to  them, 
and  named  John  and  Ann  after  the  grandparents. 

This  meant  good-bye  to  Cambridge  and  the  open- 
ing of  a  new  chapter  in  Robinson's  life,  but  before 
leaving  this  period  behind  it  will  be  well  to  glance 
at  two  of  the  men  of  the  Cambridge  of  Robinson's 
day  who  exerted  an  influence  upon  him  and  moulded 
to  some  extent  his  thought.  The  religious  problems 
which  were  under  discussion  at  Cambridge  in  his  time 
will  be  dealt  with  in  the  next  chapter. 

Among  the  outstanding  men  on  the  Puritan  side  at 
Cambridge  was  Laurence  Chaderton  or  Chadderton 
(1537-1640),  who  came  of  a  Lancashire  family.  He  was 
selected  by  Sir  Walter  Mildmay  to  be  the  first  Master 
of  Emmanuel  College,  in  1584,  a  post  which  he  held 
for  thirty-eight  years.  Chaderton  opposed  any  varia- 
tion from  the  Calvinism  embodied  in  the  Anglican 
Articles,  but,  being  a  man  of  moderate  temper  and 
some  caution,  he  retained  his  post  with  honour,  and 
only  resigned  it  (1622)  to  let  in  Dr.  John  Preston, 
u  lest  he  should  be  succeeded  by  a  person  of  Arminian 
principles."     Throughout    the    whole    of   Robinson's 


48  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Cambridge  career  Chaderton  was  active  in  the  affairs 
of  the  University,  and  was  looked  up  to  by  the  young 
men  of  Puritan  sympathies  as  a  leader  and  guide. 
From  the  press  which  members  of  the  Pilgrim  Church 
controlled  in  after  years  in  Leyden,  an  edition  of 
Chaderton's  sermon  on  Romans  xii.  3-8  was  issued 
in  1618,  and  Robinson  refers  to  it  on  more  than  one 
occasion  in  his  Works. 

But  the  man  by  whom  Robinson  was  most  pro- 
foundly influenced  was  William  Perkins  (1558-1602), 
a  Warwickshire  man,  educated  at  Christ's  College, 
and  appointed  lecturer  in  the  church  of  Great  St. 
Andrews.  His  preaching  was  marvellously  effective, 
and  left  a  permanent  mark  upon  the  life  of  many  a 
young  man  who  attended  on  his  ministry  during 
the  impressionable  days  at  college.  Townsmen  and 
collegians  alike  were  attracted  and  stirred  by  the 
preaching  of  Perkins.  His  well-balanced  mind  and 
fervent  spirit  appealed  with  power  to  the  average 
Englishman  of  the  time.  He  expounded  Calvinism 
in  a  form  which  they  could  grip  and  make  available 
for  life.  What  other  English  preacher  of  the  time 
had  his  sermons  translated  by  enthusiastic  followers 
into  Welsh  and  Irish  ?  Robinson  was  deeply  indebted 
to  Perkins  for  the  general  structure  of  his  scheme  of 
religious  thought  and  his  interpretation  of  Christi- 
anity. The  fact  that  Arminius  had  assailed  Perkins 
"  with  some  acrimony "  x  would  act  as  a  spur  to 
Robinson  in  his  chivalrous  championship  of  the 
Calvinistic  cause  against  the  Arminians  in  the  Uni- 
versity of  Leyden  in  later  years. 

1  In  his  Examen,  1612,  vide  Perkins  in  Did.  Nat.  Biog.,  by  J.  Bass  Mullinger. 


CHAPTER  VI 

DISPUTATIONS    ON   RELIGION    AT   CAMBRIDGE   AND 

LEYDEN 

One  may  well  ask  what  were  the  questions  in 
divinity  which  interested  the  minds  of  men  in  Cam- 
bridge in  Robinson's  day?  They  were  questions 
concerning  election  and  justification  and  points  in 
controversy  between  the  Protestant  and  Roman 
Churches.  While  Whitgift  was  strong  for  the  episco- 
pacy and  the  established  order  in  the  Anglican 
Church,  he  was  at  the  same  time  an  advocate  for  the 
Calvinistic  theology  embodied  in  its  Articles,  indeed 
in  his  "  Lambeth  Articles  "  he  presented  the  Calvinistic 
positions  in  an  uncompromising  form.  But  a  reaction 
had  set  in  against  the  extreme  Calvinism  which  had 
marked  the  lectures  and  sermons  of  many  eminent 
divines  in  the  University.  The  case  of  Peter  Baro 
has  been  frequently  brought  forward  by  writers  on 
the  period  to  illustrate  this  reaction. 

In  1595  William  Barrett  of  Gonville  and  Caius 
College  preached  a  sermon  ad  clerum  in  St.  Mary's 
which  was  judged  unsound.  In  the  action  taken  against 
Barrett  by  the  University,  Dr.  Soame  and  Peter  Baro 
fell  out,  and  all  Cambridge  became  involved  in  a  wordy 
dispute  over  abstruse  points  of  Calvinistic  doctrine. 
The  Heads  of  the  Colleges  appealed  to  Whitgift.  It 
seemed  needful  to  define  the  position  with  authority 
and  lay  down  what  must  be  believed  and  taught. 
Accordingly  Whitgift  framed  the  Lambeth  Articles, 
and  sent  them  down  to  Cambridge  with  precise 
instructions  that  "  nothing  should  be  publicly  taught 
to  the  contrary."  The  question  became  a  matter  of 
public  interest,  and  the  Court  got  wind  of  it.     Eliza- 

E  49 


50  JOHN  ROBINSON 

beth  quickly  let  Whitgift  know  who  had  the  final 
authority  in  determining  the  doctrine  of  her  Church. 
She  sent  him  word  (December  5,  1595)  that  she 
"  misliked  much  that  any  allowance  had  been  given 
by  his  Grace  and  the  rest  of  any  such  points  to  be 
disputed,  being  a  matter  tender  and  dangerous  to 
weak,  ignorant  minds." 

In  nervous  haste  the  Archbishop  sent  down  a 
warning  note  to  the  University;  but  his  new  Articles 
were  now  spread  abroad;  the  most  he  could  do  was 
to  try  to  stop  discussion  upon  them.  This  was 
difficult,  as  Roger  Goade,  the  Vice-Chancellor,  was 
determined  to  deal  with  the  lapses  of  Baro  on  the 
points  concerned,  and  Cambridge  was  given  up  to 
a  carnival  of  theological  disputation.  A  less  familiar 
case  exhibiting  this  tendency  to  break  away  from 
Calvinism,  and  one  moreover  in  which  Robinson  would 
be  specially  interested  from  the  actors  concerned  in  it, 
was  that  of  Dr.  John  Overall.  It  will  give  an  insight 
into  the  discussions  of  the  times  if  we  describe  this 
case  in  some  detail. 

John  Overall  (1560-1619) *  was  appointed  to  the 
Regius  Professorship  of  Theology  in  1596,  in  succession 
to  Dr.  William  Whitaker,  and  became  Master  of 
Catharine  Hall  in  1598.  He  thus  held  a  prominent 
position  in  the  University.  Early  in  June  1599, 
some  of  his  auditors  were  alarmed  at  opinions  expressed 
by  him  "  upon  certain  points  of  doctrine  publicly 
delivered  in  the  Schools  in  his  Divinity  lectures  and 
determinations."  There  are  always  those  keen  to 
scent  any  departure  from  the  beaten  track.  Complaint 
was  made  to  Dr.  Jegon,  the  Master  of  Benet  College, 
who  was  Vice- Chancellor  of  the  University  for  that 
year.  He  thought  it  well  to  refer  the  points  in  dispute 
to  a  conference.  Accordingly  on  June  20,  1599, 
Dr.  Roger  Goade  (1538-1610)  and  Mr.  Laurence 
Chaderton  were  appointed  to  confer  with  Overall 
on  three  main  heads  of  doctrine — 

1  For  Overall  consult  the  excellent  article  by  Rev.  Alexander  Gordon  in 
Diet.  Nat.  Biog. 


DISPUTATIONS   ON  RELIGION  51 

(1)  Concerning  justification  and  faith. 

(2)  Concerning  Anti-Christ. 

(3)  Concerning  the  descent  into  hell. 

Sixteen  subordinate  propositions  under  these  main 
heads  were  drawn  up.  The  ground  for  discussion 
was  thus  thoroughly  mapped  out,  and  the  way 
prepared  for  testing  Overall's  "  soundness  "  according 
to  the  preconceived  notions  of  the  Calvinists.  A 
meeting  was  held  on  August  31,  1599,  and  the  upshot 
was  that  after  discussing  these  sixteen  propositions 
they  agreed  in  eight  and  disagreed  in  the  other  eight, 
out  of  which  eight  wherein  they  differed  were  then 
set  down  by  common  consent  the  state,  words,  and 
sense  of  these  five  questions  to  be  conferred  upon — 

1.  An  elect  justified  man  fallen  into  grave  sin  lacks  imputed 
justification  until  he  repents. 

He  becomes  condemned  or  liable  to  eternal  punishment 
until  through  repentance  and  faith  he  is  restored. 

2.  An  elect  justified  man  fallen  into  grave  sins  loses  for 
the  time  being  justifying  faith. 

3.  It  is  likely  that  Mahomet  or  the  Turk  and  the  Pope 
equally  constitute  that  Anti-Christ  foretold  in  Scripture. 

4.  Nothing  in  the  Scriptures  hinders  the  view  that  the  soul 
of  Christ  departed  as  well  to  the  assembly  of  the  damned  as  to 
that  of  the  blessed. 

5.  It  is  certain  that  the  souls  of  the  fathers  before  Christ's 
Ascension,  although  they  were  in  the  bosom  of  Abraham  and 
a  place  of  bliss,  yet  were  not  in  heaven  properly  so  called.1 

Dr.  Overall  held  the  affirmative  of  these  pro- 
positions, Dr.  Goade  and  Mr.  Chaderton  the  negative. 
They  agreed  to  put  down  in  writing  brief  reasons 

1  1.  Homo  electus  justificatus  lapsus  in  gravia  peccata  justificatione  im- 
putata  caret,  donee  resipiscat.  Fit  reus  sive  obligatus  ad  pcenam  aeternum 
donee  per  penitentiam  et  fidem  restauratur. 

2.  Homo  electus  justificatus  lapsus  in  gravia  peccata  amittit  ad  tempus 
fidem  justificantem. 

3.  Mahometem  sive  Turcam  et  Papam  simul  constituere  Antichristum 
ilium  in  Scripturis  prsedictum,  est  verisimile. 

4.  Animam  Christi  tarn  ad  Ccetum  damnatorum  quam  beatorum  con- 
cessisse,  nihil  in  scripturis  impedit. 

5.  Animas  patrum  ante  Christi  ascensionem,  etsi  fueriut  in  linu  Abraha? 
et  loco  beatudinis,  non  tamen  fuisse  in  ccelo  proprie  dicto,  constat. 


52  JOHN   ROBINSON 

for  their  contention  by  September  6,  1599,  and 
several  meetings  to  discuss  the  points  at  issue  followed. 
Dr.  Goade  and  Mr.  Chaderton  state  in  their  report 
of  the  affair — 

"  Finally,  on  October  20,  we  delivered  up  in  writing  in 
the  Consistory  to  Mr.  Vice -Chancellor  and  his  assistants 
(being  then  present  with  him)  Drs  Goade,  Soame,  Barwell, 
Clayton,  Overall,  Montague  and  Mr.  Chaderton,  our  reasons 
and  brief  answers  according  to  his  [Overall's]  brief  marginal 
answer,  then  signifying  that  we  intended  a  larger  answer  by 
the  end  of  that  Michaelmas  term.  Both  which  were  then 
publicly  read,  and  Dr.  Overall  then  openly  acknowledged 
that  he  had  consented  to  the  words  and  state  of  the  five 
questions  as  they  were  set  down  and  there  read,  albeit  (as 
he  then  said)  4  they  were  not  by  him  alone  so  conceived ' ; 
to  which  we  answer  that  neither  were  they  conceived  by  us 
[alone],  but  jointly  agreed  upon  by  us  all.  At  which  meeting 
he  seemed  only  offended  at  our  reference  of  [to]  Amandus 
Polanus,  his  answer  to  Bellarmine's  arguments  terming  him 
4  a  scarecrow  not  meet  to  be  accounted  among  divines  and  a 
shame  to  have  such  alleged.'  .  .  .  About  the  end  of  Michael- 
mas term  we  delivered  to  Mr.  Vice-Chancellor  the  whole 
conference  in  writing,  together  with  our  larger  answer, 
praying  him  to  acquaint  the  Heads  therewith  by  his  discretion, 
that  it  might  in  time  convenient  be  brought  to  the  first 
intended  issue.  Signed  :  Roger  Goade 

Laur.  Chaderton."  * 

After  the  presentation  of  this  report  the  matter 
simmered  for  awhile.  Jegon  did  not  find  any  "  time 
convenient  "  for  settling  the  dispute.  He  left  it  for 
his  successor  in  the  office  of  Vice-Chancellor,  Dr. 
Soame,  to  deal  with.  It  was  a  knotty  problem. 
The  case  came  up  in  the  summer  of  the  next  year, 
as  we  learn  from  "  A  note  what  was  done  at  the 
meeting  in  the  Regent  House  the  4th  June,  1600,  by 
Mr  Dr  Soame,  Vice-Chan%  and  his  assistants,  Dors 
Goade,  Tyndall,  Barwell,  Jegon,  Clayton,  Overall  and 
Mr.  Chaderton,  touching  the  end  of  the  conference  with 
Dor  Overall."  At  this  meeting  the  Vice-Chancellor  read 
out    "  the    five  questions,"  stated   this  time  in   the 

1  Calendar  of  Salisbury  Papers,  139,  120. 


DISPUTATIONS   ON  RELIGION  53 

negative  form,  in  order  that  those  present  might  give 
their  opinions.  All  save  Overall  "  joined  in  one 
opinion  that  the  propositions  were  true,  and  rightly- 
defended.  "  The  report,  under  the  hands  of  Goade  and 
Chaderton,  giving  an  account  of  their  conferences 
with  Overall,  was  handed  in.     Then  we  read — 

"  Mr.  Vice-Chancellor  earnestly  desired  Dr.  Overall  to  join 
with  him  and  the  rest  in  the  acknowledgment  of  the  same 
truth,  whereof  all  present  would  be  most  glad.  To  which 
he  answered  '  he  was  not  so  persuaded  in  his  conscience,  and 
therefore  could  not.'  Then  Mr.  Vice- Chancellor,  first  wishing 
that  God  would  enlighten  his  mind,  did,  both  in  regard  of  the 
common  peace  of  the  University  and  also  of  a  precedent  in 
like  case  occasioned  by  a  letter  from  the  Lord  Grace  of  Canter- 
bury [Whitgift]  then  read,  require  Dr.  Overall  to  forbear 
impugning  the  said  points  of  doctrine  in  any  his  public 
exercises,  considering  that  thereby,  not  only  ourselves  then 
present,  but  many  others  of  that  University  could  not  be 
but  greatly  offended  and  excited  to  a  needless  and  dangerous 
contention."  x 

The  dispute  still  smouldered,  and  broke  out  again 
into  flame  at  the  "  Commencement,"  in  the  year  1600, 
of  which  an  interesting  account  has  survived.  At  this 
ceremony,  in  which  in  all  likelihood  John  Robinson  was 
an  active  participant,  Dr.  Soame,  the  Vice-Chancellor, 
was  "  Moderator  of  the  Divinity  Disputation  on  the 
Commencement  Even,"  June  30,  1600.  The  Latin 
speech  he  then  delivered  is  still  extant.  "  In  his 
moderating,"  we  are  told,  "  he  preserved  the  truth 
and  good  order  of  the  disputation  soundly,  briefly 
and  perspicuously.  When  the  disputation  was 
ended  the  Vice-Chancellor  determined  of  the  last 
question  [Animce  piorum  fuerunt  in  ccelo  ante  Christi 
ascensum.]  against  the  Popish  sort,  soundly  and 
perspicuously.  .  .  .  When  the  Vice-Chancellor  had 
ended,  Dr.  Overall  was  called  by  the  Beadle,  as  the 
manner  is,  ad  commendationem."  The  opportunity 
thus  presented  for  wiping  off  old  scores  was  one 
he  could  not  pass    by.     "  Forgetting    himself,"    he 

1  Salisbury  Papers,  139?  123, 


54  JOHN   ROBINSON 

"  entered  into  a  refutation  of  the  Vice-Chancellor's 
determination,  which  action  of  his  was  very  offensive 
to  the  auditory,  in  regard  both  of  matter  and  manner. 
Of  matter,  for  he  dealt  against  truth.  Of  manner, 
for  the  like  was  never  done  before,  and  is  flat  against 
all  order  of  disputation." 

"  The  Vice-Chancellor,  seeing  Dr.  Overall  (which  had 
been  required  before  the  Heads  of  Colleges  to  forbear  public 
opposition)  to  carry  himself  as  he  did,  commanded  him 
silence,  adding  that  God's  book  and  the  ancient  writers 
were  flat  against  him,  and  that  the  Lords  Archbishops  of 
both  the  Provinces,  and  the  rest  of  the  learned  Bishops  of 
our  Church,  were  of  another  judgment  than  he  was,  and 
that  all  such  as  know  and  love  the  religion  in  the  University 
and  abroad  and  the  Reformed  Churches  dissented  from  him." 

The  conclusion  of  the  Vice-Chancellor's  speech  was 
that  "he  wished  with  all  his  heart  that  Dr.  Overall 
had  not  nourished  any  errors,  at  the  least  that  he 
had  forborne  the  publishing  of  any  in  that  excellent 
assembly,  which  assembly  did  justly  and  generally 
condemn  Dr.  Overall's  action." 

Thus,  at  the  outset  of  the  "  Commencement  pro- 
ceedings," a  good  deal  of  heat  was  engendered  over 
this  abstruse  point  in  divinity.  It  was  felt  necessary 
by  the  dominant  party  of  reformers  to  put  Overall  in 
his  place,  and  check  any  tendencies  to  countenance 
an  opinion  which  leaned  towards  the  position  held  by 
Rome.  They  asserted  themselves  on  the  next  day,  as 
we  gather  from  the  following  account — 

"  On  the  Commencement  Day,  Dr.  Playfere,  one  of  the 
Divinity  Readers,  was  moderator  of  the  disputation.  He 
entered  into  a  defence  of  the  Vice-Chancellor's  reasons,  and 
discovered  and  refuted  Dr.  Overall's  dealing  the  day  before, 
with  such  soundness,  learning  and  perspicuity  as  did  greatly 
content  and  satisfy  the  assembly.  If  some  of  his  speeches 
were  somewhat  sharp  in  regard  of  the  manner,  they  which 
love  truth  will  bear  a  little  with  him,  because  he  dealt  against 
him  [Overall]  which  had  faulted  both  in  matter  and  manner, 
and  whose  public  oppositions  against  the  truth  are  most 
notorious.     Dr.  Overall's  unsoundness  and  obscurity  in  his 


DISPUTATIONS   ON  RELIGION  55 

lectures  and  '  determinations  '  have  grieved  the  hearts  and 
opened  the  mouths  of  very  many  against  him." 

The  fact  of  the  matter  was  that,  with  the  growing 
sense  of  security  in  regard  to  the  settlement  in  Church 
and  State,  after  the  collapse  of  the  Spanish  Armada 
and  the  failure  of  the  papal  plots  against  England,  it 
was  felt  to  be  less  necessary  to  accentuate  points  of 
difference  between  the  Anglican  and  Roman  Churches. 
There  was  a  shrinking  from  the  extreme  logical 
conclusions  of  a  strong  Calvinism.  Indications  ap- 
peared of  an  incipient  Arminianism.  This  puzzled 
and  alarmed  men  of  the  old  guard  like  Dr.  Soame, 
Dr.  Goade  and  Laurence  Chaderton,  who  had  borne 
the  brunt  of  the  battle  against  the  plotting  Catholics, 
and  had  been  bred  in  the  atmosphere  of  the  Thirty-nine 
Articles.  The  independence  of  judgment  shown  by 
Overall  by  no  means  prejudiced  his  future.  He  was 
made  Dean  of  St.  Paul's  in  1602,  received  the  See  of 
Coventry  and  Lichfield  in  1614,  and  finished  up  as 
Bishop  of  Norwich. 

The  fact  that  Robinson  was  at  Cambridge  when 
these  questions  of  predestination,  election,  reprobation 
and  justifying  faith  were  so  eagerly  debated  was  not 
without  effect  upon  his  mind.  The  influence  of  this 
period  is  strongly  marked  in  his  writings.  He  was 
unmoved  by  the  wave  of  Arminian  opinion  which 
now  began  to  set  in.  He  held  to  the  general  scheme 
of  theology  in  which  he  had  been  instructed,  and 
which  he  had  learned  to  defend  in  the  schools.  It 
seemed  to  him  to  have  ample  scriptural  warrant  in 
the  Pauline  epistles,  and  that  was  enough  for  him. 

If  we  bear  in  mind  how  thoroughly  John  Robinson 
had  been  steeped  in  the  discussions  on  the  leading 
points  in  the  Calvinistic  theology  during  his  course 
at  Cambridge,  we  shall  be  better  able  to  understand 
an  incident  during  his  residence  at  Leyden  related 
of  him  in  after  days.  By  strange  fortune  both  the 
University  and  the  city  of  Leyden  were  deeply 
stirred  by  keen  disputations  over  these  very  same 


56  JOHN  ROBINSON 

questions  in  theology  during  the  period  in  which  the 
"  Pilgrim  Church  "  found  refuge  there.  Here  also, 
just  as  at  Cambridge,  the  dispute  was  complicated  by 
political  and  personal  cross-currents,  which  tended 
to  make  it  exceedingly  keen.  Robinson  in  the  course 
of  his  ministry  at  Leyden  had  not  forgotten  his 
old  love.  He  had  entered  himself  in  1615  as  a 
"  student  in  theology  "  at  Leyden  University,  and 
interested  himself  in  the  controversies  which  then 
agitated  its  members.  Edward  Winslow,  looking 
back  to  that  time,  says — 

"  Our  Pastor,  Master  Robinson,  in  the  time  when  Armin- 
ianism  prevailed  so  much,  at  the  request  of  the  most  orthodox 
Divines,  as  Polyander,  Festus  Hommius,  etc.,  disputed  daily 
in  the  Academy  at  Leyden  against  Episcopius  and  others 
the  grand  champions  of  that  error ;  and  had  as  good  respect 
amongst  them  as  any  of  their  own  Divines.  Insomuch  as 
when  God  took  him  away  from  them  and  us  by  death  .  .  . 
some  of  the  chief  of  them  sadly  affirmed, '  that  all  the  Churches 
of  Christ  sustained  a  loss  by  the  death  of  that  worthy  Instru- 
ment of  the  Gospel.'  "  1 

William  Bradford  gives  us  a  more  detailed  descrip- 
tion of  these  encounters — 

"  In  these  Times  "  [that  is,  during  the  stay  of  their  Church 
in  Leyden],  he  says,  "  were  the  great  troubles  raised  by  the 
Arminians,  who,  as  they  greatly  molested  the  whole  State, 
so  this  city  in  particular,  in  which  was  the  chief  University ; 
so  as  there  were  daily  and  hot  disputes  in  the  Schools  there- 
about. And  as  the  students  and  other  learned  were  divided 
in  their  opinions  herein,  so  were  the  two  Professors  or  Divinity 
Readers  themselves,  the  one  daily  teaching  for  it,  the  other 
against  it,  which  grew  to  that  pass  that  few  of  the  disciples 
of  the  one  would  hear  the  other  teach. 

"  But  Master  Robinson,  though  he  taught  [i.  e.  preached] 
thrice  a  week  himself,  and  writ  sundry  books,  besides  his 
manifold  pains  otherwise,  yet  he  went  constantly  to  hear 
their  Readings  [lectures],  and  heard  the  one  as  well  as  the 
other.  By  which  means  he  was  so  well  grounded  in  the 
controversy,  and  saw  the  force  of  all  their  arguments,  and 
knew  the  shifts  of  the  adversary. 

"  And  being  himself  very  able,  none  was  fitter  to  buckle 

1  Winslow,  Hypocrisy  Vnmmked,  p.  94  (1646), 


DISPUTATIONS   ON  RELIGION  57 

with  them  than  himself;  as  appeared  by  sundry  disputes, 
so  as  he  began  to  be  terrible  to  the  Arminians.  Which  made 
Episcopius,  the  Arminian  Professor,  to  put  forth  his  best 
strength  and  set  forth  sundry  Theses,  which  by  public  dispute 
he  would  defend  against  all  men. 

"  Now  Polyander,  the  other  [Calvinist]  Professor,  and  the 
chief  Preachers  of  the  city,  desired  Master  Robinson  to 
dispute  against  him.  But  he  was  loath,  being  a  stranger. 
Yet  the  other  did  importune  him,  and  told  him,  *  that  such 
was  the  ability  and  nimbleness  of  the  adversary  that  the 
truth  would  suffer  if  he  did  not  help  them.'  So  as  he  con- 
descended and  prepared  himself  against  the  time." 

It  was  just  here,  we  may  suppose,  that  the  notes 
and  memories  of  his  University  days  at  Cambridge 
helped  him. 

"  When  the  day  came,"  continues  Bradford,  "  the  Lord 
did  so  help  him  to  defend  the  truth  and  foil  this  adversary, 
as  he  put  him  to  an  apparent  non  'plus,  in  this  great  and 
public  audience.  And  the  like  he  did  a  second  or  third  time, 
upon  such-like  occasions.  The  which,  as  it  caused  many  to 
praise  God  that  the  truth  had  so  famous  victory,  so  it  pro- 
cured him  much  honour  and  respect  from  those  learned  men 
and  others  which  loved  the  truth."  x 

Some  students  of  Robinson's  life  have  been  inclined 
to  regard  the  account  of  these  disputations  as  some- 
what apocryphal,  on  the  ground  that  the  pastor  of 
an  obscure  refugee  church  was  hardly  likely  to  be 
called  upon  to  champion  the  cause  of  orthodoxy  in 
this  way.  But  the  identification  of  John  Robinson 
with  the  fellow  of  that  name  of  Corpus  Christi  College, 
and  a  consideration  of  the  topics  that  came  to  the 
front  for  discussion  in  the  Cambridge  of  his  day, 
removes  the  difficulty.  He  would  be  excellently 
fitted  for  the  task.  We  may,  I  think,  take  the  account 
of  this  affair  given  by  Bradford  as  being  substantially 
correct.  The  discussion,  after  the  manner  of  the  time, 
would  be  in  Latin,  and  Robinson,  being  familiar  with 
that  tongue  from  its  use  in  Cambridge,  would  find 
his  English  birth  no  bar  to  participation  in  the  debate 
on  a  level  with  the  Dutch  members  of  the  University, 

1  Bradford's  Plimouth  Plantation. 


CHAPTER  VII 

JOHN    ROBINSON    AT   NORWICH 

When  John  Robinson  settled  at  Norwich  he  would 
find  himself  in  an  atmosphere  of  busy,  practical  life. 
It  was  the  chief  manufacturing  centre  of  provincial 
England.  There  was  a  large  population,  a  thriving 
industry  and  a  keen  interest  in  both  politics  and 
religion.  The  commerce  of  the  place  brought  it  into 
close  touch  with  Holland  and  Flanders,  and  there 
were  many  foreign  workmen  settled  in  the  city,  some 
of  whom  were  religious  refugees.  It  was  a  stimulating 
experience  to  step  from  the  academic  life  at  Cambridge 
into  the  strenuous  existence  which  Norwich  then 
afforded. 

The  Reformation  was  accepted  wholeheartedly  by 
the  leading  townsfolk  and  the  commercial  community 
in  Norwich.  Under  the  guidance  of  John  More 
(d.  1592),  vicar  of  St.  Andrews,  and  Thomas  Roberts 
(d.  1576),  rector  of  St.  Clements,  the  Puritan  party 
gained  a  strong  hold  upon  the  city.  The  clergy 
advocated  a  further  reformation  of  the  Church,  and 
projected  a  plan  for  its  discipline  and  governance  by 
deans  and  superintendents  instead  of  Bishops.  They 
objected  to  the  "  imposition  of  ceremonies  "  and  every- 
thing savouring  of  "  popery."  x 

Norwich  was  a  city  of  many  churches,  but  the  pro- 
vision for  the  maintenance  of  its  clergy  was  poor  in 
the  extreme.  A  petition  x  from  "  the  poor  and  pain- 
ful ministers  of  the  City  of  Norwich,"  presented  to 
Burghley  about  the  year  1592,  throws  light  upon  this 

1  "  Humble  Supplication  against  the  Imposition  of  Ceremonies,"  September 
25,  1576. 
8  Hist.  MSS.  Com.  Report  on  the  Salisbury  Papers,  Pt,  13,  p.  461. 

58 


LIFE   AT   NORWICH  59 

matter.  The  petitioners  point  out  that  there  are 
forty  parishes,  but  the  income  was  ill  provided  and 
uncertain,  consequently  "  we  that  serve  at  the  altar 
live  on  the  basket,  and  our  people  that  should  maintain 
us  cannot  agree  about  our  maintenance ;  the  rich  will 
give  little,  the  meaner  sort  less  and  the  rest  nothing 
at  all."  They  asked  for  some  scheme  to  be  devised 
to  give  a  reasonable  certainty  of  income. 

There  was  not  much  prospect  of  worldly  advantage 
then  in  Robinson's  move  to  Norwich,  and  one  may 
speculate  as  to  the  influences  which  induced  him  to 
turn  his  face  thither.  For  one  thing,  Norwich  was 
closely  associated  with  Cambridge.  Those  who  framed 
the  petition  to  Burghley  just  cited,  say,  "  We  are  all 
of  us  of  your  University  of  Cambridge."  Many 
Norwich  men  had  been  trained  in  Robinson's  college, 
and  the  knowledge  that  he  would  find  a  circle  of 
sympathetic  friends  there  might  be  a  factor  in  deter- 
mining him  to  fix  his  home  in  that  city.  I  rather 
think,  however,  that  it  was  his  close  acquaintance  with 
Thomas  Newhouse  and  the  opportunity  of  what 
promised  to  be  congenial  work  in  fellowship  with  him 
that  led  him  thither.  Newhouse l  was  one  of  the 
circle  of  earnest  Cambridge  men  profoundly  influenced 
by  the  teaching  of  William  Perkins,  and  to  that  circle 
John  Robinson  also  belonged.  He  was  some  five  or 
six  years  Robinson's  senior  at  the  University,  graduat- 
ing from  "  Christ's "  about  1590,  and  securing  a 
fellowship  in  that  college  a  few  years  later.  The 
parishioners  of  St.  Andrew's,  Norwich,  invited  him 
to  become  their  minister  in  1602.  His  known  Puritan 
leanings  would  be  a  recommendation  in  their  eyes. 
They  had  been  indoctrinated  with  similar  opinions  by 
John  More,  who  refused  to  wear  the  surplice,  and  took 
his  own  line  in  ecclesiastical  matters.  The  people 
of  the  parish  bought  the  advowson  of  the  church  in 

1  A  letter  from  Newhouse,  dated  "  Norw*11  feb.  15,  1610,"  directed  to  his 
"  approved  good  freind  the  L[ady]  Knyvett,"  is  in  the  British  Museum. 
He  was  very  ill.  He  says  :  "I  have  used  your  Electuarie,  wch  I  hold  to  be 
verie  soveraigue  against  a  cosumption,"     He  died  1611. 


60  JOHN  ROBINSON 

order  to  secure  the  right  of  presenting  a  man  of  their 
own  choice  to  the  living.  They  seem  to  have  given 
attention  to  a  stricter  discipline  in  their  parish  than 
was  customary,  and  arranged  for  the  maintenance  of 
assistant  ministers  to  help  the  incumbent  in  the 
preaching  and  pastoral  work.  It  is  quite  possible  that 
Newhouse,  from  his  personal  knowledge  of  Robinson, 
invited  him  to  come  over  to  Norwich  and  help  in  the 
work. 

A  few  particulars  of  Robinson's  life  at  Norwich 
may  be  gathered  from  the  manuscript  copy x  of  a 
controversy  in  which  a  clerical  friend  engaged  him 
soon  after  he  had  definitely  separated  from  the 
Anglican  Church  and  migrated  to  Holland.  To  the 
main  points  in  this  controversy  we  shall  refer  on  a 
later  page.  We  only  note  here  that  Robinson's 
antagonist  in  this  argument  refers  to  him  as  "  some- 
time a  preacher  in  Norwich."  2  He  incidentally  lets  us 
know  that  it  was  St.  Andrew's  Church  to  which 
Robinson  was  there  attached.  In  order  to  give  definite- 
ness  to  their  discussion,  this  friend  charged  Robinson 
with  schism  in  leaving  St.  Andrew's  Church,  and 
Robinson  for  his  part  undertook  to  justify  his  action 
in  so  doing.  They  agreed  to  discuss  this  special  case 
of  the  larger  problem  of  the  lawfulness  of  separation 
from  the  Church  of  the  Realm.  In  expressing  his 
agreement  as  to  the  scope  of  the  discussion,  Robinson 
gives  us  a  glint  of  light  upon  his  Norwich  days — 

"  The  instance  you  propound,"  he  says,  "  for  the  specyall 
subiect  of  the  question  in  hand  I  agree  to,  which  is  St. 
Andrewes  in  Norwich,  wherof  indeed  I  was  sometymes  a 
minister  (as  you  saie),  but  never  anie  member,  having  my 
house-standyng  (which  is  the  infallible  determinacion  of 
members)  within  another  parish,  and  my  children  baptized 
there." 

From  this  we  gather  that  though  minister  of  St. 
Andrew's,  Robinson  lived  in  another  parish  in  Norwich, 

1  Jones,  MS.  30,  Bodleian  Library. 

3  An  advertisement,  etc.,  prefixed  to  the  MS; 


LIFE   AT  NORWICH  61 

and  was  so  far  observant  of  the  recognized  custom  of 
the  Anglican  Church  that  he  had  his  children  baptized 
in  the  church  of  the  parish  in  which  his  house  stood, 
though  he  himself  was  officially  connected  with  another 
parish  church  in  the  same  city.  We  also  note  that 
Robinson  mentions  his  "children";  more  than  one 
child,  therefore,  was  born  to  cheer  the  Norwich  home 
of  his  good  wife  Bridget.  Here  was  a  change  from 
the  cloistered  academic  life  of  Cambridge.  To  all 
appearances  Robinson  was  now  well  started  on  the 
useful  and  respectable  career  of  the  diligent  parish 
minister. 

Changes,  however,  were  pending.  On  the  one  hand, 
there  was  a  general  screwing  up  of  ecclesiastical 
affairs  to  the  standard  indicated  in  the  Book  of  Com- 
mon Prayer.  A  proclamation  was  issued  in  July  1604 
requiring  all  ministers  to  conform  to  the  new  Book  of 
Canons  before  the  end  of  the  following  November. 
The  Bishops  were  stirred  to  action,  and  were  now  less 
ready  to  overlook  neglect  or  defiance  of  the  rubrics. 
John  Jegon,  the  Bishop  of  Norwich,  sought  to  bring  all 
the  refractory  clergy  in  his  diocese  into  line.  The 
fact  that  Robinson  had  known  him  so  well  in  Cam- 
bridge may  have  made  him  less  ready  to  bow  to  his 
authority  in  Norwich.  He  was  led  to  question  the 
scriptural  authority  for  diocesan  Bishops  in  the  Chris- 
tian Church.  When  it  came  to  the  point  as  to  whether 
he  should  obey  his  Bishop  or  his  conscience,  and  the 
plain  injunctions  of  the  New  Testament  in  regard  to 
Church  organization  and  discipline,  Robinson  did  not 
hesitate.  This  brought  him  into  conflict  with  his 
Bishop.  We  do  not  know  the  details  of  the  case. 
We  only  know,  on  the  authority  of  Joseph  Hall,1  that 
he  was  suspended  from  the  exercise  of  his  ministry  by 
episcopal  authority.  Denied  the  liberty  of  preaching, 
he  gathered  friends  about  him  more  privately  for  prayer 
and  conference.     But  those  who  thus  resorted  to  him 

1  A  Common  Apologie,  1610,  p.  114.  Compare  also  Jones  MS.  30  p.  50, 
where  the  author,  addressing  Robinson,  says  :  "  You  and  I  and  others,  be- 
cause we  could  not  obserue  all  other  things  required,  were  put  from  preaching." 


62  JOHN   ROBINSON 

were  promptly  excommunicated.     Henry  Ainsworth 
referred  a  few  years  later  to  these  incidents — 

"  If  any  among  you  not  medling  with  the  publik  estate  of 
your  Church,  but  feeling  or  fearing  his  own  particular  soul- 
sicknes,  doe  resort  to  a  physician  (whose  receipts  are  not  after 
the  common  sort)  for  advise  about  his  health,  or  of  freindship 
and  acquaintance  to  see  him,  he  is  subject  to  the  censure 
and  thunderbolt  of  your  Church.  Witnes  the  late  practice 
in  Norwich,  where  certeyn  citizens  were  excommunicated 
for  resorting  vnto  and  praying  with  Mr>  Robfinson],  a  man 
worthily  reverenced  of  all  the  city  for  the  graces  of  God  in 
him  (as  your  self  [Richard  Bernard]  also,  I  suppose,  wil 
acknowledge)  and  to  whom  the  cure  and  charge  of  their  sowles 
was  ere  while  committed."  * 

On  the  other  hand,  along  with  this  screwing  up  of 
episcopal  authority  there  was  a  development  going  on 
in  Robinson's  own  thought  in  regard  to  the  right 
ordering  of  the  Church  and  the  nature  of  Church 
ceremonies  according  to  the  terms  of  the  New  Testa- 
ment. He  was  no  willing  deserter  from  his  old  Church. 
He  was  inclined  to  regard  "  the  ceremonies "  as 
matters  "  indifferent."  Hall  says  that  on  his  suspen- 
sion Robinson  "  submitted  to  the  prelates'  spirituall 
jurisdiction."  He  was  not  contumacious,  but  the  ban 
upon  his  ministerial  activities — his  chosen  life-work — 
led  him  to  review  the  whole  position.  Nor  did  he 
hastily  come  to  a  decision  to  separate  from  the  Church 
of  England.  The  Bishops  insisted  that  the  "  cere- 
monies "  of  their  Church  were  not  matters  of  indiffer- 
ence, but  matters  of  necessity.  Robinson,  as  a  result 
of  three  months'  consideration  of  the  question,  also 
came  to  the  conclusion  that  they  were  not  matters  of 
indifference,  but  that  they  were  wrong.  That  being 
so,  to  participate  in  them  was  evil. 

The  question  of  his  future  career,  as  well  as  his 
position  in  relation  to  the  Church,  would  demand  his 
attention  at  this  period.  His  growing  family  had  to 
be  provided  for.  The  mastership  of  a  hospital  offered 
some  attractions  to  a  man  of  his  tastes.     He  would  be 

1  Counterpoyson,  1608,  p.  246. 


LIFE   AT   NORWICH  63 

less  directly  under  the  eye  of  the  Bishop,  and  have 
greater  freedom  and  security  in  such  a  position  than 
as  an  ordinary  parish  priest.  Norwich  had  more  than 
one  "  hospital  "  x  of  ancient  foundation,  where  the 
aged  poor  found  an  asylum  from  the  cares  of  the 
world.  There  was  St.  Stephen's  Hospital,  which 
stood  without  St.  Stephen's  Gate;  there  was  St. 
Giles's  Hospital,  currently  known  as  "  The  Old  Men's 
Hospital,"  to  the  mastership  of  which  the  Mayor  and 
Aldermen  of  the  city  had  the  right  of  election;  there 
was  "  the  Hospital  or  Spittel  hous  of  St.  Mary  Mag- 
dalene, near  Norwich."  Robinson,  however,  if  he 
sought  such  an  appointment  did  not  secure  it.  It 
was  a  scandal  of  the  time  that  these  ancient  charities 
were  too  often  perverted  from  their  intended  uses 
and  the   offices   connected   with  them  put   into  the 

1  The  State  Papers  contain  the  report  of  an  inquiry  into  the  abuse  of  the 
funds  of  such  a  Norwich  hospital  at  this  period.  The  Corporation  had  failed 
in  its  trust.  "  The  Master  of  the  house  of  they1  appoyntment  hath  only  a 
bare  pension.  The  manors  and  revenues  are  graunted  privily  among  them 
selves.  All  fines  of  the  land  come  to  theyr  owne  purses  without  regard  of  the 
poore  or  the  King's  foundation."  State  Papers,  Domestic,  James  I,  vol.  v.  p.  57. 
On  February  5,  1603-4,  the  "keeping  and  governorship  of  St.  Stephen's 
Hospital,  Norwich,"  was  granted  to  Matthew  Barber.  Then,  on  April  11, 1604, 
there  was  a  grant  to  Thomas  Oglethorp  of  "  the  guidership  "  of  St.  Stephen's 
Hospital,  Norwich,  for  life,  and  a  similar  grant  to  "  John  Palmore  "  on 
April  14;  while  on  January  27,  1605,  there  was  again  a  "grant  to  John 
Palmer  of  the  guidership  of  St.  Stephen's  Hospital,  Norwich,  for  life."  See 
the  State  Papers,  Domestic.  These  entries  suggest  a  scramble  for  the  post. 
Perhaps  some  local  antiquary  will  look  into  the  matter. 

The  following  document  illustrates  the  kind  of  post  Robinson  may  have 
sought — 

Petition,  dated  April  1604,  to  "  The  Master  of  ye  Roles." 

"  Good  sir  where  the  berer  here  of  Oliver  Lloyd  Doctor  of  the  oivill  la  we  is 
a  suter  unto  you  for  yor  meanes  unto  his  Matye  for  a  dispensacon  to  enable 
him  to  hould  an  hospitall  prebend  or  other  promotion  spirituall  havinge  not 
cure  of  Souls  yf  heareafter  hee  happen  to  obtayne  anie  such.  I  have  thought 
good  to  signifie  unto  you  that  I  understand  by  Sr  Richard  Swayle,  Judge  of 
the  faculties,  that  his  suite  is  convenient  and  honest  and  that  hee  and  manie 
other  Doctors  have  the  like  and  that  in  regard  of  the  necessarie  use  the  publique 
estate  hath  of  men  of  that  profession  and  the  small  pferremts  incident  unto 
them.  It  is  fittinge  to  give  them  that  incouragement.  And  so  recomending 
him  and  his  desire  unto  you  I  comitte  you  to  thalmightie  ffrom  Courte  Aprilis 
xiiij  1604." — State  Papers,  Domestic,  James  I,  vol.  vii.  p.  28. 

The  Hospital  of  St.  Paul  in  Norwich,  called  "  Norman's  Spital,"  had  been 
leased  to  the  Corporation  in  1575  by  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  Norwich  for 
500  years,  at  a  rent  of  one  penny  per  annum.  The  Corporation  sublet  the 
lands  attached  to  it. 


64  JOHN   ROBINSON 

hands  of  place  hunters  or  of  those  who  made  traffic  of 
them. 

It  is  also  hinted  that  Robinson  applied  to  the  Cor- 
poration at  this  time  for  "  a  lease,"  which  would 
probably  have  secured  his  material  necessities,  by 
sub-letting  the  property  which  it  covered.  Joseph 
Hall  makes  the  gratuitous  and  ungenerous  suggestion 
that  had  either  of  these  applications  been  granted 
Robinson  would  never  have  "  separated  "  from  the 
Anglican  Church.  He  launches  it  as  a  Parthian  shot 
at  the  close  of  his  controversy  with  Robinson  in  the 
concluding  words  of  his  Common  Apologie — 

"...  neither  doubt  we  to  say  that  the  Mastership  of  the 
Hospital  at  Norwich,  or  a  lease  from  that  City  (sued  for,  with 
repulse),  might  have  procured  that  this  separation  from  the 
communion,  government,  and  worship  of  the  Church  of 
England  should  not  have  been  made  by  John  Robinson." 

Clerical  Subscription  discussed  at  Norwich 

Bancroft's  energetic  demand  for  submission  to  the 
Canons,  and  his  insistence  upon  subscription,  threw 
the  Puritan  clergy  into  dismay.  Pamphlets  upon  the 
question  of  conformity  came  from  the  press  in  quick 
succession.  It  was  made  the  theme  of  many  sermons. 
The  constitutional  aspect  of  the  matter  was  closely 
debated.  "  We  know  no  kind  of  law,  whereby  we 
may  be  required  to  subscribe  unto  the  three  articles,"  * 
said  certain  ministers  of  Devon  and  Cornwall,  for  the 
Canons  had  not  received  Parliamentary  sanction. 
They  were  told  for  answer  that  they  were  required 
to  subscribe  "  by  virtue  of  a  Canon,  which  is 
to  us  a  law,  being  ratified  as  it  is  under  the  King's 
Majesties  hand  and  seal."  2  The  one  party  was  con- 
tent with  the  exercise  of  "the  royal  prerogative,"  the 
other  party  looked  for  definite  Parliamentary  enact- 
ment.    The  whole  subject  was  thoroughly  discussed 

1  "  Reasons  for  Refvsal  of  Svbscription  to  the  booke  of  Common  praier 
.  .  .  with  an  Ansvvere  by  Thomas  Hvtten,  1605,  p.  18. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  38.     "  I  take  it  I  am  not  compellable  by  any  law  to  subscribe," 
said  another  minister,  ibid.,  p.  43. 


LIFE   AT  NORWICH  65 

at  Norwich,  where  resistance  to  subscription  was 
marked.  Francis  Mason  handled  the  matter  in  a 
sermon  delivered  in  the  "  Greene  Yard  "  there  on  the 
third  Sunday  after  Trinity,  June  1605.  He  published 
it  "in  sundrie  points  by  him  enlarged,"  in  1607, 
under  the  title  "  The  Authoritie  of  the  Church  in 
making  Canons  and  Constitutions  concerning  things 
indifferent,  and  the  obedience  thereto  required,  with 
particular  application  to  the  present  estate  of  the 
Church  of  England."  1 

It  is  quite  possible  that  Robinson  was  present  at 
this  discourse — 

"  The  principall  marke  I  shoote  at,"  says  Mason,  "is  to 
doe  my  endevour  to  settle  the  tender  and  trembling  consciences 
of  those  which  are  not  wedded  to  their  owne  conceits,  but  have 
been  carried  away  rather  of  weaknesse  than  of  wilfulnesse, 
that  such  of  them  as  it  shall  please  the  Lord  may  be  reduced 
to  the  Tabernacles  of  peace  and  follow  the  trueth  in  love."  2 

He  felt  that  these  internal  disputes  in  the  Church 
of  England  gave  an  opening  to  the  Roman  Catholics 
on  the  one  hand,  and  to  Brownists  on  the  other,  but 
he  had  no  proposals  to  make  to  remove  the  difficulties 
which  stood  in  the  way  of  the  Puritans'  conformity. 
Peace  in  the  Church  was  desirable,  but  there  was 
no  meeting  of  the  Puritans  half-way  to  secure  it. 
Their  absolute  submission  was  demanded.  The 
absence  of  all  recognition  of  the  unreasonableness  of 
this  attitude  on  the  part  of  the  prelatical  party  is 
remarkable.  Mason  writes  in  a  moderate  strain,  but 
gives  not  the  slightest  hint  of  any  possible  concession 
to  the  demands  of  the  Puritan  party.  He  felt  that 
those  demands,  carried  to  their  logical  conclusion, 
would  lead  to  Brownism,  of  which  the  people  in 
Norwich  had  some  practical  experience. 

"  As  you  reioice  the  Papists,  so  you  encourage  the  Brown- 
ists, who  builde  their  conclusions  vpon  your  premises  and 
put  your  speculations  in  practice.     For  haue  not  your  ring- 

1  Dr.  Williams'  Library,  Pamphlets,  9.  4.  8. 
T  2  The  Epistle  Dedieatorie. 


66  JOHN   ROBINSON 

leaders  proclaimed  that  our  gouernment  by  Bishops  is  popish, 
our  liturgie  popish,  our  ministring  of  baptisme  with  the  crosse 
popish,  our  kneeling  at  the  Communion  popish ;  our  garments 
for  publike  administration,  popish;  our  holidaies,  popish  and 
almost  euerie  thing  popish  ?  Wherefore  the  Brownists,  hauing 
learned  that  the  Pope  is  Antichrist  and  the  present  Church 
of  Rome  Babylon;  and  hearing  a  voice  from  heauen  crying, 
4  Goe  out  of  her,  my  people,  that  you  be  not  partakers  in  her  sinnes, 
and  that  yee  taste  not  of  her  plagues,'  haue,  vpon  your  former 
premises,  gathered  a  practicall  conclusion  and  made  an 
actuall  separation  and  rent  from  the  Church  of  England. 
And  surely,  my  brethren,  as  they  had  their  original  from  your 
positions,  so  now  they  are  strengthened  by  your  practices  : 
for  they  may  well  thinke  that  such  learned  and  vertuous 
men,  so  famous  and  renowned  Preachers,  knowing  a  Woe 
pronounced  against  them  if  they  preach  not  the  Gospell,  would 
neuer  suffer  themselues  to  be  silenced  for  matters  which  they 
iudged  indifferent,  and  therefore  they  will  take  it  as  granted 
that  the  things  you  sticke  at  are  in  your  opinion  simplie 
vnlawfull.  Vpon  this  dangerous  position  they  will  builde 
an  other,  for  if  the  Liturgie  of  the  Church  of  England  as  it  is 
inioined  at  this  day  to  be  performed,  be  such  as  a  Minister 
cannot  execute  his  function  with  a  good  conscience  :  then 
they  conclude  that  neither  may  the  people  heare  it  with  a  good 
conscience  because  their  presence  were  an  approbation  of 
it.  Thus  the  vnquiet  wit  of  man  will  still  be  working  euen 
till  it  runne  it  selfe  vpon  the  rocke  of  his  owne  destruction. 
Wherefore  (my  deare  brethren)  I  beseech  you,  as  you  tender  the 
good  of  the  Church,  to  lay  aside  all  contentious  humors.  Let 
there  not  be  found  in  you  a  spirit  of  contradiction  and  singu- 
laritie  :  but  follow  those  things  which  concerne  peace  and 
wherewith  one  may  edifie  an  other  "  (pp.  67-68). 

Robinson  was  not  convinced  by  this  appeal,  and 
stood  firm,  suffering  suspension  from  preaching  rather 
than  give  way  contrary  to  his  convictions.  It 
does  not  appear  that  he  consulted  at  this  time  with 
the  obscure  Brownist  congregation  in  Norwich,  to 
which  Robert  Browne  and  Richard  Harrison,  and 
after  them  Clement  Hunt,  had  ministered.  As  yet  he 
was  not  prepared  to  separate  from  Anglicanism. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

SEPARATION      FROM      THE       CHURCH       OF       ENGLAND 

ROBINSON      AND      BERNARD GERVASE      NEVILLE 

WILLIAM   BREWSTER 

As  the  avenues  for  useful  work  or  for  securing  a 
livelihood  at  Norwich  were  now  closed  to  him,  Robin- 
son settled  up  his  affairs  there  and  left  the  city.  Where 
did  he  go  ?  Hall  says  :  "  You  went  from  Norwich  to 
Lincolnshire  after  your  suspension."  I  think  he  went 
home  to  Sturton-le-Steeple,  just  across  the  border 
from  Lincolnshire,  in  the  county  of  Nottingham. 
What  more  natural  than  that  he  and  his  wife  should 
take  their  children  to  the  grandparents  at  Sturton 
till  the  way  should  open  for  fresh  work  ?  It  would  be 
a  refreshing  change  for  them  all  to  get  into  the  restful 
quiet  of  the  country,  after  the  turmoil  of  Norwich. 

But  Robinson's  mind  was  too  full  of  the  problems 
of  Church  reform  according  to  Scriptural  methods  to 
allow  him  to  rest  long  here.  He  visited  places  "  where," 
says  he,  "  I  hoped  most  to  fynde  satisfaction  to  my 
troubled  heart."  He  talked  over  the  difficulties 
which  were  weighing  upon  his  mind  with  clerical 
friends  and  neighbours,  and  especially  with  those 
who  had  a  real  concern  for  a  further  reformation  in 
the  Church.  Now,  as  it  happened,  in  the  immediate 
neighbourhood  of  his  old  home  at  Sturton  there  were 
those  whose  thoughts  were  occupied  r>y  the  same 
problems,  and  who  were  faced  by  similar  difficulties  to 
those  which  beset  his  mind.  At  Gainsborough  John 
Smith  had  been  checked  in  his  efforts  to  minister  help- 
fully to  the  parishioners  in  the  absence  of  their  vicar ; 
at  Scrooby  William  Brewster  had  organized  house- 

67 


68  JOHN   ROBINSON 

meetings  for  religious  conference  and  worship  in  the 
Manor  House,  which  he  occupied ;  at  Babworth  Richard 
Clifton  was  bringing  trouble  on  himself  by  refusal  to 
observe  the  ceremonies  of  the  Church;  at  Worksop 
there  was  agitation  against  episcopal  requirements, 
and  a  prospect  of  independent  action  on  the  part  of 
the  pious  and  energetic  vicar,  Richard  Bernard.  The 
Puritan  clergy  were  restive  under  the  demand  made 
upon  them  to  acknowledge  the  lawfulness  of  the  cere- 
monies and  the  requirement  to  observe  them  to  the 
letter.  The  whole  question  of  the  nature  and  con- 
stitution of  the  Christian  Church  according  to  the 
Scriptural  teaching  was  being  passed  in  review. 

During  this  period  of  freedom  from  definite  minis- 
terial duties  Robinson  took  the  opportunity  of  revisit- 
ing Cambridge,  and  he  is  reported  f  to  have  told  "  one 
of  his  acquaintance  "  on  the  occasion  of  this  visit 
"  that  he  had  been  amongest  some  company  of  the 
seperation  before  his  comming  to  Camb.,  and,  exercising 
amongst  them,  had  renounced  his  former  ministery." 
Robinson,  in  noticing  this  report,  denies  that  he  had 
at  that  time  renounced  his  orders  or  finally  severed 
his  connexion  with  Anglicanism,  but  he  does  not  deny 
his  "  exercising,"  that  is  to  say,  preaching,  praying 
and  exhorting  amongst  the  Separatists  at  their  meet- 
ings. He  admits  he  had  "  made  question  "  of  "  sepera- 
tion "  at  that  time,  or,  as  we  should  say,  had  made  it 
a  subject  of  discussion  and  had  "  disputed  for  it," 
but  had  not  "  otherwise  professed  it."  Though  he 
might  then  have  been  pretty  well  convinced  of  the 
need  and  obligation  of  separation  from  a  corrupt 
Church,  he  had  nox  as  yet  acted  fully  upon  that  con- 
viction. What  he  neard  at  Cambridge  only  served 
to  strengthen  his  growing  resolution  on  this  point. 
Twice  does  he  refer  to  it  as  a  sort  of  providential 
message.  As  he  relates  the  incident  in  some  detail, 
we  may  give  his  account  in  full.  It  gives  us  a  picture 
of  what,  so  far  as  we  know,  was  his  last  Sunday  in 
Cambridge — 

1  A  Second  Manvdvction,  by  Wm.  Ames,  1615,  p.  29. 


SERMONS   AT   CAMBRIDGE  69 

"  Coming  to  Cambridge  *  (as  to  other  places,  where  I  hoped 
most  to  find  satisfaction  to  my  troubled  heart),  I  went  the 
forenoon  to  Mr.  Cha  :  [i.  e.  Laurence  Chaderton]  his  exercise, 
who  upon  the  relation  which  Mary  made  to  the  disciples 
of  the  resurrection  of  Christ,  delivered  in  effect  this  doctrine 
— that  the  things  which  concerned  the  whole  Church  were  to 
be  declared  publicly  to  the  whole  Church  and  not  to  some 
part  only;  bringing  for  instance  and  proof  the  words  of 
Christ,  Matt.  18.17:  '  Tell  it  to  the  Church ' ;  confirming  therein 
one  main  ground  of  our  difference  from  the  Church  of  England, 
which  is,  that  Christ  hath  given  his  power  for  excommunica- 
tion to  the  whole  Church  gathered  together  in  his  name,  as 
1  Cor.  5,  the  officers  as  the  governors,  and  the  people  as 
the  governed  in  the  use  thereof;  unto  which  Church  his 
servants  are  commanded  to  bring  their  necessary  complaints. 

"  And  I  would  desire  mine  opposite  [i.  e.  his  opponent,  the 
Puritan,  William  Ames]  either  to  shew  me  how  and  where 
this  Church  is  (having  this  power)  in  the  parish  assemblies; 
or  else,  by  what  warrant  of  God's  word  I  (knowing  what 
Christ  the  Lord  commanded  herein)  may  with  good  conscience 
remain  a  member  of  a  Church  without  this  power  (much  less 
where  the  contrary  is  advanced),  and  so  go  on  in  the  known 
transgression  of  that  his  commandment :  Tell  the  Church  ? 

"  In  the  afternoon  I  went  to  hear  Mr.  B.,  the  successor  of 
Mr.  Perkins  [i.  e.  Paul  Baynes],  who.  from  Ephes.  5  and  verse 
7  or  11,  shewed  the  unlawfulness  of  familiar  conversation 
between  the  servants  of  God  and  the  wicked,  upon  these 
grounds  or  the  most  of  them — 

"  (1)  That  the  former  are  light  and  the  other  darkness  between 
which  God  hath  separated.2 

"  (2)  That  the  godly  hereby  are  endangered  to  be  leavened  with 
the  othefs  wickedness. 

"  (3)  That  the  wicked  are  hereby  hardened  in  receiving  such 
approbation  from  the  godly. 

"  (4)  That  others  are  thereby  offended,  and  occasioned  to  think 
them  all  alike,  and  as  birds  of  a  feather  which  so  flock  together. 

"Whom  afterwards  privately  I  desired,  as  I  do  also  others, 
to  consider  whether  these  very  reasons  make  not  as  effectually 
and  much  more,  against  the  spiritual  communion  of  God's 
people  (especially  where  there  wants  the  means  of  reformation) 
with  the  apparently  wicked,  to  whom  they  are  as  light  to 
darkness.'''' 

1  A  Manvmission  to  a  Manvduction,  1615,  p.  20. 

2  Robinson  took  the  text  here  alluded  to  as  a  motto  for  the  title  page  of 
his  Justification  of  Separation,  1610:  "  God  separated  between  the  light  and 
between  the  darkness."  Gen.  i.  4. 


70  JOHN  ROBINSON 

Robinson  was  alert  enough  to  see  that  the  arguments 
of  Laurence  Chaderton  and  Paul  Baynes  told  with 
greater  force  for  the  Separatist  position  than  for  that 
of  the  Puritans.  The  fact  that  he  sought  out  Baynes 
after  his  sermon  and  privately  pressed  this  point  upon 
him  is  testimony  to  his  earnestness. 

I  take  it  that,  on  his  return  from  this  Cambridge 
visit,  Robinson  threw  in  his  lot  whole-heartedly  with 
the  little  group  of  devout  folk  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  his  old  home  who  had  by  this  time  separated  from 
the  Church  of  England  on  grounds  of  conscientious 
conviction.  John  Smith  led  them  into  the  way  of 
separation.  When  once  Robinson  had  taken  the  de- 
cisive step  he  did  not  look  back,  but  shared  in  all  the 
tribulation  which  befell  his  fellow-members  on  account 
of  their  fidelity.  According  to  William  Bradford's 
narrative  "  these  people  became  two  distinct  bodies 
or  churches  in  regard  of  distance  of  place,  and  did 
congregate  severally,  for  they  were  of  several  towns 
and  villages,  some  in  Nottinghamshire,  some  in 
Lincolnshire  and  some  of  Yorkshire,  where  they 
bordered  nearest  together." 

Geographically  it  was  more  convenient  for  Robinson 
to  go  over  to  Scrooby  than  to  Gainsborough.  On 
the  latter  journey,  though  the  mileage  was  less,  the 
Trent  had  to  be  crossed.  The  friends  at  Gainsborough 
enjoyed  the  resolute  guidance  of  Smith;  there  was 
less  need  then  for  Robinson's  help  in  that  centre,  and 
he  gravitated  to  the  Scrooby  group.  This  was  for- 
tunate, for  it  drew  him  into  close  touch  with  Brewster 
and  Bradford,  men  of  good  sense  and  sound  judg- 
ment, with  whom  he  maintained  a  lifelong  friendship. 

Moreover,  there  were  differences  of  accent  between 
Smith  and  Robinson  which,  in  spite  of  their  general 
agreement  as  to  the  necessity  and  obligation  of  separa- 
tion from  the  Anglican  Church,  might  have  led  to 
friction  if  the  two  men  had  been  called  to  labour  in 
close  conjunction.  Smith,  with  the  downrightness 
of  the  pioneer,  forswore  all  communion  in  religious 
matters  with  any  members  of  a  Church  which  he  now 


RENUNCIATION   OF   ORDERS  71 

deemed  to  be  false  in  its  constitution.  Robinson, 
though  he  would  not  participate  in  the  public  worship 
of  such  a  Church,  was  ready  to  join  privately  in  prayer 
and  religious  conference  with  any  sincere  and  godly 
member  of  it. 

I  think  it  quite  likely  that  he  held  meetings  for 
religious  worship  and  conference  in  Sturton  itself. 
Several  relations  of  his  wife,  including  her  brother- 
in-law,  John  Carver,  accompanied  Robinson  to  Am- 
sterdam from  the  Sturton  district.  It  is  reasonable 
to  suppose  that  they  had  already  formed  the  habit  of 
worshipping  together. 

The  actual  separation  of  John  Smith  and  John 
Robinson  from  the  Church  of  England,  and  the 
renunciation  of  their  "  orders  "  as  priests  of  that 
Church,  created  some  stir  in  the  locality,  especially 
in  clerical  circles,  but  they  did  not  draw  into  the 
new  movement  so  many  of  the  local  clergy  as  they  had 
hoped  to  do.  Richard  Clifton,  the  earnest  rector  of 
Bab  worth,  was  convinced  by  Smith,  and  joined  them. 
Hugh  Bromehead,  the  curate  of  North  Wheatley, 
threw  in  his  lot  with  them,  but  Richard  Bernard, 
the  vicar  of  Worksop,  of  whom  they  had  great  expecta- 
tions, and  who  went  with  them  up  to  a  point,  drew 
back,  and  soon  became  a  strenuous  opponent  of  the 
aims  and  policy  of  the  Separatists.  Some  of  Bernard's 
parishioners,  however,  were  led  by  the  earnestness 
and  eloquence  of  Smith  to  follow  the  new  path.  It 
is  possible  that  this  new  religious  movement  would 
have  made  headway  in  England  if  it  had  been  given 
a  free  field,  for  it  was  full  of  force  and  vitality,  and 
could  boast  of  capable  leaders.  It  was  a  movement 
that  could  not  be  ignored.  The  Archbishop  of  York  and 
the  Bishop  of  Lincoln  would  know  that  if  these  meet- 
ings for  worship  apart  from  the  Established  Church, 
led  by  men  who  had  deliberately  renounced  their 
orders,  were  overlooked,  their  own  authority  would 
be  seriously  weakened.  In  those  days  neither  the 
law  of  the  land  nor  the  law  of  the  Church  allowed 
any  place  for  such   meetings   or  such   "  churches." 


72  JOHN  ROBINSON 

The  machinery  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Commission  was 
set  in  motion  to  crush  the  movement.  As  Bradford 
puts  it — 

"  They  could  not  long  continue  in  any  peaceable  condition; 
but  were  hunted  and  persecuted  on  every  side;  so  as  their 
former  afflictions  were  but  as  flea-bitings  in  comparison  of 
these  which  now  came  upon  them.  For  some  were  taken 
and  clapt  up  in  prison.  Others  had  their  houses  beset  and 
watched,  night  and  day,  and  hardly  escaped  their  hands; 
and  the  most  were  fain  to  fly  and  leave  their  houses  and 
habitations,  and  the  means  of  their  livelihood.  Yet  these, 
and  many  other  sharper  things  which  afterwards  befell  them, 
were  no  other  than  they  looked  for;  and  therefore  were  the 
better  prepared  to  bear  them  by  the  assistance  of  God's  grace 
and  Spirit."  * 

Gervase  Neville 

The  records  of  the  Court  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Com- 
mission for  the  Northern  Province  of  England,  of 
which  the  Archbishop  of  York  was  a  chief  member, 
give  one  or  two  flashes  of  light  upon  the  story  of  the 
"  Pilgrim  Church  "  at  this  period  from  the  official 
side.  One  of  those  cited  to  appear  before  it  was 
Gervase  Neville.2  He  was  a  man  of  some  standing 
in  the  locality,  and  as  his  case  is  dealt  with  more  fully 
than  usual  in  the  "  Act  Books  "  of  the  Court,  we  may 
as  well  give  the  record.  Preceding  writers  have  not 
identified  this  Gervase  Neville.  He  was  the  Neville 
of  that  name  who  held  a  considerable  extent  of  land 
in  Ragnell,  Dunham,  South  Leverton  and  adjacent 
parts. 

Being  a  son  of  Robert  Neville,  he  came  of  a  good 

1  Bradford's  History  of  Plimouth  Plantation,  f.  31. 

2  An  early  reference  to  Neville  I  find  in  the  will  of  Augustine  Pickhaver, 
dated  December  27,  1598— 

"  I  give  and  bequeath  unto  my  verie  good  frende  Mr.  Gervase  Nevell  one 
frenche  crowne  trustinge  hee  wilbee  a  guide  and  staye  in  givinge  advise  and 
counsell  to  my  wife  and  children  from  time  to  time."  He  nominates  his 
brother,  Richard  Pickhaver,  and  William  Hawkesmore  as  supervisors  of  his 
will,  and  continues :  "I  also  ordaine  and  appointe  my  verie  good  frende 
Mr.  Gervase  Nevell  umper  over  my  said  sup'visors  ...  to  advise  and  directe 
them  from  time  to  time  in  and  about  this  my  will  or  testament." — "  Act  Book  " 
of  the  Southwell  Peculiar  Court  in  Notts.  Probate  Registry,  B.,  f.  284. 


GERVASE   NEVILLE  73 

family.  His  grandfather,  George  Neville,  was  High 
Sheriff  of  Nottinghamshire  in  1581. x  In  the  Subsidy 
Roll  for  1599  2  I  find  the  entry  under  "  Ragnel "  : 
"  Gervasius  Nevill  in  terris  xls-viij8,"  indicating  that 
he  was  already  assessed  on  lands  there.  His  title 
to  the  house  and  lands  which  he  occupied  in  Ragnell 
was  disputed  early  in  the  reign  of  James  I,  and 
this  gave  rise  to  much  irritating  litigation.  The 
question  appears  to  have  been  as  to  whether  the  land 
he  held  was  "  Auncient  demeasin  as  of  his  Mats  royall 
Crown  of  England,"  or  was  dependent  on  the  Manor  of 
Dunham.  Commissioners  were  appointed  on  February 
12,  1606,  to  inquire  into  the  matter,  and  on  the  follow- 
ing 26th  of  March  John  Thornhagh  of  Fenton  and 
Edward  North  sat  at  East  Retford  to  examine  wit- 
nesses about  it.  Some  of  the  depositions  give  us 
fresh  information  in  regard  to  Neville  and  his  family. 
One  of  the  interrogatories  was  as  to  whether  the 
messuage,  lands  and  tenements  "  in  the  holding  of 
Jervase  Nevill  "  were  "  lyable  to  all  paies  and  layes 
to  Church  and  kinge  wth  the  towne  of  Ragnell  or 
wth  the  towne  of  Dunham,  and  whether  hath  the  said 
Jervase  Nevill  or  his  ancestors  served  as  constable 
and  churchwarden  for  the  said  Messuage  for  the  towne 
of  Ragnell  or  for  the  town  of  Dunham."  Apparently 
Neville  would  have  been  subjected  to  a  stiff  fine  to 
quiet  his  title  to  the  property  he  had  inherited  if 
it  were  proved  to  be  Crown  land.  One  of  his  witnesses, 
"  Pawle  Taylor  of  Darlton,"  deposed  that  the  lands 
in  dispute  were  "  holden  of  the  mannor  and  soke  of 
Dunham,"  and  further,  "  he  knowxth  that  the  said 
Gervase  Nevill  did,  after  the  death  of  his  ffather, 
paye  to  this  deponent  to  the  use  of  Sir  John  Munson, 
then  Lord  of  the  Mannor  of  Dunham,  for  the  foresaid 
lands  a  Relief  of  fortie  nine  shillings  and  fowre  pence, 
wch  was  a  whole  yeres  rent. 

"  The  said   Gervas  Nevill   doeth  paie  and  his  An- 

1  Cf.  Letter  from  the  Queen  to  George  Nevill,  Brit.  Mus.  Add.  MS.,  33, 
594,  f.  8. 

2  Lay  Subsidies,  Bassetlaw,  Notts.,  39  Eliz.  h§ ^,  Record  Office. 


74  JOHN  ROBINSON 

cestors  dureinge  the  space  of  eighteen  yeres  or  there- 
about have  used  to  paye  tofte  penies,  otherwise  called 
comon  ffyne,  and  that  the  same  hath  been  yerelie 
gathered  at  mychaellmas  by  the  ffreeborrowes  and 
payed  to  this  deponent,  bailiffe  to  the  lord  of  the 
mannor  of  Dunham."  He  said  the  lands  of  Gervase 
Neville  were  not  subject  to  the  annual  "  king's  rent  " 
of  £5  12s.,  paid  from  Ragnell  to  the  sheriff  of  the  county 
at  Retford  Sessions. 

Henry  Howett  of  Dunham,  husbandman,  of  the 
age  of  fourscore  years,  or  thereabouts,  sworn  and 
examined  sayeth  :  "  that  he  knoweth  the  messuage 
that  Gervase  Nevill  holdeth  and  occupieth  in  Ragnell, 
and  saieth  that  the  said  Gervase  did  build  that  messuage 
wherein  he  dwelleth  and  that  the  sayd  messuages  did 
discend  to  the  said  Gervase  Nevill  from  his  father  and 
his  grandfather." 

Another  witness,  "  Richard  Unwine  of  Ragnell, 
laborer,"  sixty  years  of  age,  deposed  that  Gervase 
Neville  "  is  heire  vnto  another  messuage  in  Ragnell 
wch  his  mother  in  la  we  no  we  hath  for  her  lyef."  And 
that  "  he  hath  knowne  the  sayd  Gervis  by  the  space 
of  Thirtie  yeres  or  more."  This  shows  us  that  Gervase 
Neville  was  in  the  prime  of  life,  and  already  married, 
and  distinguishes  him  from  his  cousin  of  the  same  name 
who  became  Rector  of  Grove  in  1611. 

We  have  to  remember,  then,  that  Gervase  Neville  had 
this  trouble  with  the  civil  courts  on  his  hands  when  he 
was  cited  before  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  on  account 
of  his  religious  opinions.  I  find  from  the  will  of  Robert 
Wood  of  Dunham,  Notts.,  gentleman,  dated  September 
6,  1607,  that  Neville  had  by  that  time  disposed  of  some 
of  his  property.  But  the  fact  that  he  was  appointed 
"overseer"  of  this  will  by  the  testator,  and  also 
signed  it  as  a  witness,  seems  to  indicate  that  as  yet 
there  was  no  settled  determination  to  leave  for  Holland. 
Robert  Wood  says  in  his  will — 

"  Whereas  it  hath  pleased  god  not  to  blesse  me  with  anie 
children  of  my  bodie  lawfully  begotten,  except  my  wief  bee 


Doncaster 


Scxooby 


Crtng/ey 


Saundbyo 


'Gainsborough 


Wheatley  ff        „/« 

Burtotr* 
Cbrboro  c_   ,  °Soturt0n  ^Utkborouqh 

Retford 


LINCOLN 

O 


Newark 


SKETCH    MAP    OF 
THE     DISTRICT     ROUND 

ROBINSONS  ENGLISH  HOME 

3  6  9  Mi/es 


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GERVASE   NEVILLE  75 

now  with  childe,  which  is  uncertaine  ...  I  geve  unto  Eliza- 
beth my  wife  one  messuage  or  tenement  .  .  .  with  the  appur- 
tenances therto  belonginge  which  was  lately  purchased  of 
Gervase  Nevile  of  Ragnell  gent.  ...  I  make  and  ordaine 
Cervase  Nevile  of  Ragnell  gent.,  and  Hugh  ffoxe  of  ffenton 
yoman  overseers  or  supervisours  of  my  will."  x 

Soon  after  this,  information  was  laid  against  Neville 
in  the  Court  of  the  Ecclesiastical  Commission  for  the 
Northern  Province  at  York.  From  the  Record  it  is 
clear  that  he  had  already  identified  himself  closely 
with  those  in  his  locality  who  met  separately  from 
the  Anglican  Church  for  worship  and  the  discussion 
of  religious  matters,  renouncing  the  authority  of 
the  Bishops  and  Archbishops.  He  was  evidently  in 
touch  with  the  Scrooby,  Sturton  and  Gainsborough 
groups  of  Separatists.  His  characterization  of  the 
episcopal  order  of  Church  government  as  an  "  Anti- 
christian  Hierarchie,"  reminds  us  of  the  decisive 
language  of  John  Smith.  The  fact  that  the  Record 
describes  him  as  of  "  Scrooby,"  points  to  that  little 
town  as  a  recognized  centre  for  this  religious  move- 
ment. I  do  not  think  Neville  had  any  permanent 
connexion  with  that  parish.  He  had  probably  taken 
up  temporary  residence  in  Scrooby  in  order  to  be  in 
closer  touch  with  Smith,  Clifton,  Robinson,  Brewster, 
Helwys  and  the  friends  who  there  foregathered. 
Neville  would  know  that  if  he  did  not  conform  in 
three  months  after  conviction  he  would  have  to  abjure 
the  realm.     Here  is  the  record  of  his  case — 

"Nov.  10,  1607.  Office  of  the  Court  v.  Gervase  Nevyle  of 
Scrooby. 

"  Information  hath  been  given  and  presentment  made 
that  the  said  Gervase  Nevyle  is  one  of  the  sect  of  Barrowists 
or  Brownists,  holding  and  maintaining  erroneous  opinions, 
and  doctrine  repugnant  to  the  Holy  Scriptures  and  Word  of 
God,  for  which  his  disobedience  and  schismatical  obstinacy 

1  "  Act  Book  "  of  the  Southwell  Peculiar  Court,  in  the  Nottingham  Probate 
Registry.  This  will  was  proved  April  20,  1612,  by  which  date  the  widow 
Elizabeth  Wood,  had  re-married  and  was  Elizabeth  Worsley. 


76  JOHN   ROBINSON 

an  attachment  was  awarded  to  William  Blanchard  messenger 
...  to  apprehend  him  :  by  virtue  whereof  being  by  him 
brought  before  His  Grace  [the  Archbishop  of  York]  and  said 
Associates  [the  Court  of  Ecclesiastical  Commissioners  for  the 
Northern  Province]  and  charged  with  his  errors  and  dangerous 
opinions  and  disobedience,  his  Grace  in  the  name  of  himself 
having  charged  him  therewith,  as  also  with  certain  contemp- 
tuous speeches  and  frequenting  of  conventicles  and  company 
of  others  of  his  profession,  he  required  him  to  take  an  oath 
to  make  answer  (so  far  as  he  ought  and  was  bound  by  law) 
to  certain  interrogatories  or  questions  by  them  conceived 
and  set  down  in  writing  to  be  propounded  and  ministered  unto 
him,  and  others  of  his  brethren  of  the  separation  and  sect 
aforesaid,  which  he  obstinately  and  utterly  refused,  denying 
to  give  his  Grace  answer,  and  protesting  very  presumptuously 
and  insolently  in  the  presence  of  God  against  his  authority 
and  (as  he  termed  it)  his  Antichristian  Hierarchy;  but  yet 
yielded  to  answer  to  the  rest  of  the  said  Commissioners  [the 
laymen]  (excepting  his  Grace  only),  although  it  was  by  them 
shewed  unto  him  that  his  Grace  was  chief  of  the  Ecclesiastical 
Commission  by  virtue  whereof  he  was  convented  and  they 
all  did  then  and  there  sit. 

"  And  then,  after  divers  godly  exhortations  and  speeches 
to  him,  they  did  propound  and  read  the  said  interrogatories 
unto  him  and  presently  set  down  his  answers  unto  the  same 
in  their  presences  under  his  hand. 

w  And  forsomuch  as  thereby,  as  also  by  his  unreverent, 
contemptuous,  and  scandalous  speeches,  it  appeared  that  he 
is  a  very  dangerous  schismatical  Separatist  Brownist  and 
irreligious  subject,  holding  and  maintaining  divers  erroneous 
opinions,  the  said  lord  Archbishop  with  his  colleagues  have 
by  their  strait  warrant  committed  him,  the  said  Gervase,  to 
the  custody  of  William  Blanchard,  by  him  to  be  therewith 
delivered  to  the  hands,  ward  and  safe  custody  of  the  keeper 
or  his  deputy  keeper  of  his  Highness' s  Castle  of  York,  not 
permitting  him  to  have  any  liberty  or  conference  with  any, 
without  special  licence  from  three  at  least  of  the  said  Com- 
missioners, whereof  one  to  be  of  the  Quorum."  1 

On  his  release  from  York  Castle  Neville  must 
have  made  his  way  almost  at  once  to  Amsterdam,  where 
he  attached  himself  to  the  Church  which  had  John 
Smith,  Hugh  Bromehead  and  Thomas  Helwys  as 
its  prominent  leaders.     We  have  one  or  two  glimpses 

1  Dexter's  England  and  Holland  of  the  Pilgrims,  p.  392. 


GERVASE  NEVILLE  AND   JOHN  SMITH     77 

of  him  in  Holland,  and  it  will  be  simplest  to  refer  to 
them  here,  while  his  case  is  under  our  consideration. 

When  John  Smith  arrived  at  the  conviction  that 
he  and  his  companions  were  in  error  in  constituting 
themselves  into  a  Church  by  a  u  covenant,"  and  that 
the  right  procedure  was  by  means  of  baptism,  after 
repentance  and  profession  of  faith,  he  carried  Neville 
with  him,  and  baptized  him  with  the  rest  of  the  com- 
pany, after  the  manner  of  the  Dutch  Anabaptists, 
by  affusion.  Closer  acquaintance  with  the  Amsterdam 
Mennonites  soon  led  Smith  and  his  company  to  ques- 
tion whether  they  had  done  the  right  thing  in  reviving 
the  practice  of  baptism  for  themselves,  when  there 
was  here  a  Church  already  in  existence  constituted 
by  the  baptism  of  believers  after  the  New  Testament 
method.  The  point  was  carefully  discussed,  and  the 
majority,  with  Smith,  resolved  to  disavow  their  action 
in  this  matter,  dissolve  their  Church  and  apply  for 
admission  to  the  Mennonite  Church  in  Amsterdam, 
under  the  pastoral  care  of  Hans  de  Hies. 

Though  Thomas  Helwys  and  a  handful  of  members 
dissented  from  this  step,  and  maintained  the  validity 
of  the  Church  position  at  which  they  had  arrived, 
and  their  right  to  recover  the  ordinance  of  baptism 
for  themselves,  Smith  again  carried  Neville  with  him. 
His  name,  "  Jervase  Nevill,"  is  included  by  Smith 
in  the  list  of  those  who  petitioned  for  union  with  the 
Mennonites  and  acknowledged  their  error  in  taking 
into  their  own  hands  the  task  of  constituting  themselves 
into  a  Church  by  baptism  when  a  Church  of  that  type 
was  already  accessible.  Nor  was  Neville  daunted 
by  Smith's  advance  towards  the  doctrinal  position 
of  the  Mennonites  and  his  desertion  of  the  Calvinism 
which  marked  the  Puritan  preachers  of  England  in 
that  day.  His  signature,  "  Garvase  Neuile,"  heads 
the  second  column  1  of  the  names  of  those  in  John 
Smith's  Church  who  subscribed  to  the  articles  con- 
tained in  A  Short  Confession  of  Faith,  which  had  been 
drawn  up  to  serve  as  a  general  indication  of  the  belief 

1  Burrage,  Early  English  Dissenters,  vol.  ii.  p.  200. 


78  JOHN   ROBINSON 

of  the  Mennonite  churches.1  But  his  name  is  struck 
out  by  a  stroke  of  the  pen.  This  indicates  that  he  had 
either  died  or  withdrawn  from  the  society  at  the  time 
the  roll  was  revised.  I  think  in  his  case  it  was  an 
early  withdrawal,  for  we  have  an  intimation  in  a  book 
published  in  1611  by  Thomas  Helwys  that  Neville  had 
by  that  time  fallen  away.  His  difficulty  was  on  the 
point  of  "  Succession."  Smith  argued  that  they  had  no 
right  to  constitute  the  Church  anew  if  a  true  Church  was 
already  in  being  to  which  they  could  affiliate,  and  from 
which,  in  some  sense,  they  could  derive  authority.  Such 
a  Church  he  held  the  Mennonite  Church  to  be.  Well, 
then,  what  about  the  origin  of  the  Mennonite  Church 
itself?  How  did  that  derive?  Could  it  trace  a 
clear  succession  from  Apostolic  times  and  the  primitive 
Church?  It  seems  a  singular  crotchet  to  worry  the 
minds  of  these  Anabaptists,  but  we  find  another  group 
in  London  a  few  years  later  discussing  the  same  point. 
Helwys  lets  us  see  pretty  plainly  that  Neville  was 
not  satisfied  on  the  matter.  The  passage  will  bear 
quoting,  as  it  testifies  to  Neville's  intrepid  opposition 
to  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  in  England,  and  on 
this  point  Helwys  had  access  to  first-hand  information, 
for  his  own  brave  wife,  Joan  Helwys,  was  a  prisoner 
at  York  for  conscience'  sake  at  the  period  when  Neville 
was  imprisoned  there. 

"  Mr.  Jarvase  Nevile,  having  witnessed  not  only  this,  but 
divers  other  truths  for  the  which  he  hath  been  long  imprisoned 
and  condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment,  yea,  expecting 
death  for  the  same,  yet  notwithstanding  all  his  former  fidelity 
and  constancy  whereby  his  bonds  were  famous  through  the 
whole  land  falling  with  Mr.  Smyth  upon  this  your  blind  suc- 
cession (forsaking  the  rock  whereon  he  stood)  is  now  returned 
beyond  his  vomit,  exclaiming  against  your  Succession,  and 
strives  to  build  up  the  Succession  of  Rome  which  he  hath 

1  Helwys,  writing  to  the  Mennonites,  shows  that  Neville  once  accepted 
their  position  that  magistrates  are  unfit  for  Church  membership,  and  quotes 
him  as  saying  that  "  Magistrates  are  no  otherwise  the  ministers  of  God,  but 
as  the  devils  are."  This,  he  says,  "  one  of  our  own  countrymen,  the  forenamed 
Mr.  Jervase  Nevile  (falling  upon  this  and  other  your  errors),  most  blasphemously 
hath  affirmed/'     Advt.  unto  the  New  Fryesers,  1611,  p.  73. 


WILLIAM  BREWSTER  79 

formerly  with  all  zeal  and  holiness  pulled  down,  and  so  is 
become  a  hissing  of  men  and  a  reproach  unto  all  the  godly, 
and  is  made  a  scorn  of  the  wicked,  a  just  reproach  for  all  that 
fall  away."  1 

The  following  reference  also  pictures  Neville  as  a 
backslider  from  the  Separatist  cause,  which  he  first 
espoused  with  ardour. 

On  July  8,  1611,  new  style,  Matthew  Saunders  and 
Cuthbert  Hutten  wrote  a  letter 2  to  their  Pastor, 
Francis  Johnson,  and  the  elders  of  his  church  at 
Amsterdam,  renouncing  their  separation  from  the 
Church  of  England.  In  the  course  of  this  letter,  in 
pointing  to  the  many  varieties  of  separation,  they  say  : 
"  The  ground  of  Master  NeviPs  errors  was  also  separa- 
tion, though  now  he  be  further  run  backward  than  ever 
he  was  forward."     Thus  he  disappears  from  our  story. 


William  Brewster 

Action  was  also  taken  against  Richard  Jackson  and 
William  Brewster  of  Scrooby.  They  had  been  served 
with  a  "  process  "  to  appear  before  the  Court  on 
December  1,  1607,  and  gave  their  word  to  attend, 
but  they  did  not  put  in  an  appearance,  consequently 
they  were  each  fined  £20  and  their  arrest  ordered. 
The  next  reference  to  their  case  is  significant — 

"  Dec.  15th,  1607.  Office  v.  Richard  Jackson  &  Wro. 
Bruester  of  Scrowbie.  For  Brownisme.  An  attachment 
was  awarded  to  W.  Blanchard  to  apprehend  them,  but  he 
certifieth  that  he  can  not  finde  them,  nor  understand  where 
they  are." 

The  fines,  however,  were  duly  levied,  for  in  the 
following  spring  the  Archbishop  returned  into  the 
Exchequer  fines  of  £20  apiece  which  had  been  taken 

1  An  Advertisement  or  Admonition  unto  the  Congregations  which  Men  call 
the  New  Fryesers,  by  Thomas  Helwys  (1611),  p.  35. 

2  Lawne,  PropJiane  Schism,  pp,  55-57. 


80  JOHN   ROBINSON 

from  "  Richard  Jackson,  William  Brewster  and  Robert 
Rochester  of  Scrooby,  in  the  county  of  Nottingham, 
Brownists  or  Separatists,"  for  non-appearance  "  upon 
lawful  summons  at  the  Collegiate  Church  of  South- 
well." i 

Brewster  (c.  1567-1644)  was  one  of  the  leading 
spirits  in  the  Separatist  movement,  and  closely  asso- 
ciated with  the  Pilgrim  Church  from  its  inception. 
He  stood  at  Robinson's  right  hand  in  many  a  time 
of  difficulty,  and  gave  the  Church  the  benefit  of  his 
experience  and  wise  counsel  in  the  office  of  ruling  elder. 
Brewster's  father  was  of  the  same  name,  and  I  think 
the  conjecture  that  he  was  connected  with  the  family 
of  Brewsters,  long  seated  at  Wrentham,  in  Suffolk, 
and  with  Henry  Brewster,  the  vicar  of  Sutton-cum- 
Lound  from  1565  to  1598,  and  the  James  Brewster 
who  then  succeeded  to  that  benefice,  has  great  pro- 
bability. William  Brewster  senior  held  the  office 
of  postmaster  at  Scrooby,  and  the  responsible  position 
of  Receiver  and  Bailiff  to  the  Archbishop  of  York 
for  his  "  Lordship  and  Manor  of  Scrooby,  and  all  the 
liberties  of  the  same  in  the  County  of  Nottingham." 
He  had  power  to  distrain  for  any  arrears  of  customary 
dues  and  payments  that  might  accrue  in  the  Arch- 
bishop's manors  in  Askham  and  Laneham.  He  was  a 
well-known  man  in  the  district.  When  Thomas  Went- 
worth  of  "  Scrowbie  Manor  "  died  (will  dated  March 
27,  1574),  Brewster  took  on  the  tenancy  of  the  Manor 
House,  as  its  roomy  outbuildings  were  suited  for  the 
stabling  of  the  post  horses.  His  gifted  son  was  sent 
to  Cambridge,  and  matriculated  at  Peterhouse  Decem- 
ber 3,  1580,  but  did  not  stay  at  the  University  long 
enough  to  graduate.  Entering  the  service  of  William 
Davison,  one  of  Her  Majesty's  Secretaries  of  State, 
young  Brewster  gained  an  insight  into  public  affairs 
and  saw  something  of  foreign  parts.  When  Davison 
lost  favour  with  the  Queen,  and  was  deprived  of  his 
office,  Brewster  was  free  to  go  home  to  Scrooby  and 
assist  his  father  in  his  declining  years.     The  old  man 

1  Hunter's  Collections  concerning  Founders  of  New  Plymouth,  p.  131. 


WILLIAM   BREWSTER  81 

died  in  the  summer  of  1590,1  leaving  his  wife  Prudence 
to  the  care  of  his  son.  Young  William  Brewster 
succeeded  him  in  the  office  of  "  Post  of  Scrooby," 
though  he  was  nearly  ousted  through  not  taking  pains 
to  get  his  appointment  confirmed  at  once.2  The  fact 
that  no  mention  is  made  of  brothers  or  sisters  in  the 
Grant  of  Administration  does  not  necessarily  imply, 
as  American  writers  have  imagined,  that  there  were 
none.  It  is  not  at  all  unlikely  that  James  Brewster, 
Vicar  of  Sutton,  was  a  brother. 

We  must  not  linger  here  over  the  interesting  details 
of  Brewster's  career.  Suffice  it  to  say  that  he  showed 
a  marked  interest  in  matters  of  religion,  and  gave  of 
his  substance  to  secure  effective  preachers  for  the 
locality.  He  married  as  soon  as  his  position  was 
assured,  and  had  children  at  Scrooby,  Jonathan, 
Patience  and  Fear,  all  of  whom  accompanied  him  and 
their  mother,  Mary  Brewster,3  to  Holland,  and  in 
due  course  went  on  to  New  England — the  girls  follow- 
ing their  parents  and  brother  thither  in  the  good  ship 
Anne  in  1623.  Such  was  the  man  who  gathered 
friends  and  neighbours  in  his  house  for  religious  meet- 
ings and  entertained  them  with  generous  hospitality. 
He  was  now  compelled  to  look  abroad  for  the  liberty 
denied  at  home,  and  in  his  next  venture  he  went  hand 
in  hand  with  John  Robinson. 

1  I  have  examined  the  "Act  Book"  of  the  Deanery  of  Retford -cum- 
Laneham,  where  the  Note  of  Administration,  July  24,  1590,  to  William 
Brewster  is  given.     The  old  man  had  not  made  a  will. 

2  The  position  of  postmaster  became  a  sort  of  family  possession  if  the 
duties  were  faithfully  attended  to.  Fosters  held  the  position  for  years  at 
Tuxford,  the  stage  south  of  Scrooby,  and  Hayfords  at  Doncaster,  the  stage 
to  the  north.  I  find  in  the  will  of  "  John  Nelson  of  Scrooby,  in  the  County 
of  Notts.,  postmaster,"  dated  April  25,  1617,  the  following  bequest :  "to  my 
eldest  son,  Willm  Nelson  Xs  and  the  revercon  of  my  office  in  full  satisfaction 
of  his  child's  porcon."  And  the  bequest  held  good,  for,  turning  to  the  accounts 
of  the  Postmaster- General,  I  find  that  William  Nelson  received  the  salary  for 
Scrooby  from  July  1,  1617  to  Sept.  2,  1630. 

3  The  maiden  name  of  Mary  Brewster  has  not  been  handed  down.  I 
suggest  Mary  Wentworth  of  Scrooby. 


%  55  a  a- 


CHAPTER  IX 

"an  adventure  almost  desperate" 

William  Bradford 

The  little  company  of  fellow-believers  had  managed 
to  continue  together  in  England  about  a  year,  and 
"  kept  their  meetings  every  Sabbath  in  one  place  or 
another,  exercising  the  worship  of  God  amongst 
themselves,"  but  now,  finding  there  was  no  hope  of 
liberty  for  their  separate  worship  at  home,  they  dis- 
cussed the  possibility  of  emigrating  to  Holland.  "  By 
a  joint  consent,"  says  Bradford,  "  they  resolved  to 
go  into  the  Low  Countries,  where,  they  heard,  was 
freedom  of  religion  for  all  men,  as  also  how  sundry, 
from  London  and  other  parts  of  the  land,  had  been 
exiled  and  persecuted  for  the  same  cause,  and  were 
gone  thither,  and  lived  at  Amsterdam  and  in  other 
places  of  the  land."  Preparations  were  at  once 
made  to  act  upon  this  resolution.  Brewster  gave  up 
his  office  as  "  Post  "  of  Scrooby  at  the  end  of  Septem- 
ber in  1607;  arrangements  were  made  with  reliable 
friends  to  take  charge  of  property  that  could  not  be 
realized  immediately.  Thomas  Helwys  was  specially 
active  and  useful  in  furthering  this  passage  into  a 
strange  country.  "  If  any  brought  oars,  he  brought 
sails,"  was  the  picturesque  phrase  with  which  Robin- 
son described  his  eager  help.  But  there  was  great 
difficulty  in  getting  away,  "  for  though  they  could 
not  stay,  yet  they  were  not  suffered  to  go;  but  the 
ports  and  havens  were  shut  against  them,  so  as  they 
were  fain  to  seek  secret  means  of  conveyance,  and  to 
bribe  and  fee  the  mariners,  and  give  extraordinary 

82 


CROSSING  TO  HOLLAND  83 

rates  for  their  passages.  And  yet  were  they  often- 
times betrayed,  many  of  them,  and  both  they  and 
their  goods  intercepted  and  surprised,  and  thereby 
put  to  great  trouble  and  charge." 

Bradford  gives  an  instance  or  two  of  these  diffi- 
culties. In  one  case  "  a  large  company  "  of  them 
were  betrayed  after  they  had  got  on  board  a  ship 
near  Boston,  in  Lincolnshire.  This  led  to  their  im- 
prisonment for  a  month  at  Boston,  and  even  when 
the  main  body  were  released  and  sent  to  their  homes, 
seven  of  the  leading  members  were  kept  in  prison 
and  bound  over  to  the  Assizes,  amongst  the  number 
being  William  Brewster.  In  the  following  spring 
another  concerted  attempt  to  embark  between 
Grimsby  and  Hull  in  a  Dutch  ship  was  foiled  by  the 
authorities,  who  swooped  down  on  the  party  after 
the  first  boat-load  of  men  had  got  on  board.  The 
Dutch  ship-master  sailed  away  with  those  who 
had  reached  his  vessel,  while  the  rest  of  the  men  on 
shore,  and  the  women  and  children  stranded  on  the 
mud-bank  in  a  small  bark,  waiting  for  the  rising  tide, 
were  left  behind.  Hence  arose  more  anxiety  and 
delay.  "  Notwithstanding  all  these  storms  of  opposi- 
tion, they  all  gat  over  at  length,  some  at  one  time 
and  some  at  another,  and  some  in  one  place  and 
some  in  another,  and  met  together  again,  according 
to  their  desires,  with  no  small  rejoicing."  Two  of 
those  who  went  over  in  the  summer  of  1608  from 
Sutton-cum-Lound,  where  James  Brewster  was  vicar, 
were  married  in  Amsterdam  soon  after  their  arrival. 
Here  is  the  record — 

"  1608,  July  5. — Henry  Cullandt  of  Nottinghamshire, 
bombazine  worker,  20  years  old, — producing  certificate  under 
the  hand  of  Richard  Clyfton,  preacher  at  Sutton,  that  his 
banns  had  been  published  there, — and  Margarete  Gryms- 
diche  of  Sutton,  30  years  old." 

They  had  evidently  prepared  for  marriage  in  Eng- 
land, but,  owing  to  persecution  or  to  an  opportune 
chance  of  a  safe  passage,  they  hasted  away. 


81  JOHN  ROBINSON 

It  was  only  after  much  trouble  and  with  greatly 
diminished  resources  that  the  Pilgrims  reached  their 
haven  of  refuge  in  Holland.  We  have  no  account  of 
Robinson's  crossing.  A  memorandum  in  the  Clifton 
family  Bible  tells  us  that  "  Richard  Clifton,  with 
his  wife  and  children,  came  into  Amsterdam,  in 
Holland,  August  1608."  Probably  Robinson  got  over 
about  the  same  time,  for  Bradford  tells  us  "  Master 
Robinson,  Master  Brewster,  and  other  principal  mem- 
bers .  .  .  were  of  the  last,  and  stayed  to  help  the 
weakest  over  before  them."  x  After  the  harassing 
months  of  the  preceding  winter  and  spring,  the 
re-united  friends  now  had  a  breathing  space.  They 
were  at  last  free  to  give  attention  to  the  better 
ordering  of  their  Church  affairs.  Already  they  had 
"  joined  themselves,  by  a  covenant  of  the  Lord,  into 
a  Church  estate  in  the  fellowship  of  the  Gospel  to 
walk  in  all  his  ways  made  known  or  to  be  made 
known."  John  Murton,  referring  to  Robinson,  says  : 
"  Do  we  not  know  the  beginning  of  his  Church,  that 
there  was  first  one  stood  up  and  made  a  covenant 
and  then  another,  and  these  two  joined  together  and 
so  a  third,  and  these  became  a  Church  say  they."  2 
The  indications  are  that  this  group  of  refugees  now 
became  more  closely  organized,  and  definitely  chose 
John  Robinson  as  pastor  and  John  Carver  as  deacon. 
Not  until  they  got  to  Leyden,  however,  was  Brewster 
appointed  "  ruling  elder."  They  were  content  with 
Robinson's  ministrations  and  did  not  elect  any 
"  teacher  "  as  colleague. 

1  History  of  Plimouth  Plantation,  fo.  41. 

2  John  Smith  the  Sebaptist,  Thomas  Helivys  and  the  first  Baptist  Church 
in  England,  etc.,  Burgess,  1911,  p.  84. 


STURTON-LE -STEEPLE  CHURCH  (PRIOR  TO  THE  RESTORATION  OF  1870),  SHOW- 
ING ITS  FORM  AS  ROBINSON  KNEW  IT.  A  DISASTROUS  FIRE  ON  SUNDAY, 
FEBRUARY    24,   1901,    DESTROYED    THE    NAVE    OF    THE    RESTORED    EDIFICE. 


CHAPTER  X 

RELIGIOUS    REFUGEES    AT   AMSTERDAM 

The  stay  of  Robinson  and  his  company  at  Amster- 
dam was  of  short  duration.  The  religious  refugees 
from  Nottinghamshire,  Lincolnshire  and  Norfolk  who 
gathered  round  him  found  other  groups  of  English 
religionists  already  settled  in  this  thriving  city. 
There  was  the  Church  under  the  pastoral  care  of 
Francis  Johnson,  with  Henry  Ainsworth  serving 
it  as  doctor  or  teacher.  This  was  the  Separatist 
Church,  constituted  in  London  under  the  leadership 
of  Henry  Barrow,  John  Greenwood  and  John  Penry, 
whose  members  found  a  refuge  in  Amsterdam  when 
persecution  made  it  impossible  for  them  to  meet  in 
peace  at  home.  Representing  the  first  body  of 
English  religious  refugees,  it  took  the  name  of  the 
"  Ancient  Church,"  to  distinguish  it  from  other  and 
more  recent  societies.  There  had  been  another  early 
group  of  Separatists,  described  in  1597  as  "  that 
poore  English  Congregation  in  Amstelredam  to  whome 
H[enoch]  C[lapham]  for  the  present  administreth  the 
Ghospel."  *  Yet  another  group  had  come  from  the 
west  of  England  under  the  leadership  of  Thomas 
White.  These  west-countrymen  first  joined  in  fellow- 
ship with  Johnson's  Church,  but  differences  arising, 
they  soon  parted  company,  and  set  up  a  meeting 
among  themselves.  The  story  of  the  Ancient  Church 
has  been  fully  and  frequently  told,  but  that  of  the 
Separatist  Church  in  the  western  parts  of  England 
has  received  less  attention.     A  few  fresh  details  con- 

1  Theologicall  Axioms,  by  Henoch  Claphain,  1597. 
85 


86  JOHN  ROBINSON 

cerning  it,  throwing  a  sidelight  on  our  story,  will  not 
be  out  of  place. 

This  western  Church  was  active  in  the  district 
where  the  counties  of  Wilts,  Gloucester  and  Somerset 
meet  together,  and  from  that  neighbourhood  there 
were  some  who  in  later  years  joined  the  Pilgrim  Church 
at  Leyden.  This  congregation  in  the  west  paved  the 
way  for  the  sturdy  nonconformity  which  marked  the 
locality  in  after  years.  A  hostile  writer,  referring  to 
the  Separatists  as  early  as  the  year  1588,  says — 

"  Though  their  full  swarm  and  store  be  (as  it  is  most  likely) 
in  London  and  the  parts  near  adjoining,  yet  have  they  sparsed 
of  their  companies  into  several  parts  of  the  Realm  and  namely 
into  the  West  almost  to  the  uttermost  borders  thereof." 

Then  again,  in  1593,  when  John  Penry  was  under 
sentence  of  condemnation,  and  standing  in  the  shadow 
of  death,  he  wrote  to  his  fellow-believers  in  these 
terms — 

"  I  would  wish  you  earnestly  to  write,  yea,  to  send,  if  you 
may,  to  comfort  the  brethren  in  the  West  and  North  countries, 
that  they  faint  not  in  these  troubles,  and  that  also  you  may 
have  of  their  advice  and  they  of  yours  what  to  do  in  these 
desolate  times." 

The  question  naturally  arises  as  to  whether  we  can 
learn  anything  of  the  leaders  and  members  of  this 
early  Congregational  Church  in  the  west.  From 
recent  investigations  I  have  been  able  to  recover 
something  of  its  history. 

The  course  of  development  of  this  western  Church 
runs  parallel  with  that  of  Separatist  Churches  in  other 
parts.  There  was  a  feeling  that  the  Reformation  had 
stopped  half-way.  People  desired  to  see  the  Church 
order  brought  into  closer  accord  with  that  indicated 
in  the  New  Testament  as  instituted  in  the  Primitive 
and  Apostolic  Churches  of  Christ.  They  considered 
that  the  ceremonies  retained  in  the  State  Church 
savoured  too  much  of  papal  practices.  For  example, 
Thomas  Baslyn,  a  schoolmaster  of  Wiltshire,  and  his 


THE   CROSS   IN   BAPTISM  87 

wife  got  into  trouble  with  the  authorities  in  1588, 
because  they  declined  to  have  the  sign  of  the  cross 
used  in  the  baptism  of  their  daughter.  Baslyn's 
parish  minister  would  not  undertake  to  "  baptyze  his 
child  accordyng  to  Christe's  institution  onlie,"  so  he 
arranged  for  the  baptism  to  take  place  "  at  his 
dwelling-house,  by  Mr  Thomas  Hickman,  a  minister 
...  in  the  presence  of  divers  other  faithful  people." 
From  opposition  to  the  ceremonies  of  the  Established 
Church  the  more  earnest  of  the  reformers  passed  on 
to  a  deliberate  separation  and  a  refusal  to  recognize 
the  authority  of  the  Bishops  to  prescribe  their  religious 
belief  and  practice.  Christ  alone  was  the  Head  of  His 
Church.  Those  holding  such  views  began  to  meet 
together  for  conference  and  worship,  and  thus  we  have 
a  nascent  Congregational  Church  coming  into  being. 
The  references  to  this  western  Church  in  contem- 
porary literature  are  given  in  general  terms.  Names 
and  places  are  seldom  mentioned.  To  give  precise 
details  would  only  bring  the  brethren  under  the 
clutches  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts. 

Still,  a  few  names  may  be  recovered.  One  of  the 
leaders  in  this  western  movement  was  undoubtedly 
William  Smith.  He  was  born  about  1563,  and 
entered  the  ministry  of  the  Church  of  England.  He 
received  "  orders  "  from  the  Bishop  of  Coventry  and 
Lichfield.  Subsequently  he  secured  a  licence  to 
preach  from  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury,  and  then 
settled  at  Bradford-on-Avon  in  Wiltshire.  But  he 
was  uneasy  in  his  mind.  He  desired  the  further 
reformation  of  the  Anglican  Church.  Somehow  he 
heard  of  the  Separatist  Church  in  London,  and  he 
came  up  in  1593  for  the  express  purpose  of  conferring 
with  its  leaders,  John  Greenwood  and  Francis  John- 
son. While  he  was  attending  a  meeting  of  this 
religious  society  at  the  house  of  Nicholas  Lee,  in 
Smithfield,  "  to  see  and  hear  their  order,"  the  as- 
sembly was  disturbed  and  he  suffered  arrest.  Smith 
was  thrown  into  prison.  Refusing  to  conform,  he 
was    banished.     He    seems    to    have    withdrawn    to 


88  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Holland,  where  he  exercised  some  oversight  of 
the  exiled  congregation  during  the  incarceration  of 
its  pastor,  Francis  Johnson,  in  the  Fleet  prison.  Some 
writers  have  confused  him  with  John  Smith  the 
se-baptist,  but  William  Smith  was  an  older  man,  and 
threw  in  his  lot  with  the  Separatists  while  John  Smith 
was  still  at  Christ's  College  in  Cambridge.  There 
is  reason  to  think  that  William  Smith  afterwards 
conformed,  while  John  Smith  never  returned  to  the 
Church  of  England  after  he  renounced  his  "  orders." 

The  next  glimpse  we  have  of  this  western  Church 
is  in  the  district  of  Wiltshire  within  easy  reach  of 
Bradford-on-Avon.  Here  a  group  of  clergy  and  lay- 
men were  actively  interested  in  the  religious  questions 
which  were  pressing  upon  the  consciences  of  earnest- 
minded  men  of  the  day.  What  was  a  true  Church  of 
Christ  ?  What  constituted  a  true  ministry  ?  Which 
was  of  higher  authority,  the  word  of  the  Prelates,  or 
the  Divine  Word  of  the  New  Testament?  These 
questions  were  discussed  in  conferences  and  debated 
in  many  a  home. 

One  of  the  most  strenuous  advocates  of  religious 
reform  in  the  west  was  a  young  minister,  Thomas 
White,  curate  of  Slaughterford,  a  tiny  village  on  the 
north-western  confines  of  Wiltshire.  He  advanced  to 
the  conclusion  that  the  ministry  of  the  Church  of 
England  had  no  valid  standing.  Consequently,  early 
in  the  year  1603,  he  gave  up  his  cure.  He  then 
joined  himself  to  that  Church  in  the  west  parts  of 
England  which  held  the  same  faith  with  the  English 
Separatists  of  London  and  Amsterdam.  White  was 
opposed  by  John  Awdrey,  vicar  of  Melksham,  who 
went  over  to  Slaughterford  and  delivered  a  special 
lecture  in  the  church  there  to  refute  the  position 
taken  up  by  White  and  his  friends.  Some  of  White's 
leading  parishioners  adopted  his  views,  and  his  suc- 
cessor in  the  cure  of  St.  Nicholas  at  Slaughterford, 
Thomas  Powell  by  name,  also  became  his  follower, 
and  would  have  replied  to  Awdrey  from  the  Slaughter- 
ford pulpit  had  he  not  been  prevented. 


MEETINGS   IN   THE   WEST  89 

At  this  juncture,  "  about  the  time  of  the  new  King's 
coming  into  England,"  Francis  Johnson  took  the  daring 
step  of  coming  over  from  Amsterdam  to  England, 
with  a  view  to  presenting  a  petition  to  James  for 
toleration  on  behalf  of  the  exiled  Church,  and  to  see 
what  prospect  of  liberty  there  might  be  at  home  under 
the  new  condition  of  things.  He  took  the  oppor- 
tunity of  going  down  into  the  west  to  confer  with 
fellow-believers  there,  and  actually  ventured  to  hold 
religious  meetings  at  the  jeopardy  of  his  life.  The 
renewed  activity  of  the  western  Separatists  at  this 
period  stirred  up  the  authorities  to  action,  and  led  to 
the  migration  of  a  small  company  from  this  part  of 
Wiltshire  to  Amsterdam  in  1604. 

One  of  the  places  of  meeting  at  Slaughterford  was 
at  the  house  of  Thomas  Cullimer,  a  member  of  a 
good  old  local  yeoman  family.  He,  with  his  wife 
Ann,  were  ardent  supporters  of  the  cause,  and  at 
their  house  Francis  Johnson  preached.  Another 
place  of  meeting  in  the  same  parish  was  at  the  house 
of  William  Hore,  a  fuller  by  trade.  Here  a  memorable 
meeting  was  held  on  Sunday,  February  26,  1604,  at 
which  Thomas  White  preached.  "  There  were  as- 
sembled about  three  score  persons  to  hear  him."  He 
preached  with  effect,  and  at  this  gathering  received 
Thomas  Powell,  his  successor  in  the  cure  of  Slaughter- 
ford,  into  the  fellowship  of  his  new  Church.  One 
present  at  the  gathering  described  the  incident  a  few 
days  later  in  these  terms — 

"  Thomas  Powell,  late  preacher  at  Slatenford,  was  at  the 
preaching  of  White  upon  the  XXVIth  of  Feb. :  and  there 
made  a  public  confession  that  he  had  heretofore  spoken 
against  their  courses,  but  that  from  that  time  he  would 
manifest  love  and  fellowship  with  them  by  defending  and 
maintaining  of  their  doctrine.  And  he  was  admitted  by 
White  into  the  society  of  their  Church.  .  .  .  When  Powell 
was  so  admitted  he  promised  to  leave  the  fellowship  and 
communion  of  this  Church  of  Fmgland."  * 

1  Sessions  Roll  for  Wiltshire,  Easter  Term,  sub  dato.  I  consulted  this  at 
Devizes, 


90  JOHN  ROBINSON 

One  of  the  lay  members  of  this  congregation,  Sil- 
vester Butler  by  name,  a  weaver  of  Castle  Combe, 
was  examined  by  the  Bishop  of  Salisbury.  He  was 
firm  and  resolute  in  his  convictions.  The  note  of  his 
examination  tells  us  "  he  professeth  that  he  will 
continue  one  of  the  same  Church  while  he  liveth,  and 
will  not  conform  himself  to  come  to  any  other  Church." 
Another  weaver,  John  Harford  of  Eaton,  was  equally 
brave.     He  was  brought  before  the  Bishop  and — 

"  being  demanded  when  he  was  at  the  parish  church  where 
he  dwelleth,  or  at  any  other  parish  church  to  hear  divine 
service,  saith  he  resorteth  to  the  '  Church  of  God,'  but  for 
the  temple  made  with  hands  he  alloweth  it  not  for  a  church." 

Fleeing  from  persecution  at  home,  White  and 
Powell,  with  a  handful  of  companions,  arrived  safely 
at  Amsterdam,  and  joined  the  exiled  Church  already 
settled  there.  Francis  Johnson  entertained  White  in 
his  own  house  for  nine  or  ten  weeks,  but  the  two  did 
not  get  on  well  together.  The  Wiltshire  men  did  not 
feel  quite  at  home  with  the  older  Separatists.  On  a 
closer  acquaintance  the  discipline  and  order  of  the 
exiled  Church  did  not  impress  them  favourably. 

With  Thomas  White  himself  matters  moved  swiftly. 
He  quickly  fell  in  love  with  a  young  English  widow, 
Rose  Philips,  who  was  under  sentence  of  excommuni- 
cation by  the  Church  of  Johnson  for  trivial  reasons. 
This  will  account  in  some  measure  for  White's  sub- 
sequent bitterness  against  the  English  exiled  Church 
at  Amsterdam.  In  April  1604  they  published  the 
intention  of  their  marriage  at  Amsterdam.  The 
Dutch  clerk  was  puzzled  by  the  word  Slaughterford, 
and  he  entered  it  as  Sachtenfort.  White  gave  his 
age  as  twenty-six  years,  and  the  maiden  name  of  his 
betrothed  is  set  down  as  Rose  Grimbrye,  or  Grempre, 
and  her  place  of  origin  as  London,  while  her  descrip- 
tion is  "  widow  of  John  Philips." 

Johnson  tells  us  that  White — 

"  coming  over  to  Amsterdam  and  desiring  to  be  partaker  of 
the  Lord's  Supper  with  us,  did  in  our  public  meeting  before 


THOMAS   WHITE  91 

us  all,  with  his  own  mouth  testify  his  consent  with  us  in  the 
same  faith  we  profess." 

But  this  union  did  not  last  long,  for  White  and 
Powell  soon  organized  their  little  company  as  a  dis- 
tinct Church.  They  sent  word  to  England  of  their 
doings  in  a  letter  addressed  to  their  "  brethren,  the 
Church  in  the  west,  partakers  of  the  same  heavenly 
vocation,"  in  which  they  say  that,  though  their  hope 
of  forming  a  distinct  body  in  their  own  country  was 
frustrated,  yet  it  was  now  accomplished  in  a  strange 
land.  White's  Church  soon  collapsed.  The  diffi- 
culties of  his  position  led  him  to  reconsider  his 
action.  He  determined  to  return  to  the  Anglican 
fold.  One  of  the  easiest  ways  of  regaining  favour 
with  the  prelates  would  be  to  write  against  his 
Separatist  associates.  It  was  this  mean  course  that 
Thomas  White  took.  He  issued,  in  1605,  with  the 
encouragement  and  connivance  of  the  prelatical  party, 
an  ill-natured  and  slanderous  little  book  entitled, 
A  Discoverie  of  Brownisme,  in  which  he  presented  in 
the  worst  possible  light  any  story  he  could  gather  to 
the  detriment  of  Johnson's  Church  and  its  members. 
His  work  naturally  raised  a  storm  of  protest  against 
him  amongst  his  old  friends,  and  he  was  glad  to  get 
away  from  their  midst  to  England.  Eventually  he 
secured  preferment  in  the  Anglican  Church,  and  be- 
came rector  of  St.  Mary  Woolnoth  in  Lombard  Street, 
London,  on  November  14,  1609.  He  did  not  long 
enjoy  his  benefice.  His  health  was  broken,  and  he 
died  on  November  20,  1611.  "  When  he  had  gotten 
a  benefice,"  says  Richard  Clifton,  "  in  such  sort  as 
he  did,  the  Lord  soon  ended  his  days." 

His  defection  from  the  cause,  though  disappointing 
to  his  new  friends,  did  not  mean  the  extinction  of 
that  Church  of  Christ  in  the  west  which  he  had  first 
joined  on  giving  up  his  country  cure.  The  points 
in  question  between  the  Separatists  and  the  adherents 
of  the  Episcopal  Church  were  still  eagerly  discussed 
in   Wiltshire.     Johnson    indicates   that   John    Jesop, 


92  JOHN   ROBINSON 

incumbent  of  Maningford  Bruce  in  that  county, 
"  and  other  his  fellows  there  have  bestowed  much 
labour  in  reading  our  writings."  Joseph  Hall,  after- 
wards Bishop  of  Norwich,  refers  scornfully  to  this 
religious  society  as  a  Church  meeting  in  a  "  parlour 
in  the  west."  It  was  small,  and  it  was  persecuted, 
but  it  persisted,  and,  to  some  extent,  leavened  the 
religious  thought  of  the  district.  When  liberty  was 
secured  and  the  power  of  the  prelacy  for  the  time 
being  broken  Congregational  and  Baptist  pioneers 
found  Wiltshire,  Gloucestershire  and  Somersetshire 
fruitful  fields  for  their  labours.  The  obscure  "  Church 
in  the  western  parts  "  of  an  earlier  day  had  prepared 
the  ground. 

The  story  of  the  little  company  of  refugees  led  by 
White,  from  the  western  parts  of  England,  and  their 
relations  with  the  "  Ancient  Church  "  under  Francis 
Johnson,  will  help  us  to  understand  the  position  and 
feeling  of  the  group  under  Robinson's  leadership. 
They  wanted  freedom  to  work  out  their  position  in 
their  own  way.  To  some  extent  the  movement  was 
still  experimental.  They  did  not  wish  to  be  abso- 
lutely tied  to  Johnson's  conclusions.  Though  they 
had  come  to  a  settled  conviction  on  the  main  points 
of  separation,  there  were  related  matters  which  they 
desired  to  consider  together  at  leisure  and  explore 
more  thoroughly  in  the  light  of  Holy  Scripture. 

Differences  between  John  Smith  and  the  leaders  of 
the  Ancient  Church  had  already  become  apparent, 
and  there  were  threatenings  of  discord  and  conten- 
tion in  the  Ancient  Church  itself.  It  was  partly  to 
avoid  entanglement  in  these  actual  and  potential 
controversies  that  Robinson  and  his  friends  decided 
to  leave  Amsterdam.  Already  Smith  had  come  to 
the  conclusion  that,  as  the  Church  of  England  was 
wrongly  and  falsely  constituted,  it  had  no  more 
power  to  bestow  valid  baptism  than  it  had  to  bestow 
valid  "  orders  "  on  the  ministry.  Just  as  they  had 
renounced  their  "  orders,"  they  ought  also  to  renounce 
their  baptism  and   start   afresh.     He  discussed   the 


A   STORM   CENTRE  93 

matter  with  Richard  Clifton,  and  was  eager  to  talk 
it  over  with  other  leaders  among  the  Separatists,  but 
they  were  chary,  and  he  "  had  neither  conference 
with  them  by  speeches  nor  writing  about  these  matters, 
save  only  with  Mr.  Robinson."  l  The  Pilgrim  Pastor 
recognized  the  disintegrating  and  explosive  forces 
latent  in  the  ideas  which  now  claimed  the  attention 
of  John  Smith's  active  mind.  Amsterdam  was  likely 
to  become  a  storm  centre.  He  felt  he  would  be  more 
able  to  hold  his  flock  together  if  they  moved  out  of 
its  range. 

1  Clifton's  Plea  for  Infants,  1610,  Epistle  to  Reader. 


CHAPTER  XI 

robinson's  controversies  with  Joseph  hall  and 
john  burgess 

The  number  of  religious  refugees  who  fled  from 
England  and  gathered  round  John  Smith  and  John 
Robinson  in  Amsterdam  was  but  small — a  "  handful," 
as  Joseph  Hall  put  it — and  consequently  many  con- 
sidered the  movement  too  insignificant  for  serious 
notice.  "  Many  laugh  at  it,"  said  Bernard,  and 
"  some  account  it  a  matter  scarce  worthy  thinking 
upon."  *  But  those  who  knew  the  standing  of  the 
leaders  recognized  its  importance.  Smith  and  Robin- 
son were  soon  called  upon  to  justify  their  separation 
and  defend  their  new  position.  Their  old  friend  and 
neighbour,  Richard  Bernard,  vicar  of  Worksop, 
quickly  issued  a  little  book  deprecating  what  he 
called  the  "  Separatists'  schism."  News  of  this  breach 
with  the  Anglican  Church  came  through  to  Joseph 
Hall  (1574-1656),  then  rector  of  Halstead  in  Essex. 
He  would  know  something  of  the  leaders  in  the 
movement  from  his  acquaintance  with  them  in 
Cambridge,  and  he  lost  no  time  in  sending  them  what 
he  described  asa"  loving  monitory  letter,"  in  which 
the  monition  is  more  conspicuous  than  the  love. 
Hall  had  accompanied  Sir  Edmund  Bacon  on  a  journey 
to  Spa  in  1605,  and  on  the  way  back  he  apparently 
fell  in  with  one  whom  he  calls  a  "  harbinger  "  of  the 
nonconformists — some  one  who  was  arranging  a 
refuge  in  Holland  for  those  clergy  in  England  who 
were  harassed  and  troubled  about  the  ceremonies 
enforced  by  the  Bishops.     Hall  connected  this  incident 

1  Christian  Advertisements,  1608,  Epistle  Dedicatorie. 

94 


A   CENSORIOUS   EPISTLE  95 

with  the  "  separation  "  of  which  he  now  heard.  So 
long  as  the  Separatist  movement  was  made  up,  in 
the  main,  of  craftsmen  and  tradesmen,  the  Anglican 
priesthood  could  affect  to  ignore  it,  but  when  men  who 
had  held  fellowships  and  were  well  known  in  Uni- 
versity circles  led  a  Separatist  exodus  it  called  for 
remark.  Hall's  letter  was  addressed  "  to  Mr.  Smyth 
and  Mr.  Rob[inson],  ringleaders  of  the  late  separation 
at  Amsterdam."  It  was  written  in  vigorous  style, 
"  setting  forth  their  injury  done  to  the  Church,  the 
Injustice  of  their  Cause  and  Fearfulness  of  their 
Offence  :  censuring  and  advising  them."  They  were 
reported  to  him  not  as  "  parties  in  this  evil,  but 
authors."  If  they  had  gone  over  quietly  to  Holland 
by  themselves  it  would  not  have  excited  much  remark. 
Many  Puritan  clergy  had  taken  that  course.  It 
was  an  ominous  point  that  they  had  led  companies 
of  fellow-believers  with  them.  "  Your  flight,"  he 
says,  "  is  not  so  much  as  your  misguidance."  *  That 
curious  tone  of  airy  superiority  peculiar  to  the  con- 
troversial writings  of  those  who  hold  clerical  offices 
protected  by  the  State,  runs  through  the  whole  of 
this  forceful  letter.  Not  without  reason  did  Robinson 
call  it  a  "  censorious  epistle."  The  intense  aversion 
amongst  the  Anglican  clergy  from  anything  in  the 
nature  of  "  separation  "  from  the  Church  of  England 
is  reflected  in  Hall's  parting  warning  to  his  two 
"  brethren  "  and  former  "  companions,"  in  which  he 
says,  "  Your  souls  shall  find  too  late  that  it  had  been 
a  thousand  times  better  to  swallow  a  ceremony  than 
to  rend  a  Church;  yea,  that  even  whoredoms  and 
murders  shall  abide  an  easier  answer  than  separa- 
tion." 2 

Robinson  soon  penned  a  reply  to  this  singular  letter. 
He  declared  that  Hall  had  been  too  forward  in 
censuring  a  cause  of  which  his  discourse  showed  him 
to  be  "  utterly  ignorant."  For  it  was  not  merely  a 
distaste  for  the  ceremonies  that  had  led  to  his  separa- 
tion, but  a  conviction  that  the  Anglican  Church,  from 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  401.  2  Ibid.,  p.  404. 


96  JOHN   ROBINSON 

the  Scriptural  point  of  view,  was  radically  wrong  in 
its  make-up  and  constitution.  Hall  had  not  appreci- 
ated the  point  that  it  was  something  more  vital  than 
the  ceremonies  that  was  in  question.  Robinson  freely 
and  thankfully  acknowledged  the  graces  and  good 
things  in  the  Anglican  Church,  of  which  he  had  par- 
taken when  he  was  in  communion  with  it,  just  as  Hall 
acknowledged  the  good  things  in  the  Church  of  Rome, 
from  which,  nevertheless,  he  also  separated  !  He 
had  not  entered  the  way  of  separation  lightly;  he 
"  durst  never  set  foot  into  this  way,  but  upon  a  most 
sound  and  unresistible  conviction  of  conscience  by 
the  Word  of  God."  2  If  he  and  his  friends  had  to 
answer  for  their  separation  in  "  the  Consistory  Courts  " 
or  before  "  the  Ecclesiastical  Judges  "  in  the  Church 
of  England,  then  they  might  find  Hall's  threat,  that 
it  would  be  easier  to  answer  for  murder  and  unclean 
living,  perfectly  justified.  "  But,"  says  Robinson 
in  conclusion,  "  because  we  know  that  not  Anti- 
Christ,  but  Christ,  shall  be  our  Judge,  we  are  bold  upon 
the  warrant  of  his  Word  and  Testament  ...  to 
proclaim  to  all  the  world  separation  from  whatsoever 
riseth  up  rebelliously  against  the  sceptre  of  his 
Kingdom;  as  we  are  undoubtedly  persuaded  the 
communion,  government,  ministry,  and  worship  of 
the  Church  of  England  do  !  " 

Robinson  expressed  the  wish  that  his  answer  might 
"  come  to  the  hands  of  him  that  occasioned  it." 
His  wish  was  satisfied.  On  receipt  of  it  Joseph  Hall 
took  up  his  pen  again  and  set  to  work  on  an  elaborate 
reply  to  the  general  position  of  the  Separatists.  This 
time  he  took  pains  to  make  himself  more  thoroughly 
acquainted  with  their  arguments  by  reading  the 
published  works  of  Francis  Johnson,  Henry  Ains- 
worth,  John  Smith,  and  other  leaders  in  the  move- 
ment. The  result  was  his  book  entitled  A  Common 
Apologie  of  the  Chvrch  of  England  Against  the  Vnjnst 
Challenges  of  the  overjvst  Sect  commonly  called 
Brownists.     It  represents  the  attitude  of  those  in  the 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  406. 


JOHN   BURGESS  97 

"  central  line "  in  the  Anglican  Church  towards 
Separatists  and  thorough-going  reformers,  and  gives 
a  fair  view  of  the  state  of  the  controversy  in  1610. 

Meanwhile  Robinson  was  engaged  in  a  discussion 
with  another  old  acquaintance,  a  minister  of  Puritan 
leanings  who,  though  an  advocate  for  further  reform 
in  the  Anglican  Church,  was  startled  by  Robinson's 
definite  act  of  separation.  The  record  of  this  con- 
troversy remains  in  manuscript  in  the  Bodleian 
Library  at  Oxford.1  My  own  conjecture  was  that 
Robinson's  friendly  antagonist  in  this  discussion  was 
John  Burgess  (1563-1635),  who  had  been  educated  at 
St.  John's  College,  Cambridge,  and  then  made  rector 
of  St.  Peter  Hungate  in  Norwich.  He  refused  to 
subscribe  to  the  new  Book  of  Canons  in  1604,  was 
silenced,  withdrew  to  Leyden,  and  there  studied 
medicine.  Returning  to  England  he  received  in  due 
course  the  degree  of  Doctor  of  Physic  from  the 
University  of  Cambridge.  Eventually  he  conformed 
and  accepted  the  benefice  of  Sutton  Coldfield.  Burgess 
seemed  to  me  to  fit  the  conditions  which  the  identi- 
fication of  this  anonymous  opponent  of  Robinson 
demanded.  The  conjecture  was  justified  and  turned 
into  a  certainty  on  a  comparison  of  the  handwriting 
of  the  author  with  that  of  Burgess.  John  Burgess, 
though  serving  in  Holland  as  chaplain  to  Sir  Horace 
Vere,  the  governor  of  Brill,  was  kept  informed  of 
Norwich  affairs.  He  was  much  upset  by  the  news 
of  Robinson's  "  falling  of[f]  from  the  Churche  of 
England."  In  conversation  with  Matthew  Slade  (an 
English  schoolmaster,  formerly  in  fellowship  with  the 
Church  of  Francis  Johnson),  he  expressed  his  feeling 
in  regard  to  Robinson's  "  rupture,"  or  act  of  separa- 
tion, and  his  wish  to  "  speake  with  him "  on  the 
subject.  Slade  passed  the  word  on  to  Robinson,  who 
soon  sent  a  letter  to  his  worthy  friend,  setting  out 
the  grounds   for  his   action.     John   Burgess   replied, 

1  Jones,  MS.  30.     Attention  was  directed  to  this  MS.  by  Mr.  Champlin 
Burrage,  who  published  extracts  from  it  in  New  Facts  Concerning  John 
Robinson,  Oxford,  1910.     I  have  studied  the  document  independently. 
H 


98  JOHN   ROBINSON 

indicating  that  it  was  not  a  question  of  Robinson's 
faith,  but  his  "  rupture  from  the  Churche  "  that  he 
was  concerned  about.  Could  he  justify  his  separa- 
tion? Let  them  discuss  the  particular  case  of  his 
separation  from  "  that  churche  or  parishe  of  St. 
Andrewes  in  Norwich  of  which  he  had  lately  beene  a 
minister."  Robinson  willingly  accepted  the  challenge  : 
"  The  instance  you  propound  for  the  specyall  subiect 
of  the  questyon  in  hand  I  agree  to,  which  is  St. 
Andrewes  in  Norwich."  His  antagonist  argued  that 
"St.  Andrewes  parish  in  Norwich  is  a  trewe  church 
of  Christe  with  which  a  christian  man  maie  lawfullye 
communicate  in  the  worship  of  God."  Robinson 
argued  that  it  was  a  false  Church,  because  it  was  not 
rightly  constituted,  and  was  involved  in  all  the 
defects  and  corruptions  inherent  in  the  Church  of 
England  as  a  whole,  of  which  it  was  part  and  parcel. 
Burgess  at  this  stage  left  for  a  brief  visit  to  England, 
and  had  no  opportunity  of  answering  Robinson's 
arguments  till  his  return.  He  then  drew  up  a  reply, 
incorporating,  after  the  manner  of  the  time,  the  main 
part  of  Robinson's  statement  of  his  case.  A  copy  of 
this  reply  he  arranged  to  be  carefully  written  out, 
as  though  for  the  Press,  and  after  adding  a  prefatory 
"  advertisement  "  and  a  few  marginal  notes,  it  was 
sent  on  to  some  friend  at  Reading,  possibly  William 
Burton,  for  his  consideration  and  perusal.  Thence 
it  passed  through  various  hands  to  its  present  resting- 
place  in  Oxford.  The  preface  will  put  us  at  the  right 
angle  of  vision — 

"  An  Advertisement  of  the  Ans wearer  servinge  for 
Introduction 

"  Mr-  Robinson  sometimes  a  preacher  in  Norwich  fell  to 
Brownisme  and  became  a  pastor  to  those  of  the  seperation 
at  Leyden.  I  bewayled  to  Mr-  Slade  of  Amsterdam  this  his 
fallinge  of  from  the  churche  of  England  wishinge  that  I 
mighte  speak  wth  him.  Uppon  notice  hereof  Mr.  Robinson 
wrote  to  me  and  propounded  certayne  reasons  for  his  sepera- 
tion.    I   returned   a   letter,    praying   him  to   interpret   my 


T^*/'  /*f-*,r**k  i    ,  £**  ■  *Vte*^  ******  ix^-  . 

fyh  *\?**tr  *L  r~*yfr~  of-  fl  j^iy^sr 
^  \*k***S  of-  ^55  ^£~  J&y   &6~£  C^-^*^ 


PREFATORY  "ADVERTISEMENT"  TO  THE  ANONYMOUS  MANUSCRIPT  IN  THE 
BODLEIAN  LIBRARY,  WHICH  TELLS  THAT  ROBINSON  "  HAD  LATELY  BEENE 
A  MINISTER"  OF  "ST.  ANDREWES  IN  NORWICH."  COMPARE  THE  WRITING 
WITH  THE  ACKNOWLEDGED  HAND  OF  JOHN  BURGESS  REPRODUCED  AT 
PAGE    408. 


FRIENDLY  DISCUSSION  99 

speeche  to  mr-  Slade  not  as  a  chalenge,  but  a  fruit  of  my 
auncient  love  to  him ;  confessed  my  greife  at  his  rupture  fro 
the  churche,  desyred  him  to  frame  his  argument  logically  & 
that  (because  the  woorde  church  is  of  sondry  significations) 
our  question  myghtc  bee  of  his  seperation  fro  that  churche 
or  parishe  of  St.  Andrewes  in  Norwch  of  wch  he  had  lately 
beene  a  minister.  Herevppo  he  wrote  his  objections  &  I, 
after  a  time,  myne  answear  and  sente  it  to  him  written  together 
wth  his  reply  as  followes." 

Then  comes  the  little  treatise  in  which  the  author 
endeavours  to  counter  Robinson's  arguments.  He 
concludes  it  in  these  friendly  terms — 

"  I  heartily  commend  you  to  the  Lord  God  of  mercy  and 
truth  and  beseech  him  to  open  your  eyes  that  you  may  see 
your  errors  made  and  to  give  you  a  true  humble  spirit  that 
you  may  not  be  ashamed  to  become  wise  and  [may  come  to] 
a  worthy  resolution  to  give  God  glory  in  returning  [to  the 
Church  of  England]  and  causing  those  poor  souls  that  depend 
upon  your  lips  to  return,  that  you  may  find  peace  in  the  end 
which  in  this  course  [of  separation]  I  am  persuaded  you 
cannot.  And  thus  praying  you  to  pass  by  any  escapes  of 
the  writer  with  love  and  to  believe  that  I  love  your  person 
for  the  Lord  Christ  his  sake,  whose  wandering  servant  I 
still  esteem  you,  I  end  and  rest  your  fellow- servant  and 
loving  friend  desirous  to  embrace  you  in  the  fellowship  of 
the  Church  of  Christ." 

Burgess  then  added  a  postscript,  indicating  that 
after  he  had  penned  his  answer  he  was  in  two  minds 
about  sending  it  on,  but  hearing  "  on  every  side  of 
great  braggs  cast  out  "  to  the  effect  that  he  could 
not  meet  Robinson's  reasoned  argument  for  separa- 
tion, he  decided  to  forward  it  to  him,  "  that  I  might 
not,"  says  he,  "  be  guiltie  of  hardening  them  in  their 
sinne  whose  error  I  so  much  bewayle  :   farewell." 

By  the  time  that  this  reply  was  forwarded  to 
Robinson  he  and  his  company  of  adherents  had  left 
Amsterdam  for  Ley  den.  In  the  next  chapter  we 
shall  follow  them  and  trace  their  fortunes  in  that  fair 
city. 


CHAPTER  XII 

THE    PILGRIMS    AT   LEYDEN 

Not  many  months  had  passed  after  their  arrival 
in  Amsterdam  before  this  Pilgrim  company  under 
Robinson's  leadership  came  to  the  decision  to  settle 
in  Leyden,  if  the  way  were  clear  and  permission  to 
do  so  could  be  secured.  They  weighed  up  the  advan- 
tages and  disadvantages  of  the  move.  On  the  one 
hand,  Leyden  "  wanting  that  traffic  by  sea  which 
Amsterdam  enjoys,  it  was  not  so  beneficial  for  their 
outward  means  of  living  and  estates,"  on  the  other 
hand,  the  University  at  Leyden  was  an  attraction  to 
Robinson  and  Brewster,  and  moving  thither,  their 
Church  would  be  more  likely  to  escape  the  contentions 
which  marred  the  harmony  of  the  other  English 
refugees  at  Amsterdam.  Early  in  1609  the  decision 
to  make  the  move  was  arrived  at,  and  steps  were 
taken  to  prepare  the  way.  A  formal  petition  was 
presented  to  the  authorities,  of  which  the  Registrar 
made  the  following  note  in  the  Court  "  Day-book"  on 
February  12,  1609— 

"  To  the  Honourable  the  Burgomasters  and  Court  of 
the  City  of  Leyden  : 

"  With  due  submission  and  respect  Jan  Robarthsefn], 
Minister  of  the  Divine  Word,  and  some  of  the  members  of 
the  Christian  Reformed  Religion,  born  in  the  Kingdom  of 
Great  Britain,  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  persons  or  there- 
abouts, men  and  women,  represent  that  they  desire  to  come 
to  live  in  this  City  by  the  first  day  of  May  next,  and  to  have 
the  freedom  thereof  in  carrying  on  their  trades,  without  being 
a  burden  in  the  least  to  any  one.     They  therefore  address 

100 


THE   PILGRIMS   AT  LEYDEN  101 

themselves    to    your   Honors,    humbly    praying    that  your 
Honors  will  be  pleased  to  grant  them  free  consent  to  betake 
themselves  as  aforesaid. 
"  This  doing,  etc." 

The  decision  of  the  Burgomasters  upon  this  petition 
is  inserted  by  the  Registrar  in  the  margin  against  the 
entry — 

"  The  Court  in  disposing  of  this  present  Memorial  declare 
that  they  refuse  no  honest  persons  free  ingress  to  come  and 
have  their  residence  in  this  City,  provided  that  such  persons 
behave  themselves  and  submit  to  the  laws  and  ordinances. 
And,  therefore,  the  coming  of  the  Memorialists  will  be  agree- 
able and  welcome. 

"  This  done  by  the  Burgomasters  in  their  sitting  at  the 
Council  House  the  12th  day  of  February  1609. 

"  In  my  presence, 

"  J.  VAN  HOUT, 

"  Secretary.'''' 

So  far  so  good.  The  question  about  freedom  to 
exercise  their  crafts  was  important.  In  English 
corporate  towns  at  this  period  there  were  all  sorts  of 
irritating  restrictions  imposed  by  the  "  guilds  "  upon 
strangers  coming  into  their  bounds  to  work.  If 
anything  of  the  same  kind  existed  in  Leyden  it  was 
well  they  should  know  it  before  moving.  They  would 
be  reassured  by  the  friendly  response  to  their  petition, 
and  emboldened  to  push  on  with  their  preparations 
for  removal.  Late  in  April,  when  all  the  countryside 
was  showing  promise  of  new  life,  and  the  fields  were 
decked  in  the  beauty  of  spring,  the  Pilgrims  made  their 
way  by  road  and  quiet  waterways  to  the  new  city  of 
their  abode.  It  was  an  auspicious  time,  for  in  that 
very  month  (April  9)  a  truce  between  Holland  and 
Spain  was  signed  which  gave  good  hope  of  peace  and 
security. 

It  is  not  yet  known  where  Robinson  first  had  his 
dwelling  in  Leyden.  Probably  he  rented  some  roomy 
building  in  which  his  flock  could  meet  for  worship 
and   the    transaction    of   their  Church   affairs.     Not 


102  JOHN  ROBINSON 

many  weeks  passed,  however,  before  entries  concern- 
ing members  of  the  Pilgrim  company  began  to  be 
made  in  ordinary  course  in  the  various  record  books 
of  the  city  in  relation  to  the  civil  side  of  their  life. 
Thus,  in  the  large  "  Procuratie  Book,"  which  recorded 
grants  of  "  powers  of  attorney,"  under  date  June  12, 
1609,  is  an  entry  of  the  grant  by  "  Ann  Pecke,1  born  at 
Launde,  Notts."  [i.  e.  Lound,  near  Retford],  and  her 
guardian,  William  Brewster,  to  Thomas  Simkinson, 
a  merchant  of  Hull,  of  power  to  receive  on  their  be- 
half seven  pounds  sterling,  which  she  had  left  with 
"Mr.  Watkin,"  pastor  of  Clarborough,  when  she  left 
England. 

Clarborough  is  the  next  parish  over  the  hill  to  the 
west  of  Sturton,  where  Robinson  lived.  Nicholas 
Watkins  2  had  been  instituted  as  vicar  there  May  21, 
1577,  and  held  that  benefice  till  his  death  in  1617. 
He  was  well  known  to  the  leaders  in  the  Pilgrim  com- 
pany. Ann  Peck,  on  December  24,  1616,  became  the 
second  wife  of  John  Spooner,  a  ribbon  weaver  at 
Ley  den. 

The  Registers  of  St.  Pancras,  Leyden,  record  the 
burial,  on  Saturday,  June  20, 1609,  of  a  child  of  William 
Brewster.  A  few  days  later  his  name  occurs  in  another 
record.  It  appears  that  Bernard  Rosse,  an  English 
cloth  merchant  of  Amsterdam,  had  taken  a  bale 
containing  five  pieces  of  cloth  to  Brewster's  house 
in  St.  Ursula's  Lane.  When  the  bale  was  opened, 
one  piece  of  cloth  was  found  to  be  damaged.  The 
damaged  portion  had  to  be  jobbed  off  at  a  reduced 

1  Thomas  Pecke  of  Hayton,  by  will  April  15,  1602,  bequeathed  £20  to 
Anne  Pecke,  his  third  daughter.  His  four  daughters  were  then  "  under 
age."  Thomas  Southworth  was  a  supervisor  of  this  will.  "  Richard  Pecke, 
my  younger  son,"  is  mentioned,  but  no  Robert  Pecke. 

2  There  are  frequent  references  to  Watkins  in  the  wills  of  his  parishioners. 
Take  one  instance  from  the  will  of  Thomas  Southworth  of  Wellam  in  Clar- 
borough, dated  1612  :  "  Item  I  give  and  bequeath  to  Nicholas  Watkins, 
vicar  of  Clarebrough,  for  tyethes  forgotten  vjs  viij'1 1  will  and  doe  give  towarde 
the  repaire  of  the  North  Cawsey  in  Clarebrough  meadowe  and  the  way  over 
Clarebrough  more  leadinge  from  Clarebroughe  Church  to  Moregate  xxs  which 
I  will  shalbe  paid  to  the  surveyors  of  the  wayes  and  the  vicar  of  Clarebroughe 
.  .  .  to  be  imployed  by  them  to  the  use  aforesaid." — York  Probate  Registry, 
vol.  xxxii.  f.  278. 


THE   PILGRIMS   AT  LEYDEN  103 

price.  Rosse  claimed  against  those  who  supplied  the 
cloth  to  him,  and  he  needed  the  evidence  of  Brewster's 
family  in  support  of  his  claim.  He  got  the  bailiff 
to  summon  them  before  the  court  to  testify  to  the 
facts.  Accordingly  on  June  25,  1609,  there  appeared 
before  the  Aldermen  Jaspar  van  Vesanevelt  and 
P.  van  de  Werff,  "  William  Brewster,  Englishman, 
aged  about  forty-two  years ;  Mary  Brewster,  his  wife, 
aged  about  forty  years,  and  Jonathan  Brewster,  his 
son,  aged  about  sixteen  years,"  who  confirmed  on 
oath  the  statements  set  out  in  Rosse's  claim.  This 
gives  us  a  clue  to  Brewster's  age.  In  the  autumn, 
Robert  Peck,  brother  of  Brewster's  ward,  Ann  Peck, 
having  got  a  job  in  Ley  den  as  a  fustian  worker,  decided 
to  venture  on  marriage.  On  October  1,  1609,  he 
and  Jane  Merritt,  with  friends  as  witnesses,  went  before 
the  proper  official  to  record  their  betrothal.  They 
were  married  on  the  following  November  21.  Robin- 
son and  his  Church  were  in  hearty  agreement  with  the 
form  of  civil  marriage  in  vogue  in  Holland,  in  accord- 
ance with  which  many  couples  of  their  society  were 
united  in  wedlock  during  their  stay  in  Leyden. 
Robinson,  in  common  with  other  Separatists  of  the 
time,  held  that  marriage  was  not  a  function  of  the 
pastoral  office.  The  only  recorded  instance  even  of 
his  witnessing  to  a  betrothal  amongst  his  flock  is  in 
the  case  of  his  sister-in-law,  Jane  White.  It  was 
one  ground  of  his  objection  against  the  Anglican 
Church  that  marriage  was  there  "  made  a  ministerial 
duty  and  part  of  God's  worship  without  warrant."  1 
In  Holland  this  was  not  required,  but  the  parties, 
appearing  before  the  magistrates  in  due  form,  gave 
their  faith  and  fealty  to  one  another,  pledging  them- 
selves never  to  desert  one  another,  but  to  live  peace- 
ably, lovingly  and  in  concord  together  as  true  children 
of  God  and  in  awe  of  Him,  following  His  ordinance 
until  death  should  them  part.  In  testimony  of  their 
pledge  they  called  upon  Almighty  God  to  bless  their 
marriage,   grant   them   His    Holy    Spirit   and   crown 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  413. 


104  JOHN   ROBINSON 

their  union  with  His  grace  and  favour,  and  then 
they  signed  the  book. 

The  Pilgrims  carried  with  them  to  New  England 
the  form  and  custom  of  marriage  before  the  magistrate 
with  which  they  had  become  familiar  in  Holland.  It 
scandalized  Archbishop  William  Laud  in  after  years 
when  he  found  that  Edward  Winslow,  a  mere  layman, 
in  his  position  as  magistrate,  had  celebrated  marriage 
in  the  Plymouth  Colony. 

Among  other  weddings  in  the  early  years  at  Leyden 
was  that  of  William  Pontus  with  Wybra  Hanson, 
whose  betrothal  took  place  November  13,  1610.  Three 
weeks  later  comes  the  record  of  their  marriage.  Their 
good  faith  and  intentions  were  vouched  for  by  William 
Brewster,  Edward  Southworth,  Roger  Wilson,  Mary 
Butler,  Anna  Fuller  and  Jane  WThite.  Pontus  eked 
out  a  poor  but  respectable  living  in  Leyden,  first  as  a 
weaver  of  fustian,  and  then  as  a  wool-carder,  subse- 
quently following  the  Pilgrims  to  Plymouth,  New 
England. 

Another  marriage,  on  December  31, 1610,  was  that  of 
John  Jennings,  who  hailed  from  the  Colchester  district, 
and  Elizabeth  Pettinger,  who  I  take  to  have  come 
from  the  northern  part  of  Nottinghamshire,  where 
the  name  was  familiar.  Edward  Southworth,  Roger 
Wilson,  Jane  Peck  and  Anna  Ross  attended  as  their 
witnesses.  In  the  next  year,  1611,  there  were  no  less 
than  five  weddings  of  members  of  this  Church,  indicat- 
ing that  they  were  beginning  to  feel  their  feet  in  Leyden 
and  were  prepared  to  settle  down  there  for  some  time. 
London,  Suffolk  and  Kent  were  represented  by  the 
parties  to  these  marriages,  as  well  as  Sturton  and 
Scrooby.  The  original  company  was  quickly  being 
leavened  by  recruits  from  other  parts  of  England. 

Occupations  and  Trades 

One  of  the  first  problems  of  those  who  were  led 
by  Robinson  and  Brewster  to  Leyden  was  how  to 
win  a  decent  livelihood.     There  was   a   considerable 


THE   PILGRIMS   AT  LEYDEN  105 

demand  for  labour  in  the  various  trades  of  the  town, 
particularly  in  that  of  weaving  and  dressing  cloth,  and 
there  were  plenty  of  openings  for  unskilled  labour. 
The  lower-paid  classes  of  labour  were  open  to 
those  who  had  physical  strength.  The  crafts  involving 
more  skill  were  regulated  by  "  guilds,"  and  it  was 
necessary  before  one  opened  a  shop  or  engaged  in 
trade  on  one's  own  account  to  become  enrolled 
as  a  citizen.  The  candidate  for  citizenship  had  to 
find  two  or  more  citizens  as  sureties,  and  pay  the 
admission  fee.  He  took  an  oath  to  be  loyal  to  the 
country  of  Holland,  and  to  stand  up  for  the  rights 
and  privileges  of  Leyden  and  his  fellow-citizens. 
He  was  not  eligible  till  he  had  attained  the  age  of 
twenty-five.  There  were  Englishmen  already  settled 
in  Leyden  who  would  put  these  new-comers  in  the 
way  of  things.  Roger  Wilson,  from  Sandwich,  at- 
tached himself  to  the  Pilgrim  company,  and  on  becom- 
ing twenty-five  (he  was  baptized  at  St.  Clement's, 
Sandwich,  in  1584),  he  took  up  his  citizenship.  He  was 
a  baker  by  trade,  and  was  guaranteed  by  Matys  Ians 
(Matthias  Jones)  and  Pieter  Boey  (Peter  Bowie),  paying 
his  fee  of  three  florins  and  twenty  stivers  on  December 
7,  1609. 

In  the  course  of  the  next  year,  six  members  of  this 
Church  became  full  citizens,  for  five  of  whom  Roger 
Wilson  stood  in  turn  as  one  of  the  guarantors — 

1610.     April    2.  Bernard  Ross,  cloth  and  leather  merchant. 
June  21.  William  Lisle,  from  Yarmouth. 
June  25.  Abraham  Gray,  from  London,  cobbler. 
Sept.  27.  John  Turner,  merchant. 
Dec.     3.  William  Robertson,  leather-dresser. 
Dec.  10.  Henry  Wood,  draper. 

Every  succeeding  year  till  the  year  of  the  departure 
of  the  Mayflower  saw  one  or  more  members  of  Robin- 
son's Church  qualifying  for  citizenship  in  Leyden. 
The  uncertainty  of  their  affairs  in  1620  will  account 
for  the  blank  in  that  year.  From  that  time  down  to 
the  year  of  Robinson's  death  the  names  of  fourteen 


106  JOHN   ROBINSON 

more  members  of  his  company  appear  as  citizens. 
They  displayed  the  English  instinct  and  capacity 
for  trading  and  handicraft  work. 

The  House  of  the  Green  Door 

As  the  members  of  this  little  company  of  religious 
refugees  in  Leyden  became  more  accustomed  to  their 
surroundings,  and  gained  confidence  in  their  power  to 
win  a  living  in  their  new  home,  they  began  to  look 
round  for  more  suitable  quarters  for  the  worship  and 
activities  of  their  Church  than  the  temporary  premises 
or  the  houses  of  various  members  in  which  they  had 
hitherto  been  content  to  hold  their  meetings.  After 
consideration  they  decided  to  buy  a  house  fronting 
on  the  Kloksteeg,  or  Bell  Alley,  over  against  the 
cathedral  church  of  St.  Peter.  The  house  had  a  fair- 
sized  plot  of  ground  at  the  end  of  its  garden,  opening 
out  behind  the  adjoining  properties,  and  bounded  on 
the  west  by  a  covered  canal  (Donckeregracht),  on 
the  east  by  grounds  of  the  Commandery,  and  on  the 
south  by  the  grounds  and  tenements  of  the  Veiled 
Nuns.  This  plot  of  ground  at  the  rear  presented 
possibilities  for  the  erection  of  small  dwellings  in 
which  members  of  the  Church  might  make  their 
homes.  In  many  an  English  country  town  in  the 
old  days  you  could  find  at  the  rear  of  buildings 
fronting  the  main  street  a  court  of  tiny  cottages,  built 
on  what  had  been  the  garden  or  orchard,  and  ap- 
proached by  a  passage.  It  was  not  fresh  air  so  much 
as  cosy  companionship  that  people  sought,  and  a 
rent  within  their  scanty  means.  The  property  on 
the  Kloksteeg,  viewed  by  the  experienced  eye  of 
William  Jepson,  a  house-carpenter  by  trade,  seemed 
suited  for  such  an  arrangement.  There  must  have 
been  a  good  deal  of  discussion  of  ways  and  means, 
for,  after  all  the  expenses  of  the  enforced  removal  to 
Amsterdam  and  the  voluntary  migration  to  Leyden, 
it  was  necessary  to  husband  their  resources.  Probably 
both  Robinson  and  his  wife  were  able  to  raise  some- 


THE   PILGRIMS   AT  LEYDEN  107 

thing  towards  the  expense.  His  wife's  sister,  Jane 
White,  was  entitled  under  the  will  of  her  mother  to 
a  certain  sum  either  on  her  marriage  or  her  coming 
of  age.  Jepson  and  Henry  Wood,  the  draper,  were 
men  of  some  substance.  These  four  clubbed  together 
to  buy  the  property.  The  contract  to  purchase  was 
made  on  January  27,  1611,  between  John  Robinson, 
minister  of  God's  Word  of  the  English  congregation, 
William  Jepson,  Henry  Wood  and  Jane  WThite — not 
married  at  this  time,  but  assisted  by  Nicholas  White, 
jeweller,  of  the  one  part,  and  Johann  de  Lalaing  of 
the  other  part.  The  entry  in  the  Register  noting  the 
conveyance  of  the  property  and  completion  of  pur- 
chase, subject  to  a  mortgage  of  three-fourths  of  the 
agreed  price,  was  not  made  till  May  5.  In  the  mean- 
time, Jane  White  had  married  Randall  Thickins,  a 
looking-glass  maker,  who  hailed  from  London.  They 
were  betrothed  on  April  1,  with  an  intimate  group  of 
relations  and  friends  as  witnesses — William  Brewster, 
Robinson  and  his  wife,  and  Rosamund  Jepson — and 
wedded  on  April  21,  on  the  expiration  of  the  customary 
three  weeks.  Consequently  the  name  of  Thickins 
was  entered  as  the  fourth  party  to  the  purchase : 
"  Raynulph  Tickens  who  has  married  Jane  White." 
The  property  was  subject  to  an  annual  rent  charge  of 
eleven  stivers  and  twelve  pence  to  the  manorial  lord 
of  Polgeest,  a  village  a  few  miles  out  of  Ley  den.  The 
price  was  8000  gilders,  2000  paid  down  on  the  spot,  and 
500  to  be  paid  on  May  Day  1612,  and  a  like  amount 
annually  till  the  whole  was  paid  off.  De  Lalaing 
reserved  for  his  own  use  a  small  room  over  the  door  of 
the  house.  From  this  latter  feature  the  house  had 
long  been  known  as  the  Green  Door  [Groene  Port]. 
It  was  probably  the  door  giving  access  not  directly  to 
the  house,  but  to  the  passage  or  entry  leading  to  the 
premises  behind.  On  those  premises  twenty-one  little 
tenement  houses  were  in  due  course  built,  and  there 
various  members  of  the  Pilgrim  company  had  their 
dwelling.  Robinson  occupied  the  main  building,  and 
looking  back  in  memory  Winslow  pictured  it  as  roomy. 


108  JOHN  ROBINSON 

There  the  Pilgrims  took  their  parting  meal  before 
leaving  for  their  venturesome  voyage  to  the  shores  of 
New  England.  Eventually  Jepson,  on  December  13, 
1629,  bought  out  the  shares  of  the  other  three  pur- 
chasers. Thickins,  on  June  1,  1621,  then  living  at 
Amsterdam,  and  being  about  to  return  to  England, 
had  given  Robinson  authority  to  deal  with  the  part 
of  this  property  he  owned  in  right  of  his  wife.  On 
February  2,  1622,  Henry  Wood  gave  Henry  Jepson, 
the  brother  of  William,  power  of  attorney  to  sell  his 
portion,  but  the  matter  was  not  settled  up  till  four 
years  after  Robinson's  death,  when  Jepson  came  to 
terms  with  his  widow,  Bridget  Robinson,  and  secured 
all  rights  in  the  Groene  Port  property.  After  Jepson's 
death,  another  Englishman,  Christopher  Ellis,  bought 
the  portion  of  this  estate  which  he  left  from  the 
guardians  of  his  only  surviving  child,  Martha  Jepson, 
June  25,  1637.  For  nearly  sixty  years  this  property 
was  in  the  hands  of  those  of  English  birth. 

This  little  colony  of  houses  down  the  entry  through 
the  Green  Gate  was  the  home  of  some  of  the  leading 
members  of  the  Pilgrim  company.  Isaac  Allerton, 
from  London,  lived  there  1620.  John  Allerton  also, 
1616.  Thomas  Blossom,  from  Cambridge,  1617; 
Jonathan  Brewster,  son  of  Elder  Wm.  Brewster,  1619 ; 
Samuel  Fuller,  from  London,  1615;  Edmond  Jessop, 
1618,  and  Wm.  White  in  the  same  year. 

The  census  of  October  15,  1622,  refers  to  several 
English  households  as  living  in  Zevenhuysen  Ward, 
without  any  mention  of  the  particular  lane,  street  or 
"  hof  "  in  which  their  dwelling  was  situated.  Prob- 
ably some  of  them  were  residents  in  the  Pieterskerkhof, 
at  the  rear  of  Robinson's  house  of  the  Green  Gate. 
There  was  Zechariah  Barrow,  the  wool-carder,  and 
Joan  his  wife;  Roger  Chandler,  from  Colchester,  a 
say  weaver,  and  his  wife  Isabella  (Chilton),  from 
Canterbury,  with  their  children  Samuel  and  Sarah; 
Joseph  and  Christina  Crips,  from  Chichester,  with  their 
children  Anna  and  Jeremiah;  he  was  a  card-maker. 
In  this  ward  also  lived  Daniel  and  Rebecca  Fairfield, 


THE   PILGRIMS   AT  LEYDEN  109 

with  their  children,  Daniel,  Rebecca  and  John;  he 
was  a  say  weaver  from  Colchester.  Another  of  the 
same  trade  was  Stephen  Tracy,  living  in  the  same 
quarter,  with  his  wife  Tryphosa.  They  crossed  to 
New  England  with  their  daughter  Sarah  along  with 
the  company  which  went  by  the  Anne  and  the  Little 
James.  Then  there  was  Thomas  Willet,  from  Norwich, 
and  his  daughter  Hester,  and  Roger  Wilkins,  a  wool- 
carder,  with  his  wife  Margaret  (Barrow)  and  their 
daughter  Sarah.  He  is  noted  in  the  census  as  "  too 
poor  to  be  taxed."  Besides  these,  we  hear  of  the 
widow  Josephine  Brown  and  her  four  children; 
Albert  and  Susanna  Garretson,  with  their  five  boys  and 
girls ;  Susanna,  the  widow  of  Clement  Halton,  and  her 
two  children,  and  John  Smith,  from  Yarmouth,  a 
say  weaver,  all  living  in  the  Zevenhuysen  Ward. 

Next  door  but  one  to  Robinson  Thomas  Brewer 
had  his  dwelling,  with  his  wife  and  six  children.  We 
see,  therefore,  that  a  good  number  of  the  Pilgrim 
Church  lived  close  at  hand  to  their  place  of  meeting. 


CHAPTER  XIII 

Robinson's  "  justification  of  separation  " 

In  his  first  year  at  Leyden  Robinson  was  busied 
in  preparing  and  seeing  through  the  Press  his  longest 
literary  work,  which  was  at  once  a  defence  of  the 
Separatist  position  on  the  matter  of  Church  order 
and  a  rejoinder  to  the  criticisms  directed  against  it 
by  his  old  University  friend,  Richard  Bernard,  the 
vicar  of  Worksop.  It  is  a  solid  quarto,  bearing  the 
title  "A  Ivstification  of  Separation  from  the 
Church  of  England,  against  Mr  Richard  Bernard  his 
invective  Intitvled  '  The  Separatists'  Schisme.'  ' 
This  book  finds  its  place  in  a  long  and  wordy  con- 
troversy in  which  several  writers  took  a  hand.  It 
does  not  appeal  to  the  modern  reader,  but  at  the 
time  it  was  issued  the  topics  it  dealt  with  were 
of  living  interest,  and  further  editions  were  called 
for  in  1639  and  1644.  To  understand  the  circum- 
stances of  its  composition  and  publication,  in  1610, 
we  must  turn  for  a  minute  to  Bernard's  book, 
against  which  it  was  expressly  directed.  Bernard 
had  leaned  in  the  direction  of  separation  from  the 
Church  of  England  on  account  of  its  corruptions  and 
need  of  further  reformation.  He  eagerly  discussed 
the  questions  at  issue  with  John  Smith,  Robert 
Southworth,  John  Robinson,  Richard  Clifton  and 
other  clergy  and  laity  of  the  Puritan  party  in  his 
locality.  They  exchanged  papers  in  which  the  argu- 
ments for  and  against  the  order  of  Bishops  were  set 
out  and  the  nature  of  a  true  Church,  according  to  the 
Biblical  evidence,  was  depicted.     But  Bernard  drew 

no 


JUSTIFICATION   OF   SEPARATION       111 

back  from  the  absolute  and  uncompromising  position 
which  Smith  took  up,  and  on  suspension  from  his 
vicarage  he  thought  the  matter  over  again  and  yielded 
to  the  authority  and  jurisdiction  of  his  diocesan. 
He  did  not  think  the  corruptions  and  admitted 
defects  in  his  Church  justified  the  extreme  step  of 
separation  from  her.  As  Robinson  put  it,  he  was 
"  loth  to  leave  that  Church  and  to  join  us  when 
he  thought  we  had  the  truth."  x 

The  fact  that  Bernard  had  in  his  hands  certain 
documents  which  John  Smith  had  sent  him  describ- 
ing the  form  and  nature  of  a  true  Church  of"  saints," 
gave  him  an  advantage  in  writing  against  his  old 
associates.  Moreover,  some  of  Bernard's  parishioners, 
baptized  long  before  he  saw  their  faces,  "  some 
twenty,  some  thirty,  some  forty  years,"  2  had  been 
captured  by  the  forceful  eloquence  of  Smith  and 
the  influence  of  Robinson,  and  drawn  into  the 
Separatist  Churches.  This  induced  Bernard  to  raise 
a  "  hue  and  crie  "  after  them  in  his  Christian  Adver- 
tisements and  Counsels  of  Peace.  Of  this  "  breach  " 
and  separation  he  says,  "  To  me  hath  it  been  just 
cause  of  sorrow,  and  therefore  could  I  not  lightly 
passe  it  by,  but  in  love  to  such  as  yet  abide  with 
us,  and  in  desire  to  doe  my  best  to  recover  againe 
mine  owne  whom  God  once  gave  me,  I  have  pub- 
lished these  things."  3  His  little  book  was  a  composite 
volume.  After  the  opening  "  counsels  of  peace  "  there 
came  "  Disswasions  from  the  way  of  the  Separatists," 
or,  as  the  title  page  phrased  it,  "  Dissuasions  from 
the  Separatist's  Schism,  commonly  called  Brownisme," 
This  formed  the  bulk  of  the  book.  The  whole  was 
rounded  off  by  "  Certaine  Positions  held  and  main- 
tained by  some  godlie  Ministers  of  the  Gospell  against 

1  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  294.  Bernard's  Puritan  leanings  are  shown  by  the 
fact  that  he  was  indicted  at  the  Notts.  County  Sessions,  July  11,  1611,  "for 
refusing  to  use  reverence  in  administering  baptism,"  i.  e.  he  objected  to 
making  the  sign  of  the  Cross.  Notts.  County  Records,  by  H.  H.  Copnall, 
p.  139. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  10. 

3  Christian  Advertisements,  Epistle  Dedicatorie,  dated  from  Worksop, 
June  18  [1608]. 


112  JOHN  ROBINSON 

those  of  the  separation  and  namely  against  Barrow 
and  Greenwood." 

To  the  leaders  in  the  Churches  which  had  found 
refuge  in  Holland  this  book  seemed  to  demand  instant 
reply.  Henry  Ains worth  was  first  in  the  field  with 
an  answer.  He  was  engaged  in  bringing  out  a  volume 
when  Bernard's  book  came  to  his  hands,  and  he 
seized  the  opportunity  of  incorporating  with  it  a 
refutation  of  Bernard's  arguments  and  a  survey  of 
his  objections.1 

Next  we  find  John  Smith  tackling  the  subject  and 
giving  a  reasoned  reply  to  Bernard's  onslaught.  He 
felt  specially  called  to  the  task,  inasmuch  as  Bernard 
had  taxed  him  by  name  and  used  some  of  his  writings 
(including  a  long  letter  written  hurriedly  in  the  closing 
months  of  1607)  as  the  target  for  his  criticisms. 
Smith,  speaking  of  his  reply  to  Bernard,  says — 

"  I  have  attempted  it  vppon  two  private  groundes  wherein 
I  am  especially  interessed  to  this  busines.  One  is  certayne 
aspersions  by  you  personally  cast  vppon  mee  :  Another  is 
certayne  particular  oppositions  directed  against  some  of  my 
writings."  2 

Accordingly,  in  1609,  Smith  issued  his — 

"  Paralleles,  Censvres,  Observations  aperteyning  to 
three  several  Writinges — 

"1.  A  Lettre  written  to  Mr-  Ric.  Bernard  by  Iohn 
Smyth. 

"  2.  A  Book  intituled,  The  Separatists'  Schisme  published 
by  Mr  Bernard. 

"  3.  An  Answer  made  to  that  book  called  the  Sep.  Schisme 
by  Mr-  H.  Ainsworth." 

Smith  says  he  added  his  observations  on  this  last 
writing  because  there  were  "  some  particulars  wherein 
Mr.  Ainsworth  hath  left  me  and  the  truth  in  the 
open  playne  field  to  shift  for  our  selves." 

1  "  Counter  poison  .  .  .  Mr.  Bernard's  Book  intituled  'The  Separatists' 
Schisme'  .  .  .  examined  and  answered  by  H.  A.,"  1608. 

2  Smith,  Paralleles,  §  1}  1609. 


CONTROVERSY  WITH  BERNARD        113 

I  think  Smith  was  aware  that  Robinson  also 
intended  to  reply  to  Bernard's  book,  yet  he  felt  it 
laid  upon  him  especially  to  enter  the  lists,  "  although 
it  be  once  answered,"  he  says,  "  by  another  :  and 
happily  may  receave  a  third  answer  [Robinson's] 
yet  I  cannot  overpasse  it  least  [I]  seme  to  betray  the 
truth  who  am  by  name  singled  out  to  the  cobat." 
In  due  course,  then,  he  published  his  book  with 
some  of  the  primary  documents  in  the  controversy. 

We  may  take  it  that  Robinson  was  engaged  on  his 
reply  to  Bernard  in  1609,  and  we  find  that  news  of  it 
reached  Worksop  in  the  following  year.  This  we  gather 
from  the  preface  to  Bernard's  rejoinder  to  Ains worth 
and  Smith,  in  his  Plaine  Evidences  :  The  Church  of 
England  is  Apostolicall  the  seperation  Schismaticall 
directed  against  Mr.  Ainsworth  the  Separatist  and 
Mr.  Smith  the  Sebaptist ;  Both  of  them  severally 
opposing  the  Booke  called  the  Separatists'  Schisme.  .  .  . 
Set  out  by  Authoritie  Anno  1610.  "  I  heare,"  says 
Bernard,  "  of  Mr.  Robinson's  answere  also;  if  it  had 
come  in  hee  should  also  have  been  replyed  vpon. 
Though  I  be  a  weake  man  and  my  weapons  be  against 
these  three  Captaines  of  three  Companies  and  but  a 
stone  in  a  sling  yet  shall  Israel  prevaile."  x 

While  Robinson's  Justification  of  Separation  was 
passing  through  the  press  a  copy  of  Bernard's  rejoinder 
to  Smith  (the  Blaine  Evidences  of  1610)  came  to  his 
hands.  He  accordingly  took  the  opportunity  of  giving 
an  answer  to  "  all  the  particulars  which  are  of  weight  " 
in  that  "  second  treatise."  In  a  note  to  the  "  Chris- 
tian reader  "  at  the  end  of  his  volume  2  Robinson 
explains  the  circumstances  and  adds,  "  For  that  I 
have  been  occasioned  by  the  one  and  other  book 
to  handle  all  the  points  in  difference,  I  intreat  thee 
to  compare  with  this  my  defence,  such  other  oppo- 
sitions especially  as  respect  myself,  whether  in  print 
or  writing,  till  more  particular  answer  be  given." 
This    "  defence   against   Mr.    Bernard's]    Invective " 

1  Plaine  Evidences,  1610,  preface,  p.  iii. 

2  In  edition  of  1639,  p.  388. 


114  JOHN   ROBINSON 

would  serve,  then,  in  addition,  as  a  sufficient  answer 
to  such  opponents  as  William  Ames,  Robert  Parker, 
John  Paget,  John  Burgess  and  other  forward  Puritan 
preachers. 

We  can  now  see  pretty  well  the  place  in  order  of 
time  which  this  work  occupies  in  the  controversy 
between  the  Anglican  and  the  Free  Churchman. 
What  about  its  matter  and  form?  Robinson  follows 
Bernard  with  remarkable  pertinacity  and  calm  insist- 
ence from  beginning  to  end  of  his  book.  He  enters 
upon  "  an  examination  of  the  particulars,  one  by 
one,  that  so  in  all  points  the  salve  might  be  answer- 
able to  the  sore."  x  He  aimed  at  producing  "  a 
familiar  and  popular  kind  of  defence  "  in  the  style 
adopted  by  Bernard  for  his  attack.  But  Robinson 
had  not  the  swiftness  and  lightness  of  touch  which 
his  opponent  had  at  command.  The  questions  at 
issue  were  too  near  to  his  heart  for  him  to  treat  them 
in  anything  but  a  sober  and  serious  strain.  Still, 
keeping  in  view  his  intention  of  writing  a  "  popular  " 
defence  of  his  position,  he  avoided  the  syllogistic  style 
of  argumentation  in  vogue  amongst  scholars  of  his 
day,  and  produced  a  book,  lit  up  with  many  a  homely 
touch  and  proverbial  saying,  which  would  appeal  to 
the  plain  man  interested  in  the  matters  handled. 
Put  shortly,  the  main  difference 2  between  Bernard 
and  Robinson  was  about  the  nature  and  constitution 
of  a  true  Church  according  to  the  teaching  of  the 
New  Testament.  Robinson  maintained  that  the 
authority  for  constituting  a  genuine  Christian  Church, 
and  the  pattern  which  such  a  Church  was  to  take 
in  perpetuity,  were  to  be  sought  for  in  the  Bible. 
He  declared  that  the  Church  of  England  was  not 
framed  according  to  the  model  of  the  New  Testament 
Churches;  consequently  it  was  a  duty  to  separate 
from  it.  The  true  Church  was  constituted  of  those 
who  made  a  voluntary  profession  of  faith  and  separ- 

1  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  1. 

2  "  The  gathering  and  governing  of  the  Church  ...  are  the  main  heads 
controverted  betwixt  you  and  us." — Justification  of  Separation,  p.  49. 


CHURCH    MEMBERSHIP  115 

ated  themselves  from  the  world  "  into  the  fellowship 
of  the  gospel  and  the  covenant  of  Abraham."  1 
Robinson  poured  scorn  upon  the  legal  conditions  for 
membership  in  the  Anglican  Church.  "  A  man,"  he 
says,  "  may  go  out  of  these  countries  [Holland] 
where  I  now  live,  as  many  do,  and  hire  a  house  in 
any  parish  of  the  land,"  and  then  become  "  by  the 
right  of  his  house  or  farm,  a  member  of  the  parish 
church  where  he  dwells,  yea,  though  he  have  been 
nursled  up  all  his  life  long  in  Popery  or  Atheism, 
and  though  he  were  formerly  neither  of  any  Church 
or  religion.  Yea,  though  he  should  profess  that  he 
did  not  look  to  be  saved  by  Christ  only  and  alone, 
but  by  his  good  meanings  and  well  doings;  yet  if 
he  will  come  and  hear  divine  service  he  is  matter 
true  as  steel  for  your  Church ;  yea,  be  he  of  the  King's 
natural  subjects  he  shall,  by  order  of  law,  be  made 
true  matter  of  the  Church,  whether  he  will  or  no." 
To  Robinson  this  seemed  to  be  putting  the  conditions 
of  Church  membership  upon  an  entirely  wrong  foot- 
ing. In  his  judgment  membership  of  a  Christian 
Church  involved  definite  personal  responsibility  in 
regard  to  matters  of  faith  and  conduct.  Only  those 
who  made  a  voluntary  profession  of  Christian  faith 
and  undertook  to  follow  the  Christian  way  of  life  were 
fitted  for  the  high  privilege  of  membership  in  a  Church 
of  Christ.  Any  two  or  three  making  sincere  pro- 
fessions of  religion  in  this  way  could  join  together 
and  so  constitute  a  true  Church. 

"  This  we  hold  and  affirm,"  says  Robinson,  "  that 
a  company  consisting  though  but  of  two  or  three, 
separated  from  the  world  .  .  .  and  gathered  into 
the  name  of  Christ  by  a  covenant  made  to  walk 
in  all  the  ways  of  God  known  unto  them,  is  a  Church, 
and  so  hath  the  whole  power  of  Christ."  2  Judged 
by  this  standard  the  "  parish  assemblies  "  in  England 
were  not  Churches  at  all. 

The  most  fruitful  point  about  the  conception  of 

1  Works,  vol.  ii.  pp.  232,  288. 

2  Ibid.,  p.  132. 


116  JOHN  ROBINSON 

the  Church  which  Smith  and  Robinson  brought  into 
prominence  was  that  the  authority  for  Church  govern- 
ment, for  electing  officers  and  for  exercising  disci- 
pline, rested  with  the  members  themselves.  The  seat 
of  authority  was  to  be  found  in  the  wThole  body 
of  members,  acting  under  the  governance  and  rule  of 
Christ.  It  did  not  rest  with  Archbishops  or  Bishops ; 
it  did  not  reside  in  a  college  of  presbyters  or  elders, 
but  was  vested  in  the  corporate  society  of  Church 
members.  "  This  opinion,"  said  Bernard,  "  is  indeede 
the  first  A.B.C.  of  Brownisme  whereupon  they  build 
al  the  rest  of  their  untrueths.  .  .  .  This  is  the  ground 
of  their  outbreaking  from  al  the  Churches  in  the 
world."  *  The  assertion  of  this  democratic  principle 
of  Church  government  struck  the  hesitating  Puritans 
with  amazement,  and  they  at  once  pointed  out  the 
dangers  of  this  "  popularity."  Smith  manfully  stood 
to  his  position,  and  in  this  particular  was  followed 
by  Robinson.  They  both  upheld  the  privileges  and 
rights  of  the  humblest  and  meanest  Church  member. 
Every  member  was  interested  in  the  work  of  the 
Church — in  its  choice  of  pastor  and  officers  and  in 
its  exercise  of  discipline.  Every  male  member  also 
had  the  right  of  speaking  in  an  orderly  way  in  the 
Church  meeting.  The  Pauline  prohibition  closed  the 
mouths  of  women  members  in  the  full  meeting,  but 
they  were  free  to  assemble  by  themselves  for  religious 
discussion  and  prayer.  Robinson  put  the  matter  in 
this  way — 

"The  Lord  Jesus  is  the  king  of  his  church  alone,  upon 
whose  shoulders  the  government  is,  and  unto  whom  all 
power  is  given  in  heaven  and  earth ;  yet  hath  he  not  received 
this  power  for  himself  alone,  but  doth  communicate  the 
same  with  his  church  as  the  husband  with  the  wife.  And 
as  he  is  '  anointed  by  God  with  the  oil  of  gladness  above 
his  fellows  '  so  doth  he  communicate  this  anointing  ...  to 
every  member  of  the  body  and  so  makes  every  one  of  them 
severally  kings  and  priests  and  all  jointly  a  kingly  priesthood 
or  communion  of  kings,  priests  and  prophets.     And  in  this 

1  Bernard's  Separatists'  Schisme,  1608,  p.  90. 


DEMOCRATIC  TENDENCIES 


117 


holy  fellowship  by  virtue  of  this  plenteous  anointment  every 
one  is  made  a  king,  priest  and  prophet  not  only  to  himself 
but  to  every  other,  yea,  to  the  whole — a  prophet  to  teach, 
exhort,  reprove  and  comfort  himself  and  the  rest ;  a  priest, 
to  offer  up  spiritual  sacrifices  of  prayer,  praises  and  thanks- 
giving for  himself  and  the  rest ;  a  king  to  guide  and  govern 
in  the  ways  of  godliness  himself  and  the  rest.  .  .  .  And  as 
there  is  not  the  meanest  member  of  the  body  but  hath 
received  his  drop  or  dram  of  this  anointing,  so  is  not  the 
same  to  be  despised  either  by  any  other  or  by  the  whole 
to  which  it  is  of  use  daily  in  some  of  the  things  before  set 
down  and  may  be  in  all.  ...  So  that  not  only  the  eye,  a 
special  member,  cannot  say  to  the  hand,  a  special  member, 
I  have  no  need  of  thee ;  but  not  the  head,  the  principal  member 
of  all,  unto  the  feet,  the  meanest  members,  I  have  no  need 
of  you."  J 

Smith  and  Robinson  went  together  in  this  asser- 
tion of  the  high  privileges  and  responsibilities  of 
membership  in  the  Christian  Church — 


"  You  are  to  remeber  that 
Christ's  Church  in  several 
respects  is  a  Monarchie,  an 
Aristocraty,  a  Democratic. 
In  respect  of  Christ  the  King 
it  is  a  Monarchy,  of  the 
Eldership  an  Aristocratie,  of 
the  brethren  joyntly  a  Demo- 
cratic or  Popular  govern- 
ment. .  .  .  Wee  say  that  the 
body  of  the  Church  hath  all 
powre  immediately  from 
Christ :  and  the  Elders  have 
al  their  powre  from  the  body 
of  the  Church.  .  .  .  Wee  say 
that  the  definitive  sentence, 
the  determining  powre,  the 
negative  voice  is  in  the  body 
of  the  Church,  not  in  the 
Elders." — Smith,  Par  alleles, 
1609,  pp.  416-7,  Whitley's 
edition. 


"  Wise  men  having  written 
of  this  subject  have  approved 
as  good  and  lawful  three 
kinds  of  polities  :  monarchi- 
cal where  supreme  authority 
is  in  the  hands  of  one ;  aris- 
tocratical  when  it  is  in  the 
hands  of  some  few  select 
persons ;  and  democratical 
in  the  whole  body,  or  multi- 
tude. And  all  these  three 
forms  have  their  places  in 
the  Church  of  Christ.  In 
respect  of  him  the  head  it 
is  a  Monarchy,  in  respect 
of  the  eldership  an  Aristo- 
cracy, in  respect  of  the  body 
a  popular  state." — Robinson, 
Justification  of  Separation, 
1610,  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  140. 


1  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  141. 


118  JOHN   ROBINSON 

This  clear  conviction  of  the  democratic  nature  of 
Christ's  Church  and  the  feeling  that  authority  was 
vested  in  the  whole  body  of  its  members  by  divine 
sanction  had  an  effect  in  moulding  the  civil  polity 
of  the  Pilgrim  company  in  later  years. 

The  call  to  face  danger  and  take  risks  in  the  effort 
to  build  up  on  earth  the  ideal  Church  according  to 
the  New  Testament  pattern  made  a  strong  appeal 
to  men  and  women  of  earnest  religious  temper.  It 
rang  with  a  deeper  note  of  sincerity  than  the  "  rhym- 
ing rhetoric  "  in  which  Bernard  urged  his  readers  to 
tread  the  beaten  path  of  conformity — 

"  Goe  even 
Be  no  Atheistical  Securitane 
Nor  Anabaptisticall  Puritane; 
Bee  no  carlesse  Conformitant 
Nor  yet  preposterous  Reformitant : 
Be  no  neuterall  Lutheran 
Nor  Hereticall  popish  Antichristian  : 
Be  not  a  schismaticall  Brownist 
Nor  fond  and  foolish  Familist : 
Be  not  a  new  Novelist, 
Nor  yet  any  proud  and  arrogant  Sectarie 
To  draw  disciples  after  thee. 
Be  no  follower  of  any  such 
Beware  of  them  all  carefully."  x 

Bernard,  in  the  course  of  his  argument,  gives  us  a 
reminiscence  of  one  remark  made  by  John  Robinson 
before  the  time  of  his  separation,  and  though  it 
was  misapplied  and  misreported,  we  get  a  glimpse 
through  it  of  Robinson's  feeling  at  the  period  when 
he  was  meditating  a  severance  from  the  Anglican 
Church.  Robinson  observed  how  men  of  sincere 
religious  conviction  were  attracted  to  the  Separatist 
cause  in  those  parishes  where  it  was  discussed,  and 
remarked  upon  the  fact.  Bernard  gave  his  version 
of  the  remark  at  the  close  of  his  list  of  "  likelihoods  " 
that  the   way   of  separation   was   not  a   good   way. 

1  Bernard's  Christian  Advertisements,  etc.,  1608,  p.  2. 


A  SMART  RETORT  119 

Here  we  print  the  thrust  and  parry  side  by  side — 


"To  conclude  they  [the 
Separatists]  leave  rather  a 
curse  than  a  blessing  where 
they  come,  so  as  good  things 
little  prosper  after  them. 
They  are  like  a  scorching 
flame  swinging  where  it  com- 
eth  [so]  that  the  growth  of 
things  are  hindered  by  it. 
So  said  one  (that  is  now 
amongst  them)  before  hee 
went  that  way :  thus  can 
men  so  observe  and  discerne 
before  and  be  blind  after- 
wards."— Bernard,  Separa- 
tists' Schisme,  p.  43. 


"Mr.  B.  concludeth  his 
likelihoods  with  '  a  cursed 
farewell,  which,'  said  he,  '  we 
leave  in  all  places  like  a 
scorching  flame  singeing  where 
it  comes,  so  as  the  growth  of 
all  things  are  hindered  by 
it.' 

"  And  this  observation  he 
fathers  upon  me,  though  in 
truth  it  be  his  own  bastard. 
I  affirmed  indeed  that  where 
this  truth  [concerning  the 
need  of  gathering  the  Church 
by  a  covenanting  together 
of  faithful  people  to  walk 
in  all  God's  ways]  came,  it 
left  the  places  barren  of  good 
things,  in  taking  away  the 
best  sort  of  people.  But 
this  I  spake  to  no  such  pur- 
pose as  is  here  insinuated. 
The  scorching  flame  which 
hinders  all  things  in  the 
Church  of  England  is  the 
prelacy,  to  which  by  universal 
and  infallible  observation  no 
man  applies  himself,  no,  nor 
inclines  but  with  a  sensible 
decay  of  the  former  graces 
which  he  seemed  to  have. 
He  that  but  once  enters  into 
the  high  priest's  hall  to  warm 
himself  at  the  fire  there, 
shall  scarce  return  without:  a 
scorched  conscience." — Rob- 
inson, Justification  of  Sep- 
aration, Works,  vol.  ii.  pp. 
67-68. 


No  one  was  in  a  better  position  than  Bernard  to 
make  the  application  implied  in  the  retort  of  his 
old  friend. 


120  JOHN  ROBINSON 

Before  Robinson's  Justification  saw  the  light  John 
Smith  had  moved  on  along  a  line  of  theological  develop- 
ment where  Robinson  could  not  follow  him.  "His 
instability  and  wantonness  of  wit,"  said  Robinson, 
"  is  his  sin  and  our  cross."  1  Some  of  his  arguments 
against  Bernard  were  expressly  disavowed  by  Robin- 
son. For  example,  in  countering  the  objection  that 
his  definition  of  a  Church  would  exclude  the  heroes 
of  the  Old  Testament  who  "  committed  and  suffered 
knowne  sinne,"  Smith  asserted  that  the  Church  of 
the  Old  Testament  was  merely  "  typical  and  cere- 
monial," 2  "  the  worship  of  the  old  testament  a  cere- 
monial worship ;  the  ministry  a  typical  ministry ;  the 
government  a  typical  government ;  the  people  a  typical 
people;  the  land  or  country  a  ceremonial  country 
and  so  forth  of  the  rest  by  proportion."  And  he 
went  on  to  frame  a  fearful  and  wonderful  syllogism, 
so  that  on  this  point  Bernard  should  "  never  be  able 
to  reply  or  once  to  mutter  against  the  truth  any 
more."  Bernard,  however,  was  equal  to  the  occa- 
sion. He  picked  out  this  choice  example  of  wordy 
argumentation  and  made  fun  of  it  in  his  own  way — 

"  But  to  stop  my  mouth,  that  I  shall  not  once  mutter, 
as  he  saith  (oh  the  admirabilitie  of  the  man  I),  he  reads 
me  as  he  thinks  a  riddle  to  the  amazement  of  all  his  intoxicated 
Disciples  and  frames  his  argument  both  against  the  truth 
and  me  thus.  '  If  in  the  Old  Testament  their  visible  typicall 
Mr<        communion  was  typically  polluted  by  typicall  and 

Smith's  ceremonial  uncleannesse  uncleansed  :  then  in  the 
Riddlement  new  Testament  our  spiritual!  visible  communion  is 
really  polluted  by  morall  uncleannesse  uncleansed;  that  is, 
sinne  unrepented  of.  But  in  the  Old  Testament  their  visible 
typicall  communion  was  typically  polluted  by  the  typicall 
and  ceremoniall  uncleannesse  uncleansed :  Ergo.'  .  .  .  Surely, 
such  as  of  his  as  were  blinded  with  his  Heresie  and  affected 
with  his  folly  were  too-tooly  moued  with  a  merry  conceit  at 
this  riddlement  as  not  to  be  answered ;  through  the  obscure 
profunditie  of  his  reason  over  reaching  our  poore  apprehen- 
sions :  which  made  him  say  he  would  stop  my  mouth  for 
muttering.     But  let  vs   see   how   I   can   mutter  against  it. 

1  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  62.  2  Smith,  Paralleled,  p.  376. 


A  SINGULAR  SYLLOGISM  121 

What !  a  Goliath  ?  Then  see  the  strength  of  a  pibble  stone 
in  a  sling.  Have  at  a  Goliath.  Let  him  save  his  head; 
for  by  his  contrarying  so  daily  himselfe  it  seemes  his  braines 
be  already  crackt.  But  ere  I  answere,  I  read  him  againe  this 
riddle.  '  If  in  his  last  old  yeares,  their  Separatisticall  com- 
munion was  Brownistically  polluted,  by  a  Schismaticall  rending 
of  themselves  from  the  Church  of  England  for  some  supposed 
ceremoniall  and  Antichristian  uncleannesse  uncleansed  :  then 
in  this  his  new  yeare  their  Anabaptisticall  Communion  is 
Smithically  polluted  by  their  but  halfe  Anabaptistrie,  new 
unheard  of  Heresies,  even  spirituall  and  morall  uncleannesse 
uncleansed,  that  is,  their  sinne  not  yet  repented  of.  But  in 
his  last  old  yeares,  their  Separatisticall  Communion  was 
Brownistically  polluted,  by  a  Schismaticall  rending  of  them- 
selves from  the  Church  of  England  for  some  supposed  cere- 
moniall and  Antichristian  uncleannesse  uncleansed :  Ergo.5 
And  now  to  his  argument.  .  .  .  Observe  reader  that  the  proofe 
stands  vpon  his  owne  coyned  Analogie  and  proportion." — 
Plaine  Evidences,  p.  170. 

Robinson  characterized  this  argument  of  Smith  as 
"  erroneous  and  Anabaptistical,"  x  and  for  his  part 
kept  nearer  to  general  opinion  in  regard  to  the  historical 
value  of  the  Old  Testament.  Nor  did  he  follow  Smith 
in  his  renunciation  of  the  baptism  received  in  the 
Anglican  Church,  and  his  contention  that  the  true 
Church  was  to  be  constituted  by  baptism  and  confes- 
sion of  faith,  and  that  consequently  the  rite  of  baptism 
was  not  to  be  administered  to  infants.  In  another 
point  there  was  an  early  divergence  between  the  two 
men.  The  question  arose  as  to  whether  a  Church — 
a  company  of  faithful  people  covenanted  together — 
since  it  had  the  "  power  of  Christ,"  had  not,  therefore, 
authority  to  administer  the  sacraments  of  baptism 
and  the  Lord's  Supper  even  though  it  had  not  a 
pastor,  elder  or  teacher.  To  this  Robinson  said  no. 
He  held  to  the  policy  indicated  in  the  Confession  of 
the  earlier  Separatists,  that "  no  sacraments  are  to  be 
administered  until  pastors  or  teachers  be  ordained  in 
their   office." 2     Bernard,  he    declared,  knew   as  well 

1  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  111. 

2  See  Sec.  34  of  A  True  Confession  of  the  Faith,  1596,  p.  xix. 


122  JOHN  ROBINSON 

as  themselves  that  they  had  not  "  practised  other- 
wise." 1  To  this  position  the  Pilgrim  Church  adhered 
years  afterwards  in  America. 

But  Smith  took  a  more  independent  line,  and  would 
not  bar  the  liberty  of  the  Church  as  a  spiritual  cor- 
poration even  in  this  matter — 

"  It  may  be  questioned,"  he  says,  "  whether  the  Church 
may  not  as  well  administer  the  Seals  of  the  Covenant  [i.  e. 
baptize  and  celebrate  the  Lord's  Supper]  before  they  have 
Officers  as  Pray,  Prophecy,  Elect  Officers  and  the  rest; 
seeing  that  to  put  the  Seals  to  the  Covenant  is  not  a  greater 
work  than  publishing  the  Covenant,  or  Election  of  Officers, 
or  Excommunication."  2 

The  companies  of  Anabaptists  which  arose  here  and 
there  in  England  through  the  influence  of  Smith  took 
advantage  of  the  liberty  he  thus  allowed,  and  did 
not  hesitate  to  administer  baptism  and  celebrate  the 
Lord's  Supper  among  themselves  even  at  times  when 
they  had  no  pastor. 

1  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  130.  2  Smith,  Paralleled,  pp.  419-20. 


CHAPTER  XIV 

robinson's  intercourse  with  ames,  parker  and 

JACOB 

Holland  was  a  place  of  refuge,  not  only  for  English 
Separatists,  but  also  for  many  Puritan  clergy  who  were 
unable  to  conform  to  the  ceremonies  of  the  Anglican 
Church,  yet  still  counted  themselves  as  members 
thereof,  and  shrank  from  separation  from  it.  Amongst 
these  was  William  Ames  (1576-1633).  He  had  some 
discussion  with  Robinson  upon  a  point  which  he  felt 
contained  "  the  very  bitterness  of  separation."  The 
rigid  Separatists  in  their  rebound  from  the  older 
Church  organizations  laid  it  down  that  it  was  wrong 
to  have  religious  communion  with  those  they  did 
not  consider  to  be  in  a  true  Church  fellowship,  even 
though  they  might  be  recognized  as  personally  devout 
Christians.  This  struck  Ames  as  harsh.  It  hurt. 
Apparently  Robinson  had  written  to  Ames  urging 
him  to  pass  in  review  his  position  in  relation  to  the 
Anglican  Church,  and  consider  whether  he  ought  not 
to  throw  in  his  lot  with  the  Separatists.  In  his 
reply,  February  25  [1610-11],  Ames,  omitting  criticism 
of  Robinson's  contention  that  his  separation  was 
similar  to  that  of  the  first  reformed  Churches  in 
Holland  and  France,  "  for  you  have  irons  enough  in 
the  fire  about  that  question,"  concentrated  upon  this 
one  point  :  he  argued  that  if  you  recognized  any 
people  to  have  inward  communion  with  Jesus  Christ, 
it  was  permissible  to  have  external  communion  with 
them  in  religious  matters,  though  they  were  not  in 
due  Church  order.  Had  not  the  members  of  Robin- 
son's own  Church,  when  they  came  together  for  their 

123 


124  JOHN  ROBINSON 

"  covenant  making,"  joined  together  "  in  prayer  for 
direction,  assistance  and  blessing  "  ?  Yet  they  were 
not  a  Church  until  they  had  entered  into  covenant, 
"  which  you  hold  to  be  the  form  of  a  Church,"  there- 
fore, argued  Ames,  "  it  is  not  only  lawful,  but  necessary 
also  that  there  be  a  communion  out  of  a  visible 
Church."  Robinson  did  not  agree  with  this.  In  his 
rejoinder,  dated  "  Ley  den,  this  second  of  the  week  " 
(names  of  the  days  of  pagan  origin  were  avoided),  he 
declared  that  visible  Churches  "  have  not  only  internal 
communion  with  Christ,  but  external  also  in  the 
order  which  he  hath  set;  for  which  we  stand  and  for 
the  want  of  which  alone,  we  withdraw  ourselves,  as 
we  do  in  this  case,  not  daring  to  break  Christ's  order 
for  men's  disorder."  As  for  prayer  together  by  those 
who  intend  to  join  by  covenant  into  a  Church,  it  was 
not  on  all  fours  with  the  case  of  one  in  true  Church 
order  engaging  in  religious  acts  with  any  one  out  of 
that  order.  "  And  when  men  are  so  met  with  a 
purpose  to  unite,  and  do  begin  prayer  for  the  sanctifi- 
cation  of  it,  they  are  in  the  door  coming  into  the 
house  and  not  without."  * 

It  looked  as  though  the  efforts  of  Ames  to  modify 
Robinson's  attachment  to  the  rigid  position  of  the 
Separatists  on  this  point  were  to  be  fruitless.  Yet 
such  was  not  the  case.  We  are  frequently  influenced 
by  after-reflection  upon  points  brought  up  in  an 
inconclusive  discussion.  It  was  so  in  this  instance. 
Not  many  months  passed  before  Robinson  modified 
his  opinion,  and  returned  to  a  more  charitable  view  in 
regard  to  religious  intercourse  between  members  of 
such  Churches  as  his  own  and  the  godly  members  of 
the  parish  assemblies  in  England.  He  is  perfectly 
frank  about  the  change.  The  unauthorized  publica- 
tion of  his  correspondence  with  Ames  gave  him  an 
opportunity  of  explaining  his  new  position. 

The  letters  appeared  in  a  scurrilous  book  put  forth 
under  the  names  of  "Christopher  Lawne,  Clement 
Saunders  and  Robert  Bulward,"  who  left  the  Church 

1  Works,  vol.  iii  pp.  87-89. 


RELIGIOUS   COMMUNION  125 

under  Francis  Johnson,  and  issued  this  work,  entitled 
The  Prophane  Schisme  of  the  Brownists,  to  justify  their 
defection.  It  was  entered  at  Stationers'  Hall  July  6, 
1612.  Robinson  naturally  objected  to  his  name  and 
Church  being  associated  in  any  way  with  charges 
against  the  Amsterdam  society,  with  which  they  had 
nothing  to  do.  He  thought  Ames  himself  was  re- 
sponsible for  the  publication  of  his  correspondence. 
He  "hath  published  to  the  world,"  says  Robinson, 
"  in  the  body  of  that  book,  without  my  consent,  privity, 
or  least  suspicion  of  such  dealing,  certain  private 
letters  passing  between  him  and  me  about  private 
communion  betwixt  the  members  of  the  true  visible 
Church  and  others."  1 

I  am  inclined  to  think  that  John  Paget  had  a  hand 
in  the  matter.  William  Best,  writing  in  after  years, 
exclaimed,  "  What  consent  had  hee  [Paget]  of  Mr. 
Robinson  when  hee  printed  certain  letters  of  his  sent 
privately  to  Dr.  Ames  ?  "  2  However  that  may  be, 
Robinson  made  it  the  occasion  for  a  fuller  explanation 
of  his  position,  in  a  book  issued  in  1614,  entitled, 
Of  Religious  Communion  Private  and  Public.  The 
preface  to  this  volume  indicates  the  change  in  his 
point  of  view,  and  has  in  itself  an  autobiographical 
value,  as  the  following  extensive  extracts  will  show — 

"  Great  offence  hath  been  taken  by  many  at  our  extreme 
straitness  in  respect  of  the  order  wherein  we  walk  :  and 
more  especially  for  refusing  communion  in  the  private  and 
personal  exercises  of  religion  with  the  better  sort  in  the 
assemblies  [i.  e.  the  English  parish  churches]  as  wherein  we 
have  not  only  made  a  separation  from  the  wicked  and  from 
the  godly  also  in  things  unlawful  or  unlawfully  performed, 
but  even  in  their  lawful  actions.  This  Mr.  Ames  calls  the 
bitterness  of  separation  :  and  for  it,  as  it  seems,  thinks  it 
lawful  to  cast  upon  me  the  reproach  of  the  sins  of  other 
churches  and  persons.  .  .  .  Whether  or  no  there  were  in  the 
assemblies  faithful  and  godly  persons,  and  the  same  so 
appearing  unto  men,  I  never  called  in  question,  nor  could 
without  sinning  greatly  against  mine  own  conscience  :    the 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  96. 

2  Best,  The  Churches  Plea  for  her  Right,  1635,  p.  10. 


126  JOHN  ROBINSON 

thing  I  feared,  was  the  violation  and  breach  of  order  in  the 
communion  between  the  members  of  the  true  visible  church 
[a  church  constituted  on  New  Testament  lines  like  Robin- 
son's] and  others  out  of  that  order,  or  in  the  contrary.  .  .  . 
Here  was  use  of  a  distinction  of  religious  actions  into  personal 
and  church  actions  :  which  if  either  Mr.  Ames  had  observed 
unto  me,  or  I  myself  then  conceived  of,  would  have  cleared 
the  question  to  my  conscience  :  and  with  which  I  did  wholly 
satisfy  myself  in  this  matter  when  God  gave  me  once  to 
observe  it." 

When  this  distinction  between  personal  religious 
acts  and  Church  actions  became  clear  to  Robinson's 
mind  it  eased  his  position,  and  he  felt  it  was  legitimate 
to  join  in  private  prayer  with  those  who  were  "  joint 
members  of  the  mystical  body  of  Christ  by  faith," 
even  though  they  were  not  duly  constituted  in  the  true 
Church  order.  He  went  thoroughly  into  the  matter 
in  this  book — 

"  The  thing  I  aim  at  in  this  whole  discourse,"  he  says,  "  is 
that  we  who  profess  a  separation  from  the  English  national, 
provincial,  diocesan  and  parochial  church  and  churches,  in 
the  whole  formal  state  and  order  thereof,  may  notwithstanding 
lawfully  communicate  in  private  prayer  and  other  the  like 
holy  exercises  (not  performed  in  their  church  communion 
nor  by  their  church  power  and  ministry)  with  the  godly 
amongst  them,  though  remaining,  of  infirmity,  members 
of  the  same  church  or  churches."  x 

This  intercommunion  in  personal  religious  acts 
they  might  practise,  so  Robinson  now  argued,  "  except 
some  other  extraordinary  bar  come  in  the  way 
between  them  and  us." 

"  My  judgment  therein,"  he  says,  "  and  the  reasons  of  it 
I  have  set  down  in  the  first  part  of  the  book  :  unto  which  I 
bind  no  man  further  to  assent,  than  he  sees  ground  from  the 
Scriptures.  f  .  .  I  myself,  and  the  people  with  me  generally, 
did  separate  from  the  formal  state  of  the  parish  assemblies 
in  this  persuasion,  and  so  practised  all  the  while  we  abode  in 
England,  as  some  there  continuing  have  done  to  this  day  : 
there  having  been  sundry  passages  between  Mr.  Smith,  and 

1  Of  Religious  Communion  Private  and  Public,  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  105. 


HIS   MODERATION  127 

me  about  it;  with  whom  I  also  refused  to  join,  because  I 
would  use  my  liberty  in  this  point ;  and  for  which  I  was  by 
some  of  the  people  with  him  excepted  against  when  I  was 
chosen  into  office  in  this  Church.  Indeed  afterwards  finding 
them  of  other  churches  [Johnson,  and  Ainsworth,  and  Smith] 
with  whom  I  was  most  nearly  joined,  otherwise  minded  for 
the  most  part,  I  did  through  my  vehement  desire  of  peace, 
and  weakness  withal,  remit  and  lose  of  my  former  resolu- 
tion and  did  (to  speak  as  the  truth  is)  forget  some  of  my 
former  grounds ;  and  so  have  passed  out  upon  occasion,  some 
Arguments  against  this  practice.  Which  yet  notwithstanding 
I  have,  in  the  same  place,  so  set  down  as  all  may  see  I  was 
therein  far  from  that  certainty  of  persuasion,  which  I  had  and 
have  of  the  common  grounds  of  our  separation  of  which  I 
think  this  no  part  at  all.  But  had  my  persuasion  in  it  been 
fuller  than  ever  it  was,  I  profess  myself  always  one  of  them, 
who  still  desire  to  learn  further,  or  better,  what  the  good  will 
of  God  is.  And  I  beseech  the  Lord  from  mine  heart  that  there 
may  be  in  other  men  (towards  whom  I  desire  in  all  things 
lawful  to  enlarge  myself)  the  like  readiness  of  mind  to  forsake 
every  evil  way,  and  faithfully  to  embrace  and  walk  in  the 
truth  they  do  or  may  see  as  by  the  mercy  of  God,  there  is 
in  me ;  which  as  I  trust  it  shall  be  mine,  so  do  I  wish  it  may 
be  their  comfort  also  in  the  day  of  the  Lord  Jesus. 

"  [Signed]  John  Robinson."  * 

The  moderation  of  Robinson  in  comparison  with 
some  of  the  other  zealous  leaders  in  the  way  of 
separation  was  well  recognized.  Bernard  referred 
to  him  as  early  as  1610  as  "  one  yet  nearest  the  truth 
unto  us,  as  I  heare,  and  not  so  Schismaticall  as  the 
rest."  2  His  readiness  to  fraternize  with  the  devout 
members  of  other  religious  societies  in  private  religious 
acts  brought  him  into  collision,  on  the  one  hand, 
with  the  hard-shell  zealots  of  the  separation,  both 
in  his  own  Church  and  at  Amsterdam,  and,  on  the 
other  hand,  encouraged  his  Puritan  friends  to  en- 
deavour to  convince  him  of  the  lawfulness  of  join- 
ing with  them  in  public  religious  actions.  John 
Paget  refers  to  both  these  results  in  his  Arrow  against 

1  Closing  sentences  of  the  Preface  Of  Religious  Communion,  pp.  v.  and  vi., 
edition  of  1614. 

2  Plain  Evidences,  p.  73. 


128  JOHN   ROBINSON 

the  Separation  of  the  Brownists,  published  in  1618. 
Addressing  Henry  Ains worth,  he  says,  "  You  have 
been  openly,  in  your  own  congregation,  by  your  own 
people,  desired  and  urged  to  answer  Mr.  Robinson,"  * 
on  this  point  of  the  legitimacy  of  religious  com- 
munion with  those  out  of  due  Church  order.  He 
refers  to  the  Puritan  effort  also  in  these  terms — 

"  Do  you  not  consider  that  upon  the  coming  forth  of  this 
book  [Robinson's  Religious  Communion]  there  was  presently 
published  a  Manuduction  for  Mr-  Robinson  to  lead  him  unto 
public  communion  and  this  by  the  same  person  that  had 
convinced  his  private  separation  to  be  unlawful?"  2 

The  reference  is  to  a  little  tractate  appended  to 
Bradshaw's  Vnreasonablenesse  of  the  Separation,  which 
came  out  in  1614.  It  appears  that  a  correspondent 
at  Dort  wrote  to  Ames  asking  his  opinion  "  touching 
that  partition  wall  which  M.  Robinson  hath  lately 
reared  up  for  to  make  a  separation  with  betwixt 
privat  and  publick  communion."  Accordingly  Ames 
penned  a  criticism  of  Robinson's  position,  and  sent 
it  on  to  his  correspondent  with  a  letter  concluding 
in  these  terms — 

"  Wishing  to  M.  Rfobinson]  from  the  god  of  all  grace,  the 
same  light  and  enlargement  of  heart  for  this,  which  hee  hath 
received  for  the  other  part  of  communion,  I  commend  my 
epistle  to  your  friendly  censure  and  myself  to  vour  accustomed 
love.     November  23  [1614]." 

The  tract  reached  Dort  in  time  to  be  issued  with 
Bradshaw's  treatise  against  Johnson  :  3  "A  Manv- 
diction  [error  for  Manuduction]  for  MR-  Robinson 
and  Such  as  consent  with  him  in  privat  communion, 
to  lead  them  on  to  publick.  Briefly  comprized  in  a 
letter  to  Mr  R.  W.,  At  Dort.  Printed  by  George 
Waters  And  are  to  be  sould  at  his  shop  at  the  signe  of 
the  Snuffers  on  the  fish  market.     1614." 

The  argument  in  this  letter  appeared  to  Robinson 

1  Paget,  Arrow  against  the  Separation  of  the  Brownists,  p.  60.  2  Ibid, 

3  Neither  treatise  is  paged,  but  the  signatures  of  the  two  are  continuous. 


REPLY  TO   AMES  129 

weak  and  unconvincing.  He  considered  that  "  this 
manuducent  "  or  "  hand-leader  "  would  have  done 
better 

"  to  guide  men  by  the  plain  and  open  way  of  the  Scriptures 
.  .  .  beaten  by  the  feet  of  the  apostolical  churches  and  not 
by  subtle  quaeries  and  doubtful  suppositions  and  such  under- 
hand conveyances  as  may  lead  the  unwary  into  a  maze  and 
there  lose  him." 

So  he  soon  issued  "  A  Manvmission  to  a  Manv- 
dvction  or  answer  to  a  letter  inferring  publique  com- 
munion in  the  parish  assemblies  upon  private  with 
godly  persons  there.  Stand  fast  in  the  liberty  where- 
with Christ  hath  made  you  free.  Gal.  5.  1.  Be  not 
partaker  of  other  men's  sinns  :  keep  thyself  pure. 
1  Tim.  5.  22.  By  Iohn  Robinson.  Anno  Domini 
1615."  1 

Robinson  argued  that  to  remain  in  fellowship  with 
the  Church  of  England  or  to  exercise  one's  ministry 
in  virtue  of  the  prelate's  licence  was  to  uphold  a  system 
of  Church  government  and  order  not  sanctioned  by 
the  New  Testament,  and  opposed  to  the  order  there 
laid  down.  "  All  the  parochial  ministers,"  so  he  had 
contended  in  his  book  on  Religious  Communion, 
"  are  subject  unto  the  jurisdiction  of  prelates  spiritu- 
ally." But  Ames  rejoins  with  a  supposition  which 
reminds  us  of  his  own  position.  Suppose  if  a  deprived 
minister  "  now  rejected  by  the  prelate  and  witnessing 
against  his  corruptions  shall,  without  seeking  any  new 
licence,  find  place  to  preach  the  Gospel  in  occasionally 
elsewhere,  why  should  any  refuse  to  hear  him?  ': 

"  Mine  answer  is,"  says  Robinson,  "  that  this  man, 
remaining  by  the  prelate's  ordination  a  minister  of 
the  Church  of  England,  and  as  he  was  before  his 
institution  or  licence  and  so  preaching  by  that  calling, 
communion  cannot  be  had  with  him  therein  without 
submission  unto  and  upholding  of  the  prelate's  anti- 
Christian  authority  which  in  that  way  he  exerciseth." 

1  Only  two  copies  of  this  tract  by  Robinson  have  come  to  light.     I  have 
consulted  the  copy  procured  for  the  British  Museum  by  the  late  R.  W.  Dale. 
It  formerly  belonged  to  Nicholas  Munt  (d.  February  2,  1803)  of  Harwich. 
K 


130  JOHN  ROBINSON 

To  evade  the  difficulty  in  regard  to  the  authority 
and  rule  of  the  prelacy,  Ames  pleaded  that — 

"  the  greatest  part  of  this  jurisdiction  being  external  and 
coactive  or  forcing  is  from  the  King  derived  unto  those  that 
doe  exercise  the  same  and  therefore  must  of  necessitie  bee 
a  civill  power.  .  .  .  Now  though  some  corrupt  vsurpations 
and  abuses  bee  mingled  with  that  civill  power,  yet  that  doeth 
not  make  all  subjection  to  it  unlawfull  much  less  perniciously 
infecting  by  contagion,  as  M.  Robinson  will  have  it,  especially 
in  those  that  refuse  to  execute  vnlawfull  commaunds."  x 

To  this  Robinson  could  not  assent.  He  had  no 
regrets  about  the  renunciation  of  his  "  orders,"  and 
with  a  reminiscence  of  his  Norwich  experience  he 
rejoined — 

"  The  Bishops  may  and  do  exercise  all  and  every  part  of 
their  episcopal  authority  where  they  have  not  the  least  civil 
authority,  viz.  in  the  cities  and  corporations  within  their 
provinces  and  dioceses ;  as  for  example  the  Bishop  of  Norwich 
in  the  city  of  Norwich  where  his  civil  authority  is  no  more 
than  mine." 

Again  he  says — 

"  The  prelates'  power  in  their  provinces  and  dioceses  is 
not  civil,  but  a  kind  of  external  spiritual  power  which  I  have 
also  in  my  former  book  proved  antichristian  as  usurping  upon 
Christ's  royal  prerogatives,  subverting  the  order  of  true 
Church  government  and  swallowing  up,  as  with  full  mouth, 
both  the  people's  liberty  and  elders'  government  wherewith 
Christ  the  Lord  hath  invested  the  true  Church." 

The  Manumission  is  a  forceful  little  tract,  written 
with  spirit.  Robinson  evidently  felt  pretty  strongly 
on  some  of  the  points  in  question.  His  opponent 
penned  "  A  Second  Manvdvction  for  Mr  Robinson 
or  a  confirmation  of  the  former  in  an  answer  to  his 
Manumission.  Anno  Domini  MDCXV";  but  it 
added  little  that  was  fresh  to  the  discussion. 

1  Manuduction,  Sig.  Q.  3. 


RESORT  TO   ANGLICAN   CHURCHES  131 

Lawfulness  of  Hearing  Ministers  in  the 
Church  of  England 

This  controversy  led  up  to  a  further  modification 
in  Robinson's  opinion  in  regard  to  the  fitting  relation- 
ship between  members  of  such  Churches  as  his  own 
and  the  faithful  in  the  Church  of  England.  He  would 
not  go  so  far  as  to  countenance  participation  with  them 
in  the  service  of  the  Common  Prayer-Book  or  the 
sacraments,  but  he  advanced  to  the  conclusion  that 
it  was  lawful  on  occasion  to  resort  to  the  parish 
assemblies  to  listen  to  the  sermons  of  godly  and 
helpful  preachers  of  the  Anglican  Church.  Though 
it  carries  us  out  of  the  chronological  sequence  of 
Robinson's  works,  it  will  be  as  well  to  touch  on  his 
Treatise  of  the  Lawfulness  of  Hearing  of  the  Ministers 
in  the  Church  of  England  in  this  place,  in  order  to 
complete  our  survey  of  the  development  of  his  opinion 
on  this  point. 

The  very  buildings  which  had  been  devoted  to 
Roman  Catholic  worship  were  regarded  by  the  more 
rigid  Separatists  with  aversion,  and  it  was  regarded 
as  a  sin  to  resort  to  such  "  idol  houses."  Robinson 
himself  had  used  strong  language  against  them,  but 
by  1617  he  had  come  to  a  more  reasonable  and  kindly 
judgment.     As  Paget  tells  us — 

"  Mr-  Robinson  though  he  have  written  in  such  high  words 
against  these  temples  .  .  .  yet  hath  he  for  this  long  time 
tolerated  Mr-  Brfewster]  to  hear  the  word  of  God  in  such 
places,"  and  "  now  of  late  this  last  month  [i.  e.  July  1617] 
as  is  witnessed  unto  me  he  .  .  .  begins  openly  in  the  midst 
of  his  congregation  to  plead  for  the  lawful  use  of  these 
temples."  * 

He  also  came  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  allowable 
to  resort  to  such  churches  or  temples  to  listen  to  the 
sermons  of  godly  and  faithful  ministers.  His  views 
on  the  point  were  set  out  in  the  Treatise  "  printed 
according  to  the  copie  that  was  found  in  his  studie 

1  Paget' s  Arrow  against  the  Separation  of  the  Brownists,  pp.  28,  29. 


132  JOHN   ROBINSON 

after  his  dec[e]ase."  The  fact  that  it  was  held  back 
from  publication  for  nine  years,  and  did  not  appear 
till  1634,  possibly  indicates  that  some  in  the  Leyden 
Church  were  not  altogether  satisfied  on  the  point, 
though  when  Robinson  was  with  them  he  secured 
"  the  whole  consent  of  the  Church  "  to  the  sending 
of  a  letter,  drawn  up  by  himself  and  dated  Leyden, 
April  5,  1624,  to  the  ancient  Separatist  Church  in 
London,  wherein  judgment  in  a  case  of  this  nature 
is  given  in  accordance  with  the  more  liberal  principles 
embodied  in  this  posthumous  treatise.  There  is  no 
reason  to  question  the  authenticity  of  this  work  or 
the  good  faith  of  those  who  put  it  to  the  press  "  for 
the  common  good."  It  reveals  Robinson  in  a  pleasant 
light,  and  is  valuable  as  giving  us  a  clear  view  of  his 
feeling  and  conviction  on  a  much-controverted  point. 
He  professes  himself  both  a  companion  and  guide  of 
such  as  "  seek  how  and  where  they  may  finde  any  lawfull 
dore  of  entry  into  accord  and  agreement  with  others." 

"  I  have  still  opposed,"  he  says,  "  in  others  and  repressed 
in  myne  own  (to  my  power)  all  sowre  zeal  against,  and 
peremptory  rejection  of,  such  as  whose  holy  graces  chalenged 
better  use  and  respect  from  all  christians. 

"  And  in  testimony  of  my  affection  this  way  and  for  ye 
freeing  of  mine  owne  conscience,  and  information  of  other 
men's,  I  have  penned  this  discourse,  tending  to  prove  the 
hearing  of  the  word  of  God  preached  by  the  ministers  of  the 
Church  of  England  (able  to  open  and  apply  the  doctrine  of  faith 
by  that  Church  professed)  both  lawfull  and  in  cases  necessary  for 
all  of  all  sects  or  sorts  of  christians  havinge  opportunitie  or 
occasion  of  so  doing, — though  sequestring  themselves  from  all 
communion  with  the  formall  and  hierarchicall  order  there 
established"  l 

In  the  course  of  his  argument  Robinson  refers  to 
some  of  the  works  we  have  already  touched  on,  and 
gives  us  his  estimate  of  them — 

"  There  is  in  the  hands  of  many,"  he  says,  "  a  Treatise 
published  by  a  man  of  note,  containing  '  certain  reasons  to 

1  MS.  copy,  Of  the  Lawfulness  of  Hearing  the  Ministers  of  the  Church  of 
England,  British  Museum,  Add.  MSS.  24,666. 


JOHNSON   BRADSHAW   AND   AMES      133 

prove  it  unlawful  to  hear,  or  have  spiritual  communion  with 
the  present  ministry  of  the  Church  of  England.'  This  hath 
been  answered,  but  indeed  sophistically  and  in  passion. 
Neither  hath  the  answerer  much  regarded  what  he  said,  or 
unsaid,  so  he  might  gainsay  his  adversary.  With  that 
answer  was  joined  another,  directed  to  myself  and  the 
same  doubled,  pretending  to  prove  public  communion  upon 
private,  but  not  pressing  at  all,  in  the  body  of  the  discourse 
that  consequence,  but  proceeding  upon  other  grounds,  and 
in  truth  consisting  of  a  continued  equivocation  in  the  terms 
4  public  licence,'  '  government,'  6  ministry,'  and  the  like, 
drawn  to  another  sense  than  either  I  intended  them,  or  than 
the  matter  in  question  will  permit.  Whereas  he  that  will 
refute  another,  should  religiously  take  and  hold  to  his  ad- 
versary's meaning,  and  if,  in  any  particular,  it  be  not  so 
plainly  set  down,  should  spell  it,  as  it  were,  out  of  his  words. 
But  it  is  no  new  thing  even  for  learned  and  godly  men  to  take 
more  than  lawful  liberty  in  dealing  with  them,  against  whom 
they  have  the  advantage  of  the  times  favouring  them  like 
the  wind  on  their  backs ;  but  God  forbid  I  should  follow  them 
therein  !  I  will  on  the  contrary  use  all  plainness  and  sim- 
plicity as  in  the  sight  of  God  that  so  I  may  make  the  naked 
truth  appear  as  it  is  to  the  Christian  reader's  eye  what  in 
me  lieth."  1 

He  goes  on  to  show  that  Francis  Johnson,  in  the 
treatise  mentioned,  had  confounded  "  hearing  of " 
and  "  having  spiritual  communion  with  "  the  ministry 
of  the  Church  of  England  as  though  they  were  one 
and  the  same  thing.  The  mere  hearing  a  clergyman 
preach,  Robinson  contended,  was  no  act  of  spiritual 
communion  for  those  who  were  neither  "  members 
of,  nor  in  ecclesiastical  union  or  combination  with, 
the  said  Church  " — 

"...  hearing  simply,  is  not  appointed  of  God  to  be  a 
mark  and  note,  either  of  union  in  the  same  faith  or  order 
amongst  all  that  hear ;  or  of  differencing  of  Christians  from 
no  Christians,  or  of  members  from  no  members  of  the  church  : 
as  the  sacraments  are  notes  of  both  [i.  e.  notes  of  union  in 
both  faith  and  order]  in  the  participants.  The  hearing  of 
the  Word  of  God  is  not  so  inclosed  by  any  hedge  or  ditch, 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  361. 


134  JOHN  ROBINSON 

divine  or  human,  made  about  it,  but  lies  in  common  for  all, 
for  the  good  of  all."  1 

Sixteen  objections  to  such  hearing  of  the  sermons 
of  Anglican  ministers  are  carefully  considered  and 
met  by  Robinson,  who  then  entreats — 

"  the  differently  minded  one  way  or  other  that  they  would 
exercise  mutually  that  christian  charity  one  toward  another, 
and  compassion  one  of  another's  infirmities,  which  become 
all  that  will  be  in  truth  and  deed  followers  of  Christ  Jesus; 
and  which  is  most  needful,  specially  in  things  of  this  kind, 
for  the  preserving  of  the  unity  of  the  spirit  in  the  bond  of 
peace.  Which  bond  of  peace  whilst  men  are  not  careful  to 
keep  inviolated,  by  brotherly  forbearance  in  matters  of  this 
nature,  they  miserably  dissipate  and  scatter  themselves  and 
one  another,  even  as  the  ears  in  a  sheaf  are  scattered  when  the 
bond  breaketh."  2 

With  a  warning  against  making  "a  hearing  course  " 
a  substitute  for  entering  into  true  church-order  this 
treatise  draws  to  a  close — 

"  This  hearing  is  only  a  work  of  natural  liberty  in  itself. 
...  It  is  lawful  to  use  it  upon  occasion,  as  it  is  to  borrow  of 
other  men ;  but  to  make  it  our  course,  is  to  live  by  borrowing, 
which  no  honest  man  that  can  do  otherwise  possibly,  would 
do.  Yea,  what  differs  it  from  a  kind  of  spiritual  vagabondry 
in  him  that  can  mend  it,  though  with  some  difficulty,  to  live 
in  no  certain  church-state  and  under  no  church  order  and 
government  ?  " 

One  of  the  most  arresting  parts  in  this  tract  is 
Robinson's  penetrating  analysis  of  the  various  classes 
of  opponents  to  the  practice  he  here  vindicates.  He 
hits  them  off  to  the  life.  Their  characters  are  vividly 
presented.  Have  we  not  all  met  with  those  of  whom 
it  may  be  said,  it  is  not  "  their  manner  to  read  or 
willingly  to  hear  that  which  crosseth  their  prejudices," 
and  those  "  who  think  it  half  heresy  to  call  in  question  " 
any  of  the  practices  of  those  whom  they  look  back 
upon  with  veneration  as  religious  leaders  ? 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  363.  2  Ibid.,  p.  375. 


CHARACTER  SKETCHES  135 

"  We  must  not  think  that  only  the  Pharisees  of  old  and 
Papists  of  later  times  are  supcrstitiously  addicted  to  the 
traditions  of  the  elders  and  authority  of  the  church.  In  all 
sects  there  are  divers  .  .  .  that  rather  choose  to  follow  the 
troad  x  of  blind  tradition,  if  beaten  by  some  such  foregoers  as 
they  admire,  than  the  right  way  of  God's  word  by  others  to 
be  shown  them  afterwards. 

"  Some  again  are  as  much  addicted  to  themselves  as  the 
former  to  others,  conceiving  in  effect  .  .  .  the  same  of  their 
own  heads  which  the  Papists  do  of  their  head — the  Pope — 
viz.  that  they  cannot  err  or  be  deceived  and  this  especially 
in  such  matters,  as  for  which  they  have  suffered  trouble  and 
affliction  formerly  and  so  having  bought  them  dear  they  value 
them  highly." 

These,  also,  we  know,  as  well  as  another  sort — 

"  highly  advancing  a  kind  of  privative  goodness  and  religion, 
and  who  bend  their  force  rather  to  the  weakening  of  other 
men  in  their  courses  than  to  the  building  up  of  themselves  in 
their  own  .  .  .  half  imagining  that  they  draw  near  enough 
to  God,  if  they  can  withdraw  far  enough  from  other  men." 

And  those  too — 

"  so  soured  with  moodings  and  discontentment  as  that  they 
become  unsociable.  .  .  .  If  they  see  nothing  lamentable,  they 
are  ready  to  lament.  If  they  take  contentment  in  any,  it  is 
in  them  alone  whom  they  find  discontented.  If  they  read 
any  books  they  are  only  invectives  especially  against  public 
states  and  their  governors.  All  things  tending  to  accord  and 
union  any  manner  of  way  are  unwelcome  unto  them."  2 

Men  and  women  of  the  temper  indicated  in  these 
character  sketches  were  an  abomination  to  Robinson, 
and  a  vexation  to  his  spirit. 

John  Robinson  and  Robert  Parker 

Another  Puritan  minister  with  whom  Robinson  came 
into  touch  in  Leyden  was  Robert  Parker  (c.  1564- 
1614).  He  had  been  a  student  at  Magdalen  College, 
Oxford,  where  he  got  into  trouble  in  1588  for  not  don- 
ning  the   surplice.     He  was  beneficed  at  Patney,  in 

1  Troad  ==  the  trodden  path,  the  track.         2  Works,  vol.  iii.  pp.  356-7. 


136  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Wiltshire,  in  1591.  In  1607  he  published  A  Scholas- 
ticall  Discourse  against  Symbolizing  with  Antichrist 
in  Ceremonies,  especially  the  Signe  of  the  Crosse.  He 
wished  to  differentiate  the  Anglican  Church  more 
sharply  from  the  Roman  Catholic  Church,  and  to 
avoid  all  appearance  of  participation  in  what  he 
deemed  to  be  her  erroneous  practices.  This  work 
brought  him  into  disfavour  with  Bancroft,  and  the 
King  was  persuaded  to  issue  a  proclamation  offering 
a  reward  for  his  arrest.  Parker  accordingly  withdrew 
to  Holland  after  an  exciting  period  of  hiding  in  London. 
Nethenus,  the  biographer  of  Ames,  says  that  some 
wealthy  merchants  sent  Parker  and  Ames  to  Leyden 
for  the  purpose  of  engaging  in  controversy  with  the 
supporters  of  the  English  Church.  We  may  take 
it  that  some  assistance  was  given  in  this  way  for  their 
support  while  they  were  preparing  and  printing  books 
upon  the  Puritan  side.  Parker  busied  himself  in 
Leyden  in  a  controversy  (which  excited  much  atten- 
tion at  the  time)  about  the  bodily  descent  of  Christ  to 
Hell.  Bilson,  Bishop  of  Winchester,  pleaded  in  1598 
for  the  reality  of  this  descent  as  stated  in  the  Apostles' 
Creed.  Amongst  those  opposed  to  him  on  this  point 
was  Hugh  Samford,  who,  however,  died  before  he 
could  finish  his  reply.  The  work  of  Samford  was  put 
into  Parker's  hands  for  completion,  and  he  spent  four 
years  in  the  task.  During  that  time  it  is  probable 
he  enjoyed  much  friendly  intercourse  with  Robinson. 
In  1611  he  brought  out  his  work  "  De  Descensu 
Domini  Christi  ...  ad  inferos."  He  then  passed  on 
from  Leyden  to  Amsterdam.  There  he  joined  John 
Paget,  who  gives  us  a  picture  of  him.  It  is  clear  that 
at  his  coming  from  Leyden  he  was  under  the  influence 
of  Robinson's  ideas  concerning  the  independency  and 
self-sufficiency  of  each  rightly  ordered  Church  of 
Christ— 

"  When  he  came  from  Leyden,  where  he  and  Mr-  Jacob  had 
sojourned  together  for  some  time,  he  professed  at  his  first 
coming  to  Amsterdam,  that  the  use  of  synods  was  for  counsel 
and  advice  only,  but  had  no  authority  to  give  a  definitive 


ROBERT   PARKER  13  7 

sentence.  After  much  conference  with  him  when  he  had 
more  seriously  and  maturely  considered  this  question,  he 
plainly  changed  his  opinion,  as  he  professed,  not  only  to  me, 
but  to  others  :  so  that  some  of  Mr-  Jacob's  opinion  were 
offended  at  him  and  expostulated,  not  only  with  him,  but 
also  with  me  for  having  occasioned  the  alteration  of  his  judg- 
ment. I  had  the  means  of  understanding  his  mind  aright, 
and  better  than  those  who  pervert  his  meaning,  since  he  was 
not  only  a  member  of  the  same  church,  but  a  member  of 
the  same  family  and  lived  with  me  under  the  same  roof; 
where  we  had  daily  conversation  of  these  things,  even  at  the 
time  when  Mr-  Jacob  published  his  unsound  writing  upon  this 
question.  He  was  afterwards  a  member  of  the  same  elder- 
ship, and,  by  office,  sat  with  us  daily  to  hear  and  judge  the 
causes  of  our  church,  and  so  became  a  member  of  our  classical 
combination ;  yet  did  he  never  testify  against  the  '  undue 
power  '  of  the  classis,  or  complain  that  we  were  not  a  '  free 
people  '  though  the  classis  exercised  the  same  authority  then 
as  it  doth  now.  He  was  also  for  a  time  the  scribe  of  our 
consistory,  and  the  acts  of  our  eldership  and  church  were 
recorded  by  his  own  hand."  x 

There  was  a  prospect  of  Parker  being  chosen  into 
ministerial  office  in  Amsterdam,  but  the  burgomasters 
vetoed  the  plan  in  order  to  avoid  offending  King 
James,  who  frowned  upon  any  favour  shown  to  refugee 
Puritans.  Consequently  he  moved  in  1613  to  Does- 
burg,  to  serve  as  preacher  to  the  English  troops,  and 
there  died  in  1614. 

He  left  behind  an  incomplete  work  in  Latin,  on 
"  The  Ecclesiastical  Polity  of  Christ  and  the  opposed 
Hierarchical  Polity."  I  am  inclined  to  think  the 
manuscript  of  this  work  was  entrusted  to  John  Robin- 
son for  editing.  It  appeared  from  the  press  of  Godfrey 
Basson  at  Frankfort  in  1616,  with  an  admonition  to 
the  reader  prefixed  from  John  Robinson  in  the  name 
of  himself  and  his  Church.  Parker  had  mapped  out  a 
work  of  six  books  to  cover  the  ground,  but  when  he 
had  finished  three  "  he  was  translated  to  that  purer 
Church  in  heaven,  whose  image  he  was  seeking  so 
diligently  on  earth."  The  book  assumes  the  ultimate 
authority  of  the  Scriptures  for  a  fixed  Church  order 

1  Paget's  Defence  of  Church  Government. 


138  JOHN  ROBINSON 

and  polity.  It  expounds  the  Presbyterian  system 
against  the  advocates  of  episcopacy.  But  Robinson 
considered  that  in  his  occasional  references  to  Brown- 
ists  and  Separatists,  Parker  had  spoken  too  sharply, 
and  as  though  they  were  guilty  of  an  unrighteous 
schism  from  the  Anglican  Church.  He  points  out 
that  Parker's  description  of  the  Church  government 
adopted  by  the  Separatists  as  democratical  needs 
some  qualification.  He  denies  that  their  separation 
is  so  absolute  as  Parker  insinuates,  or  that  their 
secession  is  principally  based  upon  those  grounds  which 
Parker  imagines.  Robinson  and  his  Church  acknow- 
ledge the  existence  of  many  excellent  doctrines  and 
persons  in  the  so-called  Churches  of  England — 

"  In  short,"  says  he,  "  we  do  not  separate  ourselves  in  the 
proper  sense  or  especially  because  '  the  discipline  of  Christ  is 
rejected  or  corrupted  in  the  Anglican  Church  '  (as  it  seems  to 
Mr-  Parker,  Book  I,  chapters  13  and  14)  but  because  the  dis- 
cipline and  rule  of  Antichrist  is  received  and  sanctioned  by 
royal  statutes  and  ecclesiastical  canons.  And  it  is  a  matter 
of  conscience  with  us  not  to  submit  ourselves  in  any  way 
to  him.  And  seeing  that  Parker  himself  (like  others  in  other 
books)  in  this  most  learned  treatise  of  his  asserts  in  many 
words  and  argues  that  this  Hierarchical  Government  obtaining 
in  these  Churches  is  unlawful,  papal  and  Antichristian,  how 
can  our  submission  to  the  same  be  lawful  and  Christian,  or 
how  can  there  be  any  communion  in  ecclesiastical  ordinances 
(to  each  and  all  of  which  the  government  of  the  Church 
necessarily  extends)  without  this  unlawful  submission. 
With  the  best  will  in  the  world  we  cannot  really  see  how  the 
latter  contention  is  consistent  with  the  former.  We  seek 
enlightenment  on  the  point  from  others  who,  as  is  quite 
possible,  see  further  into  the  matter,  for  we  are  always 
prepared  (by  the  grace  of  God)  to  give  way  modestly  to  those 
who  teach  better  things.     Farewell."  * 

1  "Denique  non  nos  propria,  aut  praecipue  nosmet  sejungimus,  propter 
Christi  disciplinam  repudiatam  aut  corruptam  (sicuti  illi  videtur  lib.  1,  cap.  13 
et  14)  sed  propter  disciplinarn  et  regimen  Antichristi  receptum  et  sancitum 
statutis  regijs  et  canonibus  Ecclesiasticis  :  cui  nos  nosmet  ullo  modo  subjicere 
religio  est.  Et  quandoquidem  Regimen  hoc  Hierarchicum  in  hisce  Ecclesijs 
obtinens  (ut  alibi  alij)  Parkervs  ipse,  vel  in  hoc  suo  doctissimo  scripto 
et  multis  verbis  asserat  et  doceat  argumentis,  illegitimum,  papale,  et  Anti- 
christianum  esse,  quae  nostra  eidem  subjectio  legitima  et  Christiana;   aut  quae 


MANY   GODLY   ANGLICANS 


139 


Thomas  Drakes  of  Harwich,  an  old  associate  of 
John  Smith  at  Cambridge,  was  quick  to  seize  upon 
Robinson's  admissions,  as  the  following  passage  from 
his  Ten  Counter demaunds  propounded  to  those  of 
the  Separation  reveals.  We  may  place  the  extracts 
in  parallel  columns.  Drakes  sings  the  praises  of 
the  Churches  of  England  as  a  set-off  to  the  criticisms 
of  Separatists,  and  continues — 


"  In  which  Churches  (as 
one  of  the  princi[p]all  Separ- 
atists I[ohn]  R[obinson]  in 
his  admonition  ad  lectorem 
in  his  owne  name  and  in  the 
name  of  his  faction,  lately 
prefixed  before  the  third 
booke  [three  books]  of  M. 
Robert  Parke [r]  de  politia 
ecclesi[ce]  confesseth  that[)] 
the  grace  of  God  by  the 
Gospell  in  respect  of  the 
chiefe  heads  of  true  Christian 
faith  by  diuers  of  the  faithfull 
preached,  doth  so  abound, 
that  there  are  very  many 
godly  and  holy  men  in  these 
assemblies  both  of  Reformi- 
tants  and  Conformitants 
which  they  acknowledge  for 
brethren  in  Christ  etc." — 
Drakes'  Ten  Counter  demaunds, 
1618,  Sig.  A  3. 


"Verum  quidem  est  nos 
separationem  instituere  ab 
Ecclesiarum  (vti  appellant) 
Provincialium,  Dioccesanar- 
um,  cathedralium  &  parroch- 
ialium  formali  statu;  vtpote 
quae  &  conflatae  sunt  ex 
omnibus  &  singulis  regni  sub- 
ditis  sine  vllo  discrimine,  vi 
pcenarum  legalium  in  easdem 
coactis.  ...  In  qua  tamen 
et  rerum  &  personarum  con- 
fusione,  Dei  Gratia,  per  Evan- 
gelium  (quo  ad  capita  summa 
verse  fidei  Christianas  a  non- 
nullis  fideliter  annunciatum) 
ita  exuberare,  &  firmiter  cre- 
dimus,  &  libenter  profitemur 
ut  plurimi  in  istis  ccetibus 
pij  &  sancti  viri  existant, 
cum  reformistae  turn  con- 
formistae  (uti  vocant)  quos 
&  pro  fratribus  in  Christo 
habemus  &  quibuscum  com- 
munionem  in  omnibus  licitis 
(nostro  saltern  judicio)  pie 
colimus." — Robinson's  Ad- 
monitio. 


communio    in    institutes    Ecclesiasticis  (in   quae  omnia  et  singula  Regimen 
Ecclesise  se  necessario  diffundit)  sine  hac  illicita  submissione  esse  poterit  ? 

Nobis  certe  videre  non  est,  licet  maxime  velimus,  quomodo  posterius  priori 
conveniat;  ab  alijs  audire  cupimus,  qui  (quod  facile  fieri  potest)  plus  vident  : 
semper  parati  meliora  docentibus  (per  Dei  gratiam)  submisse  cedere.  Vale." 
— Robinson's  Admonitio  ad  Lectorem,  prefixed  to  Parker's  De  Politeia,  closing 
sentences. 


140  JOHN   ROBINSON 

John  Robinson  and  Henry  Jacob 

Intercourse  with  such  men  as  Ames  and  Parker 
kept  the  mind  of  Robinson  fresh  and  alert,  and  helped 
him  in  hammering  out  his  own  position.  A  third 
Puritan  clergyman  over  whom  he  exercised  consider- 
able influence  was  Henry  Jacob  (1563-1624),  a  refugee 
in  Holland  on  account  of  religion,  who  issued  at  Ley- 
den,  in  1610,  a  little  treatise  on  The  Divine  beginning 
and  institution  of  Christ's  true,  visible  and  material 
Church.  Jacob  had  turned  his  attention  to  the 
questions  at  issue  between  the  Church  of  England 
and  the  Separatists  as  early  as  1599,  when  he  defended 
the  Anglican  Church  and  ministry  against  Francis 
Johnson,  who  contended  that  neither  Church  nor 
ministry  was  true.  Jacob  at  that  time  hoped  for  a 
further  reformation  in  the  Anglican  Church  and 
earnestly  laboured  to  that  end.  Years  went  by,  and 
reform  seemed  more  remote  than  ever,  so  in  1616  he 
came  over  to  London  and  gathered  an  "  independent " 
congregation.  It  is  clear  that  in  this  action  he  was 
guided  by  the  example  of  Robinson.  The  covenant 
of  this  new  society  was  based  on  the  covenant  which 
Robinson  and  his  company  had  derived  from  John 
Smith. 

Jacob  ignored  the  older  Separatist  Church  in  London, 
formed  in  1592,  the  remnants  of  which,  even  after  the 
migration  of  the  major  part  to  Amsterdam,  kept  up  its 
meetings.  The  members  of  that  older  society  con- 
demned the  Anglican  Church  as  a  false  Church,  and 
had  no  fellowship  with  its  adherents.  Jacob  would 
not  go  to  those  lengths,  and,  as  we  have  seen,  Robinson 
had  returned  to  a  more  genial  view,  and  permitted 
private  communion  with  its  members  and  occasional 
hearing  of  its  pious  ministers.  From  different  direc- 
tions Jacob  and  Robinson  had  moved  to  the  same 
position.  When  Sabine  Staresmore  and  his  wife  went 
over  to  Ley  den,  Robinson  received  them  into  fellowship 
in  virtue  of  the  covenant  they  had  taken  in  the  Church 
of  Jacob.     And  when  the  rigid  Separatists  of  the  older 


COTTON   CORRECTS   BAILLIE         141 

London  Church  put  the  question  "  whether  Mr  Jacob's 
congregation  be  a  true  Church  or  no  ?  "  Robinson 
replied,  "  We  have  so  judged  .  .  .  and  so  do  we  judge 
still."  *  This  was  no  hasty  conclusion,  but  a  con- 
sidered judgment.  He  enclosed  with  this  letter  to 
the  Londoners  from  himself  and  his  Church  at  Leyden 
"  certain  papers  in  which  that  matter  is  handled." 

The  memory  of  Robinson's  association  with  these 
Puritan  ministers  remained  fresh  in  the  minds  of 
the  members  of  his  Church  in  after  days,  and  from 
their  lips  John  Cotton  of  Boston  obtained  first-hand 
information  of  their  intercourse  and  the  modification 
that  ensued  in  their  views.  "  We  some  of  us  knew 
Mr  Parker,  Doctor  Ames,  and  Mr  Jacob  in  Holland, 
when  they  sojourned  for  a  time  at  Leyden,"  says 
Bradford,  looking  back  in  1648  to  that  earlier  period, 
and  he  tells  us  that  "  Doctor  Ames  was  estranged  from 
and  opposed  Master  Robinson,  and  yet  afterwards 
there  was  loving  compliance  and  near  agreement 
between  them."  2 

When  that  sturdy  and  zealous  Scots  Presbyterian, 
Robert  Baillie,  in  his  Dissuasive  from  the  Errors  of  his 
times,  identified  in  Robinson's  doctrine  of  the  Church 
"  the  womb  and  seed  of  that  lamentable  Independency 
in  Old  and  New  England  which  hath  been  the  fountain 
of  many  evils  already,"  it  gave  John  Cotton  an  oppor- 
tunity of  stating  Robinson's  position  more  exactly. 

This  is  how  Cotton  put  the  matter.  It  is  a  very 
fair  summary — 

"  As  a  fruit  of  his  [Robinson's]  studious  inquisition  after 
the  Truth  hee  resorted  (as  I  have  understood)  to  many 
judicious  Divines  in  England  for  the  clearing  of  his  Scruples 
which  inclined  him  to  separation;  and  when  hee  came  into 
Holland  hee  addressed  himselfe  to  Doctor  Ames  and  Mr- 
Parker  ;  rather  preventing  [i.  e.  anticipating]  them  with 
seeking  counsell  and  satisfaction  then  (sic)  waiting  for  their 
compassion.     But  as  they  excelled  in  learning  and  godlinesse 

1  "  Letter  to  our  Beloved  in  the  Lord  the  Church  of  Christ  in  London," 
dated  Leyden,  April  5,  1624. 

2  Young's  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrims,  Dialogues,  pp.  435,  439. 


142  JOHN  ROBINSON 

so  in  compassion  and  brotherly  love  also,  and  therefore  as  they 
discerned  his  weanednesse  from  selfe-fulnesse  so  did  they  more 
freely  communicate  light  to  him  and  received  also  some  things 
from  him. 

"  The  fruit  of  which  was  (through  the  Grace  of  Christ)  that 
the  Disswader  himselfe  confesseth  '  hee  [Robinson]  came  backe 
indeed  the  one  halfe  of  the  way :  acknowledging  the  lawfulnesse 
of  communicating  with  the  Church  of  England  in  the  Word  and 
Prayer  but  not  in  the  Sacraments  and  Discipline,  which  was 
(saiih  hee)  a  faire  Bridge,  at  least  a  faire  Arch  of  a  Bridge  for 
union.'  But  when  hee  [Baillie]  saith  *  hee  came  on  to  communi- 
cate with  the  Church  of  England  in  the  Word  and  Prayer,9  it 
must  not  bee  understood  of  the  Common-Prayer-Book,  but 
of  the  Prayers  conceived  by  the  Preacher  before  and  after 
Sermon.  And  yet  in  comming  on  so  far  as  he  did,  he  came 
more  then  halfe  way  of  any  just  distance. 

"It  is  true  Mr-  Robinson  did  not  acknowledge  a  Nationall 
Church  governed  by  the  Episcopacy  to  be  a  Church  of  Divine 
Institution.  But  though  he  acknowledged  the  stile  and  privi- 
lege of  a  Church  in  the  New  Testament  to  belong  to  a  particu- 
lar Congregation  of  visible  Saints ;  yet  such  Nationall  Churches 
French  or  Dutch,  as  were  governed  by  Presbyters  and  separate 
from  the  world  at  the  Lord's  Table  he  did  not  disclaime 
Communion  with  them.  I  have  been  given  to  understand 
that  when  a  Reverend  and  godly  Scottish  Minister  came  that 
way  (it  seemeth  to  have  been  M*-  Iohn  Forbes)  he  offered  him 
Communion  at  the  Lord's  Table,  though  the  other  for  feare 
of  offence  to  the  Scottish  Churches  at  home  excused  himselfe. 

"  Yea,  when  some  Englishmen  that  offered  themselves  to 
become  Members  of  his  Church,  would  sometimes  in  their 
confessions  professe  their  Separation  from  the  Church  of 
England  Mr-  Robinson  would  beare  witnesse  against  such 
profession  avouching  they  required  no  such  professions  of 
Separation  from  this  or  that  or  any  Church  but  onely  from 
the  world.  All  which  doe  argue  that  his  comming  on  to 
Protestant  Churches  was  more  then  the  half  way."  * 

1  Cotton's  Way  of  the  Congregational  Churches  Cleared,  1648,  pp.  7-9. 
This  work  was  put  to  the  press  for  Cotton  by  Nathaniel  Homes,  who  signs 
the  "  Epistle  Pacificatory."  It  was  printed  by  Matthew  Simmons  for  John 
Bellamie.  The  "  Imprimatur,"  dated  January  1,  1647,  by  "  John  Bachiler  " 
is  phrased  in  cordial  terms. 


CHAPTER  XV 

ROBINSON    DISCUSSES    QUESTIONS    OF   INFANT   BAPTISM, 
FLIGHT 
OFFICE 


FLIGHT    IN    PERSECUTION    AND    THE    MAGISTRATE'S 


While  Robinson  sustained  a  controversy  with 
representative  Puritan  ministers  on  the  one  hand, 
he  was  also  engaged  in  a  disputation  with  old  asso- 
ciates on  the  other.  John  Smith,  through  a  fresh 
study  of  the  Gospels,  had  disengaged  himself  from 
the  Augustinian  and  Calvinistic  theology  in  which 
he  had  been  reared.  He  gave  up  the  practice  of  bap- 
tizing infants.  The  New  Testament,  it  seemed  to 
him,  pointed  to  the  constitution  of  Churches  not  by 
means  of  a  covenant,  but  by  the  assumption  of  baptism 
after  repentance  and  profession  of  faith.  He  and 
his  followers  accordingly  dissolved  their  Church 
estate  entered  into  by  covenant  at  Gainsborough. 
He  "  dispastored  "  himself  and  made  a  fresh  start. 
His  company  being  gathered  together  for  the  purpose 
in  their  place  of  meeting,  Smith  first  baptized  him- 
self, and  then  baptized  Thomas  Helwys,  and  so  John 
Murton  and  the  rest,  each  "  making  their  particular 
confessions." *  The  method  of  the  baptism  was 
undoubtedly  that  in  vogue  amongst  the  Anabaptists, 
viz.  by  affusion,  not  by  immersion.  The  candidate 
knelt  down,  and  the  administrator,  taking  a  handful 
of  pure  water  from  the  basin,  applied  it  to  his  head, 
baptizing  him  into  the  name  of  the  Lord  Jesus. 

Criticism  was  at  once  directed  against  Smith's  act 
of  self-baptism.  "  Why,"  said  John  Hetherington, 
"  would  you  not  receive  your  baptism  first  from  some 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  168. 
143 


144  JOHN   ROBINSON 

one  of  the  Elders  of  the  Dutch  Anabaptists  ?  "  Smith 
pondered  the  question,  and  becoming  convinced  that 
the  Mennonites  were  indeed  a  true  Church,  he  felt 
that  he  and  his  friends  ought  to  have  applied  to  them 
for  baptism,  and  not  resuscitated  the  rite  for  them- 
selves. It  is  testimony  to  the  force  and  charm  of 
Smith's  personality  that  he  was  able  to  lead  the 
majority  of  those  still  associated  with  him  to  join 
him  in  a  declaration  of  regret  that  they  had  taken 
their  baptism  into  their  own  hands,  and  in  applying 
for  admission  to  membership  with  the  Mennonites. 
The  Dutch  took  time — plenty  of  time — for  considera- 
tion. Before  the  application  was  granted,  John 
Smith  had  died.  His  death  must  have  raised  feelings 
of  affectionate  regret  in  Robinson  and  those  at 
Leyden  who  had  known  him  so  well  in  the  old  days 
in  England.  Smith  left  behind  a  remarkable  "  Con- 
fession of  Faith  "  and  a  short  tract  reviewing  the 
controversies  in  which  he  had  been  engaged.  These 
were  published  in  a  tiny  volume  "  by  the  remaynders 
of  Mr.  Smithe's  company,"  and  Robinson  felt  it  neces- 
sary to  take  some  notice  of  the  publication. 

He  also  entered  into  controversy  with  Thomas 
Helwys  on  the  subject  of  baptism  and  the  question  of 
flight  in  time  of  persecution.  Helwys  went  a  long  way 
with  Smith  in  his  religious  progress,  but  parted  com- 
pany with  him  when  he  entered  into  negotiation  with 
the  Dutch  Anabaptists.  He  and  Murton,  with  a 
few  others,  were  satisfied  that  their  recovery  of  bap- 
tism for  themselves  was  quite  permissible.  They 
were  content  with  the  Church  order  into  which  they 
had  thus  entered.  Instead  of  disavowing  it,  they 
justified  it.  Nay,  they  carried  the  war  into  the 
enemy's  camp,  pleading  with  the  Mennonites  to  reject 
Smith's  petition  for  union,  and  at  the  same  time 
pointing  out  to  Brownists  and  Separatists  the  incon- 
sistency of  their  attitude  about  baptism.  The 
Separatists  stigmatized  the  Anglican  Church  as  a 
false  Church,  yet  they  retained  its  baptism  as  true. 
How  could  the  baptism  of  a  false  Church  be  true? 


INFANT   BAPTISM  145 

Or,  if  the  baptism  were  true,  how  could  the  Church 
which  bestowed  it  be  false?  It  took  all  Robinson's 
skill  in  making  "  distinctions  "  to  parry  this  attack. 

The  practice  of  Robinson's  Church  in  regard  to 
those  admissible  to  baptism  can  be  briefly  stated  in 
his  own  words  :  "  We  profess  withal,"  he  says  to 
Helwys,  "  that  no  infant  ...  of  any  parents,  the 
one  whereof  is  not  faithful,  is  to  be  baptized;  and 
practise  accordingly,  as  he  knew  well."  x  Either  the 
father  or  mother,  if  not  both,  were  required  to  be 
in  Church  fellowship  before  the  child  was  accepted 
for  baptism.  To  this  position  Robinson's  Church 
consistently  adhered,  both  in  Holland  and  in  New 
England.  Helwys  characterized  it  as  an  absurd 
notion  that  Christians  beget  Christians  by  generation. 
It  is  this  idea,  he  said,  "  which  hath  brought  in  such 
madnes  amongst  men  as  the  Brownists  hold  and  pro- 
fess, that  no  infants  that  die  are  under  the  Covenant 
of  grace  and  salvation  but  such  as  they  beget.  Thus 
do  they  only  beget  infants  that  are  heirs  of  salvation."  2 
In  his  book,  issued  in  1612,  entitled  A  Short  Declara- 
tion of  the  Mistery  of  Iniquity,  Helwys  devotes  a 
section  to  laying  open  "  some  particular  errors  in 
Mr  Robinson's  book  of  Justification  of  Separation." 

Robinson  argued  that  in  its  "  essential  causes  " 
the  baptism  received  in  the  Anglican  Church  was  all 
right,  though  it  was  administered  in  a  false  Church. 
The  spiritual  grace  it  conferred  was  made  effective  for 
believers  by  their  after-repentance.  He  compared  it 
with  the  vessels  of  the  Temple  which,  "carried  into 
Babylon,  remained  still,  both  in  nature  and  right,  the 
vessels  of  the  Lord's  house ;  though  in  respect  of  their 
use,  or  rather  abuse,  they  became  Belshazzar's  quaffing 
bowls."  3  Helwys  sliced  through  this  analogy.  "  It 
is  evident  that  it  was  moulded  and  made,"  he  said, 
"  in  the  Church  of  England,  which  you  confess  is 
Babylon ;    Mr.  Rob[inson],  had  not  you  and  all  your 

1  Of  Religious  Communion.  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  197. 

2  Helwys,  A  Short  Declaration  of  the  Mistery  of  Iniquity,  1612,  p.  172. 

3  Justification  of  Separation,  Works,  vol.  ii.  p.  299. 
L 


146  JOHN   ROBINSON 

congregation  the  true  matter  (as  you  call  it)  and  true 
form  of  your  baptism  in  England,  and  was  it  not 
administered  upon  you  all  in  the  assemblies  of  Eng- 
land ?  Then  was  your  vessel  of  baptism  made  there. 
See  your  deceit  herein,  if  there  be  any  grace  or  under- 
standing in  you."  *  Helwys  hits  out  gamely,  and 
presses  Robinson  with  a  dilemma  which  Joseph  Hall 
had  put  to  him  two  years  before — 

"  This  strait  are  you  now  driven  unto  either  to  confess 
that  before  your  separation  you  were  infidels  or  unbelievers, 
and  then  you  must  believe  and  be  baptized,  or  else  that  you 
were  believers  and  faithful  and  then  have  you  Separated 
from  a  faithful  and  believing  people  and  not  from  the  world, 
and  you  must  return  to  your  vomit  with  the  false  prophet  2 
[Robert  Browne]  your  first  and  chief  shepherd  that  hath 
misled  you  upon  these  false  grounds,  who  not  being  able 
(through  his  infidelity)  to  keep  his  face  towards  Ierusalem 
and  the  Land  of  Canaan  hath  fainted  in  the  way  and  rebelled 
in  the  wilderness  and  is  returned  to  his  so  much  formerly 
detested  Babylon  and  Egypt."  3 

Helwys  acknowledged  that  he  had  "  written  in 
some  things  sharply,"  but  it  was  wholesome  medicine, 
and  should  be  taken  in  good  part. 

"  There  are  divers  of  you  both  near  and  dear  unto  us  whom 
we  require  in  love  (as  we  do  all)  to  apply  the  sharpest  reproofs 
to  themselves  for  they  had  need.  And  touching  you  Mr 
Robfinson]  remember  that  you  have  a  letter  of  most  loving 
respect  in  your  hands  concerning  these  things  to  which  you 
have  not  made  answer  whereby  to  prevent  the  publishing  of 
this  that  especially  concern[s]  you."  4 

This  book  of  Helwys  closed  with  a  postscript  5  of 
some  eight  pages,  in  which  the  question  of  "  flight 

1  Mistery  of  Iniquity,  p.  145. 

2  The  reference  is  to  Robert  Browne  (c.  1550-c/.  1633)  who  had  been  edu- 
cated at  Corpus  Christi,  Robinson's  old  college,  and  subsequently  gathered 
a  religious  society  denominated  by  outsiders  as  "  Brownists."  He  pub- 
lished at  "  Middelbvrgh,"  in  1582,  a  treatise  on  Reformation  without  tarying 
for  anie.  In  1591,  however,  he  conformed,  received  orders,  and  was  pre- 
sented first  to  the  living  of  Little  Casterton,  in  Rutland,  and  then  to  that 
of  Achurch  in  Northamptonshire.  He  held  the  latter  till  his  death.  Browne 
was  twice  married :  (a)  to  Alice  Allen,  (6)  to  Elizabeth  Warrener,  a  widow. 

3  Mistery  of  Iniquity,  p.  126.  4  Ibid.,  p.  156.         5  Ibid,,  pp.  204-12. 


FLIGHT   IN   PERSECUTION  147 

in  persecution "  is  handled.  He  there  deals  with 
"  the  perverting  of  those  words  of  our  Saviour  Christ, 
6  when  they  persecute  you  in  one  city  flee  into 
another,'  contrary  to  all  the  meaning  of  Christ."  He 
had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  it  was  wrong  to  flee 
in  the  face  of  persecution.  Christ  did  not  intend  by 
that  precept  that  they  were  "  to  flee  to  save  them- 
selves, but  to  flee  or  go  to  another  City  to  preach  the 
gospel.  .  .  .  But  when  will  these  men  according  to 
this  rule  of  Christ  shake  off  the  dust  of  their  feet  for 
a  witness  against  Amsterdam  and  Leyden  which 
Cities  neither  receive  them  nor  the  word  they  bring 
otherwise  than  they  receive  Turks  and  Jews  and  all 
sorts  who  come  only  to  seek  safety  and  profit  ?  .  .  . 
How  much  better  had  it  been  that  they  had  given 
their  lives  for  that  truth  they  profess  in  their  own 
Countries." 

Helwys  had  the  courage  of  his  convictions.  He 
crossed  over  to  London  with  Murton  and  a  few  faithful 
associates  apparently  in  the  winter  of  1612-13.  Bonds 
and  imprisonment  awaited  him.  By  the  spring  of  1616 
he  was  dead.  The  copy  of  his  book  which  he  had  the 
daring  to  present  to  the  King  remains  in  the  Bodleian 
Library,  with  an  inscription  in  brave  terms  on  its 
flyleaf,  in  his  own  hand,  to  testify  to  his  intrepid 
spirit. 

The  advance  of  Smith  to  the  Anabaptist  position, 
the  approximation  of  his  views  to  the  Mennonite 
doctrines,  and  the  attack  by  Helwys,  seemed,  in  the 
opinion  of  Robinson,  to  demand  some  attention. 
"  Divers  weak  persons,"  he  says,  "  have  been  troubled 
and  abused  "  by  some  things  in  Helwys's  book,  and 
"  two  or  three  simple  people  "  were  affrighted  by  his 
"  loud  and  licentious  clamours  "  from  their  baptism 
received  in  the  "  assemblies  "  in  England. 

Accordingly  he  issued,  along  with  his  treatise  on 
Religious  Communion,  four  additional  chapters,  which 
are  really  separate  tracts,  one  dealing  with  "  flight  in 
persecution,"  the  next  asserting  that  "  the  outward 
baptism  received  in  England  is  lawfully  retained," 


148  JOHN   ROBINSON 

another  treating  the  general  question  "  of  the  baptism 
of  infants  "  at  large,  and  lastly  "  a  survey  of  the 
confession  of  faith  published  in  certain  conclusions 
by  the  remainders  of  Mr  Smith's  company  after  his 
death,"  which  rounds  off  the  volume.  These  tracts 
take  up  far  more  space  in  the  book  than  the  one  on 
"  Religious  Communion,"  which  gives  the  leading  title. 
In  regard  to  flight  in  persecution,  Helwys  had 
referred  to  the  commendation  given  to  the  Churches 
of  Thessalonica  and  Pergamos  for  their  patience  in 
affliction,  and  set  them  up  as  an  example.  Robinson 
rejoined1 — 

"  As  those  churches  knew  not,  haply,  whither  to  go  to  be 
better  in  those  days,  so  neither  was  their  persecution  such, 
but  that  they  might  enjoy  their  mutual  fellowship  and 
ministers,  and  bring  up  their  children  and  families  in  the 
information  of  the  Lord  and  his  truth  .  .  .  which  in  England 
all  men  know,  we  could  not  possibly  do." 

And  he  concludes — 

"  For  flight  then  thus  much.  As  we  read  that  Christ  our 
Lord,  the  prophets,  and  apostles  did  at  some  times  and 
ordinarily  avoid  and  flee  persecution  and  at  other  times  not ; 
so  are  we  to  know  that  there  are  times  and  occasions  season- 
able for  both.  ...  As  we,  then,  shall  perceive  either  our 
flying  or  abiding  to  be  most  for  God's  glory  and  the  good  of 
men,  especially  of  our  family  and  those  nearest  unto  us,  and 
for  our  own  furtherance  in  holiness ;  and  as  we  have  strength 
to  wade  through  the  dangers  of  persecution,  so  are  we  with  good 
conscience  to  use  the  one  or  other.  Which  (our  hope  and 
comfort  also  is)  we  have  done  in  these  our  days  of  sorrow; 
some  of  us  coming  over  [to  Holland]  by  banishment  and 
others  otherwise."  2 

Though  this  conclusion  may  not  reach  the  heroic 
level,  it  certainly  contains  much  sound  common 
sense. 

With  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  rite  of  baptism 
and  the  distinctions  about  it  which  justified  to 
Robinson's    mind    the    retention    of    the    "  outward 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  163.  2  Ibid.,  pp.  162,  164. 


A   DOUBLE   CONSIDERATION  149 

baptism  "  received  in  the  national  Church,  we  may- 
give  his  own  words  * — 

"  I  conclude,"  he  says,  "  that  there  is  an  outward  baptism 
by  water,  and  an  inward  baptism  by  the  Spirit :  which  though 
they  ought  not  to  be  severed  in  their  time  by  God's  appoint- 
ment, yet  many  times  are  [so  severed]  by  men's  default : 
that  the  outward  baptism  in  the  name  of  the  Father,  Son, 
and  Holy  Ghost,  administered  in  an  apostate  Church  is  false 
baptism  in  the  administration,  and  yet  in  itself  and  [its] 
own  nature  a  spiritual  ordinance,  though  abused  :  and  whose 
spiritual  uses  cannot  be  had  without  repentance;  by  which 
repentance  and  the  after-baptism  of  the  Spirit  it  is  sanctified 
and  not  to  be  repeated." 

This  "  double  consideration  "  of  baptism  saved  the 
situation  for  Robinson  and  his  associates,  but  it  struck 
laymen  like  Helwys  as  somewhat  sophistical. 

In  his  reply  to  Helwys  on  the  general  question  of 
the  baptism  of  infants,  "  a  point  of  both  great  differ- 
ence between  us  and  weight  in  itself,"  Robinson  makes 
the  admission  that  he  had  drawn  out  the  thread  of 
his  answer  further  than  he  intended.  He  does  indeed 
make  various  digressions  in  the  course  of  his  answer, 
"  for  the  bettei  clearing  of  things  thereabout  "  (notably 
an  excursion  in  respect  to  the  nature  of  the  covenant 
with  Abraham,  which  he  identifies  with  the  covenant 
of  the  Gospel),  but  the  upshot  of  his  argument  was,  that 
the  children  of  believing  parents  were  proper  subjects 
for  baptism.  There  was  difficulty  in  finding  plain 
Scriptural  support  for  the  practice.  It  was  difficult  to 
parry  the  argument  that  baptism,  according  to  the 
New  Testament,  was  to  be  administered  to  those 
who  had  been  brought  into  discipleship  to  Christ  by 
instruction,  and  had  made  a  voluntary  repentance 
and  profession  of  faith,  of  which  infants  were  incapable. 

"  Whereas  some  marvel,"  says  Robinson,  "  why  the  Holy 
Ghost  speaks  not  more  plainly  and  expressly  of  the  admission 
of  infants  into  the  Church  and  baptism  thereof.  They  must 
remember — 

"  (1)  That  none  must  presume  to  teach  the  Lord  how  to 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  185, 


150  JOHN   ROBINSON 

speak  but  that    all    are  with  reverence    to  search  out  his 
meaning. 

"  (2)  That  they  may  with  as  much  reason  marvel,  why 
there  is  no  express  mention  made  of  the  casting  out  of  the 
Jewish  infants  with  their  unbelieving  parents."  x 

He  concluded  that  "  God  ordinarily  includeth  in  the 
parents  the  infants,  as  branches  in  the  root  either  for 
blessings  or  judgments."  He  ran  an  elaborate  parallel 
between  baptism  and  circumcision,  the  one  coming 
in  the  place  of  the  other,  but  though  this  might  serve 
his  argument  in  respect  to  the  boys,  the  retort  was 
quickly  made,  "What  about  the  girls?"  The  fact 
of  the  matter  is  that  the  renunciation  of  infant  bap- 
tism was  such  a  violent  break  with  long-established 
Christian  usage,  that  very  few  reformers  were  pre- 
pared to  make  it.  The  shock  would  be  too  great. 
Moreover,  for  social,  political  and  doctrinal  reasons, 
there  was  a  strong  prejudice  against  the  Anabaptists. 
The  average  man  made  no  discrimination  amongst 
them.  As  Robinson  rejected  the  denomination 
"  Brownist,"  he  might  well  shrink  from  any  practice 
by  which  he  would  be  associated  with  a  name  in 
deeper  disfavour.  It  was  too  much  to  expect  Robin- 
son to  base  his  retention  of  infant  baptism  on  the 
natural  grounds  of  fitness  and  the  desire  of  the  parents, 
when  a  fresh  young  life  has  been  entrusted  to  them, 
to  publicly  express  their  thanks  and  their  vow  to  do 
their  best  for  the  child.  He  comes  nearest  to  an  appeal 
to  common  sense  in  the  matter  when  he  says  it  is 
"  absurd  "  to  exclude  infants  "  from  the  Church  or 
state  of  grace  because  they  cannot  themselves  make 
profession  of  faith  and  repentance."  2  According  to 
the  method  of  his  time,  he  was  mainly  concerned  about 
finding  Scriptural  authority  for  his  practice. 

The  closing  tract  included  in  this  volume  is  a 
"  survey  "  by  Robinson  of  the  remarkable  "  Confession 
of  Faith  "  drawn  up  in  a  hundred  "  propositions  "  by 
his  old  companion,  John  Smith,  and  published  soon 

*  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  213,  2  Ibid.,  p.  235. 


PROBLEM   OF   EVIL  151 

after  his  death  by  the  remainder  of  his  company,  under 
the  editorship  of  Thomas  Piggot.  This  survey  is  penned 
in  a  calm  and  even  tone,  with  a  studied  absence  of  all 
invective,  and  with  some  approach  to  the  recognition 
that  all  who  are  sincere  seekers  after  God's  truth  are 
worthy  of  brother] y  regard  and  stand  within  the 
compass  of  God's  love.  The  serene  Christian  temper 
which  marked  the  last  writings  of  Smith  was  not 
without  effect  upon  the  tone  of  his  critic.  It  goes 
without  saying  that  Robinson  defended  the  Calvin- 
istic  doctrines  of  predestination  and  election.  He  is 
not  afraid  to  face  some  of  the  repellent  consequences 
which  flow  from  an  extreme  application  of  those 
doctrines.  He  is  jealous  of  any  teaching  which  would 
derogate  from  the  absolute  sovereignty  and  majesty  of 
God.  The  old-world  problem  of  how  the  presence 
of  evil  and  sin  is  to  be  reconciled  with  the  existence  of 
an  Almighty  and  Loving  God  is  still  with  us,  as  it  was 
with  our  fathers. 

"This1  sin  he  doth  also  suffer,"  says  Robinson,  "  not  as 
men  oft  suffer  things  to  come  to  pass,  without  care  or  con- 
sideration of  it,  but  of  purpose  and  with  infinite  wisdom,  as 
knowing  how  to  bring  light  out  of  darkness,  and  by  the  crea- 
ture's sin,  to  effect  his  most  holy  work  according  to  his 
unsearchable  counsel  :  the  depth  whereof  may  swallow  up 
the  mind,  but  cannot  be  sounded  by  it,  and  in  meditation 
whereof,  the  best  bound  and  bottom  is  for  man  to  consider 
and  confess  that  God  is  both  more  wise  and  holy  than  he." 

Holding  fast  to  the  Calvinistic  theology  of  the 
Anglican  Articles,  in  which  he  had  been  exercised  and 
instructed  from  youth,  Robinson  opposed  Smith's 
contentions — 

"  That  original  sin  is  an  idle  term  and  that  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  men  intend  by  the  word,  because  God  threatened 
death  only  to  Adam,  not  to  his  posterity,  and  because  God 
created  the  soul ;  .  .  .  that  as  there  is  in  all  the  creatures  a 
natural  inclination  to  their  young  ones,  to  do  them  good,  so 
there  is  in  the  Lord  toward  man ;  for  every  spark  of  goodness 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  241. 


152  JOHN   ROBINSON 

in  the  creature  is  infinitely  good  in  God  : — that  as  no  man 
begetteth  his  child  to  the  gallows,  nor  no  potter  maketh  a  pot 
to  break  it,  so  God  doth  not  create  or  predestinate  any  man 
to  destruction,  .  .  .  that  although  the  sacrifice  of  Christ's 
body  and  blood  offered  up  unto  God  his  Father  upon  the 
Cross  be  a  sacrifice  of  a  sweet-smelling  savour  and  that  God 
in  him  is  well  pleased,  yet  it  doth  not  reconcile  God  unto  us, 
which  did  never  hate  us  nor  was  our  enemy,  but  reconcileth 
us  unto  God  and  slayeth  the  enmity  which  is  in  us  against 
God." 

This  last  contention,  which  reminds  us  of  the  teach- 
ing of  Socinus  as  to  the  efficacy  of  Christ's  death  on 
the  Cross,  is  characterized  by  Robinson  as  "most 
untrue,  and  indeed  a  very  pernicious  doctrine,  destroy- 
ing the  main  fruit  of  Christ's  sacrifice  and  death." 

Both  Robinson  and  Smith  back  up  their  respective 
opinions  by  abundant  references  to  Scripture,  and  this 
"  survey  "  shows  us  very  well  how  sincere  men  may 
frequently  draw  opposite  conclusions  and  different 
meanings  from  the  same  texts,  according  to  the 
different  standpoint  from  which  they  are  viewed. 

The  Soul  and  Religious  Liberty 

Before  we  leave  this  book,  we  may  touch  on  two 
minor  points  in  this  section  on  which  Robinson  gives 
his  opinion. 

First,  in  regard  to  the  nature  of  the  soul.  The 
Mennonites  and  Anabaptists,  in  order  to  evade  the 
doctrine  of  the  fall  of  man,  asserted  that  God  created 
the  soul,  and  that  "  the  soul,  coming  from  God,  must 
needs  be  good  and  therefore  without  sin  until  it  be 
joined  to  the  body." *  Robinson  considered  the  point, 
and  came  to  the  conclusion  that  God  had  given  virtue 
and  power  unto  mankind  to  beget  and  generate  both 
soul  and  body.  This  he  thought  Adam  had  done 
"  after  a  manner  convenient  to  either  nature."  He 
goes  on  to  say — 

"  If  these  two  positions  cannot  stand  together  that  God 
createth  the  soul  immediately  and  that  there  is  original  sin  : 

*  John  Murton,  quoted  by  John  Wilkinson  in  1613, 


MAGISTRATES  AND  RELIGIOUS  LIBERTY    153 

where  these  men  [the  followers  of  Smith  and  Helwys]  conclude 
that  there  is  therefore  no  original  sin,  /  conclude  contrari- 
wise, that,  therefore,  the  soul  is  not  immediately  created."  * 

Second,  in  the  section  criticizing  Smith's  proposi- 
tions relating  to  the  magistracy  and  the  taking  of 
oaths,  Robinson  gives  us  his  views  as  to  the  duty  and 
powers  of  the  magistrate  or  civil  ruler  in  regard  to 
religion.  John  Smith  and  Thomas  Helwys  had  come 
to  the  conclusion  that  Kings  and  magistrates  were 
going  beyond  their  function  in  meddling  with  matters 
of  religion  and  coercing  men  in  spiritual  things  by 
means  of  civil  penalties.  Both  of  them  pleaded  for 
full  religious  liberty  for  all  peaceable  citizens.  Their 
plea  bore  fruit  in  after  days.     Smith  contended — 

"  That  the  magistrate  is  not  by  virtue  of  his  office  to 
meddle  with  religion  or  matters  of  conscience  to  force  and 
compel  men  to  this  or  that  form  of  religion  or  doctrine ;  but 
to  leave  Christian  religion  free  to  every  man's  conscience  and 
to  handle  only  civil  transgressions  .  .  .  for  Christ  only  is 
the  King  and  lawgiver  of  the  Church  and  conscience."  2 

Robinson  was  not  prepared  to  uphold  that  position. 
Like  the  Puritans,  he  was  still  disposed  to  look  to 
the  civil  power  for  assistance  in  promoting  a  further 
reformation  of  religion.  The  text  (James  iv.  12) 
brought  by  Smith  to  support  his  position  does  not 
prove,  in  the  judgment  of  Robinson,  that  the  magis- 
trate may  not  use — 

"his  lawful  power3  lawfully  for  the  furtherance  of  Christ's 
kingdom  and  laws.  ...  It  is  true  they  [the  magistrates] 
have  no  power  against  the  laws,  doctrines  and  religion  of 
Christ :  but  for  the  same,  if  their  power  be  of  God  they  may 
use  it  lawfully,  and  against  the  contrary." 

Robinson  was  apparently  unconscious  that  in  writ- 
ing thus  he  was  justifying  the  action  of  the  Bishops  in 
persecuting  those  holding  similar  opinions  to  his  own. 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  248. 

2  John  Smith  the  Se-baptist,  etc.,  p.  255,  Proposition  84. 

3  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  277, 


154  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Murton  and  the  followers  of  Helwys  were  not  slow 
in  pointing  this  out.  In  a  forceful  argument  issued  in 
1615,  "  that  no  man  ought  to  be  persecuted  for  his 
religion,"  they  refer  to  "  some  that  make  more  show  of 
religion  "  than  the  Anglicans,  but  "  although  them- 
selves be  now  persecuted  .  .  .  maintain  the  same 
thing."  And  "  if  Kings  were  of  their  mind  "  they 
would  be  as  cruel  as  the  Anglican  prelates.1  The 
reference  is  to  Robinson  and  those  Separatists  who 
agreed  with  his  opinion  on  this  matter. 

While  John  Robinson  was  engaged  in  writing  the 
collection  of  tracts  which  ends  with  his  review  of 
Smith's  Confession  of  Faith,  he  received  a  paper 
from  another  Anabaptist  of  Amsterdam.  It  came 
from  Mark  Leonard  Busher,  citizen  of  London,  a  man 
who  held  some  peculiar  millenary  views  and  published 
a  forceful  Plea  for  Liberty  of  Conscience  in  1614. 
We  do  not  know  the  nature  of  the  inquiry  he  put, 
but  Robinson  did  not  think  it  worth  while  to  reply. 
He  was  probably  too  busy,  or  felt  that  a  sufficient 
answer  would  be  found  in  the  tracts  he  was  about  to 
issue.  Busher  was  rather  nettled  at  his  silence.  He 
refers  to  the  matter  in  connection  with  a  suggestion 
that  none  should  be  allowed  to  "  confirm  their  religion 
and  doctrine  by  the  Fathers  and  by  prisons,  burning 
and  banishing,  etc.,  but  by  the  holy  scriptures;  then 
error  will  not  be  written  or  disputed."  This  prohi- 
bition would  happily  reduce  the  number  of  books. 

"  Yea,  I  know  by  experience  among  the  people  called 
Brownists,  that  a  man  shall  not  draw  them  to  write,  though 
they  be  desired;  for  one  of  their  preachers  called  Master 
Rob[inson],  hath  had  a  writing  of  mine  in  his  hands  above 
six  months  [Note  in  margin  :  "  Now  above  twelve  months  "] 
and  as  yet  I  can  get  no  answer.  It  seems  he  knoweth  not 
how  better  to  hide  his  errors  than  by  silence.  And  this  will 
be  the  case  of  all  false  bishops  and  ministers  who  had  rather 
be  mute  and  dumb  than  to  be  drawn  into  the  light  with 
their  errors."  2 

1  Objections  Answered  by  Way  of  Dialogue,  1615,  reprinted  in  Tracts  on 
Liberty  of  Conscience,  Hanserd  Knollys  Society. 

2  Religions  Peace,  a  Plea  for  Liberty,  etc.,  p.  52, 


DISCREET   SILENCE  155 

The  Brownists  were  in  general  ready  enough  with 
their  pens,  and  we  may  well  forgive  Robinson  for  his 
self-restraint  in  respect  to  Busher's  paper  of  inquiry. 
We  come,  indeed,  now  to  a  period  in  which  for  some 
four  years  Robinson  published  no  fresh  books  of  his 
own  beyond  his  brief  "  Manumission  "  already  noticed. 
It  gives  us  an  opportunity  of  turning  again  to  a  con- 
sideration of  the  life  of  himself  and  his  friends  in 
Leyden. 


CHAPTER  XVI 

THE  PILGRIM  CHURCH  AND  THE  CIVIC  AND  UNIVERSITY 
LIFE    OF   LEYDEN 

The  year  of  the  publication  of  Robinson's  tracts 
on  Religious  Communion  saw  the  election  of  a  new 
Parliament  in  England.  Men's  hearts  were  full  of 
hope  that  the  evils  in  Church  and  State  would  be 
swept  away.  There  was  great  excitement  at  the 
polls,  and  the  election  saw  the  birth  of  a  popular 
party,  led  by  men  of  high  principle,  prepared  to  vindi- 
cate the  liberties  of  the  nation  and  oppose  the  arbi- 
trary policy  of  the  Court  and  the  Prelacy.  Petitions 
for  the  redress  of  grievances  poured  in  from  all  sides ; 
amongst  them  was  presented  the  Plea  for  Liberty  of 
Conscience,  which  Mark  Leonard  Busher  had  penned. 
James  was  alarmed  at  the  spirit  displayed  in  the 
new  House  against  his  policy.  He  was  not  the  man 
to  deal  with  opposition,  nor  had  he  the  gift  of 
gauging  popular  feeling  which  marked  the  statesman- 
ship of  Elizabeth.  As  soon  as  a  pretext  presented 
itself  he  dissolved  Parliament.  It  had  only  sat  for 
two  months.  The  fact  that  it  had  shown  its  teeth 
was  enough  for  King  James,  and  for  seven  long  years, 
from  1614  to  1621,  he  ruled  as  an  absolute  and 
despotic  monarch.  In  that  interval  no  Parliament 
was  summoned. 

The  expectation  of  Robinson  and  his  Church  that 
through  the  initiation  of  a  new  policy  by  the  Parlia- 
ment they  might  soon  be  allowed  to  return  to  their 
beloved  Motherland  was  dashed.  It  became  clear 
that  they  must  continue  to  abide  in  Holland  for  a 
while  longer. 

156 


NEW  FRIENDS  157 

Fresh  members  came  dropping  over  from  England 
to  fill  the  gaps  caused  by  deaths  and  removals.  The 
strength  of  the  Church  was  thus  well  maintained. 
Men  like  Joseph  Crips  from  Chichester,  Robert 
Cushman  and  John  Keble  from  Canterbury,  Thomas 
Blossom  of  Cambridge,  Richard  Masterson  of  Sand- 
wich, Alexander  Price,  the  camlet  merchant,  Edward 
Pickering  of  London,  Degory  Priest,  the  hatter,  of 
the  same  place,  Stephen  Butterfield  from  Norwich, 
Samuel  Lee,  a  hatter,  James  Kingsland,  a  clothier, 
John  Jennings  and  Roger  Chandler  from  the  Col- 
chester district,  and  George  Morton,  the  merchant, 
from  York,  all  added  fresh  experience  to  the  religious 
society  under  Robinson's  pastoral  care  and  gave  it 
stability.  One  or  two  members  came  to  them  from 
Amsterdam.  Of  such  were  Alexander  Carpenter  and 
his  family,  originally  from  Wrington  in  Somerset- 
shire, and  Thomas  Smith,  a  cloth  merchant  from 
Colchester,  who  had  been  a  deacon  in  the  English 
Church  at  Amsterdam.  Particulars  relating  to  all 
these  and  many  others  connected  with  the  Pilgrim 
Church  have  been  lovingly  gathered  from  the  town 
records  of  Leyden  by  Dr.  H.  M.  Dexter  and  his  son, 
Morton  Dexter,  enabling  us  to  form  a  clear  view  of 
their  trades  and  occupations,  their  marriages,  their 
bereavements,  and,  in  some  cases,  their  purchase  of 
houses  and  cottage  homes. 

In  the  year  1615  we  come  upon  the  name  of  a 
member  of  rather  higher  social  standing  than  those 
mentioned.  This  was  Thomas  Brewer,  who  belonged 
to  a  land-holding  family  of  the  county  of  Kent.  He 
was  keenly  interested  in  religion  and  theology. 
Though  he  was  then  thirty-five  years  of  age  and  the 
father  of  a  family,  he  matriculated  as  a  student  in 
"  Letters "  at  Leyden  University  on  February  17, 
1615.  He  evidently  felt  there  would  be  no  chance 
of  a  safe  return  to  England  for  some  time,  for  on 
June  17,  1617,  he  bought  the  residence  known  as 
the  "  Green  House "  (Groenehuis),  next  door  but 
one   to   Pastor   John  Robinson's,   for   3,200  guilders 


158  JOHN   ROBINSON 

from  Johann  de  Lalaing.  When  the  census  of  1622 
was  taken  he  was  described  as  an  English  nobleman 
(Engelsch  Edelman).  He  became  one  of  the  Merchant 
Adventurers,  and  so  had  a  direct  business  interest, 
as  well  as  a  personal  concern,  in  the  project  for 
colonizing  New  England.  He  sold  his  house  in 
Leyden  July  15,  1630,  when  presumably  he  returned 
to  England.  We  shall  hear  of  him  again.  The 
registrar  of  the  University  entered  his  name  on  the 
record  as  "  Thomas  Braeber."  Robinson  soon  fol- 
lowed the  example  of  Brewer  in  matriculating  in  the 
University.  Robert  Durie,  minister  of  the  Scots 
Church  in  Leyden,  had  matriculated  at  the  age  of 
fifty-five  in  the  spring  of  1610,  being  described  in  the 
record  as  "  Anglicanse  Ecclesiae  Minister]."  To  be- 
come a  member  of  the  University  gave  admission  to 
the  academic  circles  of  the  city  and  conferred  certain 
privileges.  It  exempted  one  from  service  in  the  civic 
guard,  and  permitted  the  purchase  of  certain  quan- 
tities of  wine  and  beer  free  from  duty. 

Robinson  applied  for  permission  to  matriculate  to 
the  Burgomasters.  Apparently  no  objection  was 
raised,  and  on  August  5,  1615,  they  gave  their  con- 
sent. In  due  course  Robinson's  name  was  enrolled 
on  the  list  of  University  students.  The  entry  of 
matriculation  runs  as  follows — 

"  1615  Joannes  Robintsonus.  Anglus 

Sept.  5°  Ann.  xxxix 

Coss.  permissu.  Stud.  Theol.  alit  Familiam." 

It  will  be  seen  that  the  permission  of  the  magistrates 
is  noted,  as  well  as  the  fact  that  Robinson  sup- 
ported a  family  and  was  in  his  thirty-ninth  year. 
This  is  the  only  direct  testimony  we  have  to  his 
age. 

Robinson  attended  some  of  the  Divinity  lectures, 
notably  those  of  John  Polyander,  who  had  come  from 
Dort  in  1610  to  be  Professor  of  Sacred  Theology  at 
Leyden,  and  with  whom  he  was  familiar,  and  those 
of  Simon  Biscop,  better  known  by  his  Latin  name  of 


CONRAD   VORSTIUS  159 

Episcopius,  who  championed  the  Arminian  system  of 
doctrine.  These  lectures  would  remind  Robinson  of 
his  old  days  at  Cambridge,  and  be  of  service  to 
him  both  in  his  pulpit  work  and  his  controversial 
writings. 

The  points  at  issue  between  the  rival  Dutch  factions 
of  Arminians  and  Gomarists  were  discussed  with 
extraordinary  passion  in  the  towns  and  Universities 
of  Holland.  Political  feeling  was  drawn  in  to  reinforce 
religious  zeal.  Calvinism  became  a  badge  of  the 
supporters  of  Prince  Maurice  and  Arminianism  a 
token  of  sympathy  with  the  political  aims  and  aspira- 
tions of  Barneveldt.  Leyden  was  a  storm  centre  in 
the  bitter  disputes  that  resulted. 

There,  in  the  year  that  the  Pilgrims  settled  in  the 
city,  Arminius,1  the  gifted  leader  of  the  liberal 
theologians,  had  died.  In  July  1610  the  Curators  of 
the  University  elected  Conrad  Vorstius  as  his  suc- 
cessor, but  the  appointment  roused  a  violent  opposi- 
tion, and  King  James  of  England  actually  took  a 
hand  in  the  resultant  controversy.  Robinson  and  the 
leaders  of  his  Church  must  have  been  interested 
in  the  religious  disputations  taking  place  at  their 
doors. 

Conrad  Vorstius,  born  at  Cologne  July  19,  1569, 
had  a  distinguished  career  as  a  student.  He 
gave  courses  of  lectures  in  the  Academy  of  Geneva 
at  the  request  of  Theodore  Beza.  In  1605  he  was 
appointed  Professor  of  Theology  at  Steinfurt,  in 
spite  of  some  suspicions  of  Socinianism,  which  had 
been  aroused  by  his  volume  of  Theses  on  Various 
Points  of  Dogmatic  Theology,  printed  in  1596.  He 
had  issued  at  Steinfurt  in  1602  a  treatise  on  The 
Nature  and  Attributes  of  God.  It  was  a  subject 
upon  which  he  had  deeply  meditated.  In  the  year 
of  his  appointment  to  Leyden  he  published  an  en- 
larged edition  of  this  work,  with  copious  notes.  The 
title  is  Tractatus  Theologicus  de  Deo.   Editions  appeared 

1  James  Harmensen,  better  known  as  Arminius,  born  at  Oudewater,  1560, 
died  1609. 


160  JOHN  ROBINSON 

at  Steinfurt  and  Hanover  in  1610.  His  opponents  at 
Leyden  seized  on  this  book  with  avidity.  They  drew 
from  it  matter  for  their  attack  on  the  new  professor. 
He  was  charged  in  May  1611  by  six  ministers  with 
publishing  heretical  doctrine,  and  a  regular  storm  of 
opposition  broke  upon  the  poor  man's  devoted  head. 
It  must  have  been  something  of  a  surprise  to  Vors- 
tius,  "  a  lover  of  peace  and  moderation,"  to  find  what 
a  stir  his  book  created,  and  to  learn  that  a  royal  antago- 
nist had  entered  the  lists  against  him.  King  James 
was  not  content  with  writing  a  Confutation  of  Vorstius 
and  ordering  his  treatise  De  Deo  to  be  burnt  at  St. 
Paul's  Cross  and  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge;  but 
brought  pressure  to  bear  on  the  States  of  Holland, 
through  Winwood,  his  ambassador,  to  prevent  the 
preferment  of  Vorstius.  Winwood  was  to  let  them  know 
"  how  infinitely  "  His  Majesty  would  be  displeased 
"  if  such  a  Monster  receive  advancement  in  the 
Church."  The  act  was  unspeakably  petty  and  un- 
kingly.  The  States  and  University  authorities 
thought  it  wisest  to  bar  Vorstius  from  lecturing, 
and  sent  him  honourably  to  Gouda  for  a  year  to 
prepare  an  answer  to  the  accusations  brought  against 
him.  The  malignity  of  James  pursued  him  even  here, 
and  we  find  the  English  deputies  at  the  Synod  of 
Dort  putting  in  extracts  from  his  famous  book,  on 
May  3,  1619,  and  demanding  that  it  should  be 
solemnly  burnt.  The  next  day  the  Synod  of  Dort 
passed  sentence  on  Vorstius  in  his  absence.  It 
charged  him  with  calling  in  question  "  most  of  the 
fundamental  doctrines  of  the  Reformed  Religion  .  .  . 
as  the  Most  Potent  King  of  Great  Britain  and  several 
Divines  had  shewn."  He  was  accordingly  deprived 
of  his  professorship  and  banished  from  the  United 
Provinces.  He  withdrew  at  length  into  Holstein, 
and  there  died,  September  29,  1622. 

Amongst  those  who  joined  in  the  hue  and  cry 
against  Vorstius  was  Matthew  Slade,  sometime  an 
elder  in  Johnson's  Church  at  Amsterdam,  but  now  in 
fellowship  with  the  Dutch  Church.     Slade   was   well 


VORSTIUS  AND   EPISCOPIUS  161 

known  to  Robinson,  who  would  probably  hear  of  his 
Disputation  on  the  Blasphemies,  Heresies  and 
Atheisms  distinguished  with  a  Black  Mark  by  James, 
King  of  England,  in  Vorstius's  Treatise  concerning 
God.  It  was  something  great  for  a  religious  refugee 
at  Amsterdam  to  endorse  the  judgment  of  his  King. 

On  the  withdrawal  of  Vorstius  from  Leyden  in 
1612  the  Curators  of  the  University  elected  Simon 
Episcopius  (1583-1643)  to  lecture  in  theology.  He 
gave  his  inaugural  address  on  February  23,  1612,  on 
How  best  the  Kingdom  of  God  may  be  built  up  among 
Men.  It  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  a  young 
man  of  liberal  outlook,  such  as  he  was,  would  in  those 
days  escape  the  charge  of  heresy.  He  inherited 
some  of  the  troubles  of  his  predecessors.  Festus 
Hommius,  pastor  of  the  Walloon  Church  in  Leyden, 
and  later  on  one  of  the  two  secretaries  of  the  Synod 
of  Dort,  a  great  stickler  for  orthodoxy,  brought  a 
charge  of  Socinianism  against  him  in  1615,  but  was 
unable  to  substantiate  it  before  the  Curators  of  the 
University  and  Burgomasters  of  the  city. 

We  may  assign  to  this  period  the  incident  of 
Robinson's  disputation  in  the  University  of  Leyden 
against  the  Arminians.1 

When  in  later  years  a  slanderous  report  was  cir- 
culated by  opponents  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers  to  the 
effect  that  they  had  been  driven  out  of  Leyden  by 
the  civic  authorities  and  had  not  left  of  "  their  own 
free  choice  and  motion,"  Bradford  referred  to  this 
disputation  in  rebutting  the  slander,  and  gave  it  as 
an  example  of  the  regard  in  which  Robinson  was 
held  in  Leyden.  The  Pastor's  successful  advocacy  of 
the  Calvinistic  scheme  of  theology,  says  Bradford, 
procured  him  much  honour  and  respect  amongst 
lovers  of  truth  in  Leyden. 

"  Yea,  so  far  were  they  from  being  weary  of  him  and  his 
people  or  desiring  his  absence ;  as  it  was  said  by  some  of  no 
mean  note  '  that  were  it  not  for  giving  offence  to  the  State 

1  See  above,  p.  57. 
M 


162  JOHN   ROBINSON 

of  England  they  would  have  preferred  him  otherwise  if  he 
would :  and  allowed  them  [i.  e.  his  religious  society  or 
Church]  some  public  favour.'  Yea,  when  there  was  speech 
of  their  removal  into  these  parts  [New  England]  sundry  of 
note  and  eminence  of  that  nation  would  have  had  them 
come  under  them  [colonize  under  the  Dutch  flag],  and  for 
that  end  made  them  large  offers." 

This,  amongst  other  instances,  Bradford  thought 
would  suffice  "  to  show  the  untruth  and  unlikelihood 
of  this  slander  "  against  the  pioneer  Pilgrims. 

It  is  clear  from  this  account  that  Polyander 
and  the  Calvinistic  party  were  pleased  with  the 
assistance  that  Robinson  had  afforded  them,  and 
that  the  members  of  the  little  Church,  meeting  in 
Robinson's  house,  were  proud  of  the  part  he  had 
taken  in  the  controversy.  Some  of  the  honour  their 
pastor  had  deservedly  won  was  reflected  upon  them- 
selves. It  is  possible  the  authorities  might  have 
granted  them  the  use  of  some  convenient  public 
building  for  their  worship  as  a  mark  of  their  favour, 
as  they  had  done  in  the  case  of  the  Scots  Church 
under  Robert  Durie;  but  they  had  to  keep  an  eye 
on  England.  They  knew  well  how  James  had  inter- 
fered to  bar  William  Ames  from  preferment  in  their 
University.  They  knew  of  his  deep  displeasure 
against  Vorstius.  They  knew  of  his  annoyance  that 
Puritan  clergy  found  a  refuge  in  Holland.  If  they 
gave  any  official  encouragement  to  this  company  of 
Englishmen  and  their  pastor,  who  had  renounced 
their  allegiance  to  the  Anglican  Church,  it  would  be 
likely  to  breed  trouble.  They  had  to  show  their 
regard  in  other  ways.  When  Sir  Dudley  Carleton 
succeeded  Winwood  as  English  Ambassador  at  the 
Hague,  in  March  1616,  he  received  special  instructions 
from  his  Royal  master,  who  reminded  him  of  "  the 
violent  and  sharp  contestations"  among  the  towns  of 
Holland  in  regard  to  religion.  "If,"  he  says,  "  they 
should  be  unhappily  revived  during  your  time,  you 
shall  not  forget  that  you  are  the  minister  of  that 
master  whom  God  hath  made  the  sole  protector  of 


CALVINISTS   AND   ARMINIANS  163 

his  religion."  Carleton's  dispatches  make  reference 
to  the  differences  at  Ley  den  "  betwixt  the  orthodox 
and  Arminian  factions,"  so  there  was  real  ground  for 
the  caution  of  the  city  authorities  about  extending 
any  official  recognition  to  Robinson's  Church. 


CHAPTER  XVII 

THE    PILGRIM    PRESS    AT   LEYDEN 

William  Bradford,  in  giving  an  account  of 
Brewster  and  his  life  at  Leyden,  tells  us  that  during 
the  latter  part  of  his  time  there,  in  addition  to  teaching 
English  to  the  sons  of  Danes  and  Germans,  "  he  also 
had  means  to  set  up  printing  by  the  help  of  some 
friends ;  and  so  had  imployment  enough  :  and  by 
reason  of  many  books  which  would  not  be  allowed 
to  be  printed  in  England  they  might  have  had  more 
than  they  could  do."  The  Separatists  at  Amsterdam 
had  already  run  a  press  for  some  years,  under  the 
direction  of  Giles  Thorpe,  who  turned  out  some  very 
good  work.  Men  who  hold  opinions  which  they  deem 
to  be  of  importance  to  the  world  always  desire  to 
spread  them.  It  was  natural  that  the  company 
under  Robinson  should  avail  themselves  of  the  first 
opportunity  to  control  a  press  of  their  own.  I  think 
it  is  quite  possible  that  Robinson  added  to  his  income 
in  Leyden  by  reading  and  correcting  for  the  press 
before  Brewster  embarked  on  his  venture.  Thomas 
Brewer  found  the  bulk  of  the  capital  for  the  new 
press,  and  the  attic  of  his  house  seems  to  have  been 
used  for  part  of  the  work.  They  got  John  Reynolds, 
a  printer  by  trade,  over  from  London  to  help  in  the 
work,  and  he  felt  sufficiently  secure  in  his  job  to 
betroth  himself  to  Prudence  Grindon  (also  from 
London)  on  July  28,  1617,  and  to  marry  on  August  18. 
Jonathan  Brewster  and  Mary  Allerton,  with  Mary 
Brewster,  the  wife  of  his  master,  came  along  to  witness 
his  betrothal.  After  the  "  Pilgrim  Press  "  was  broken 
up    Reynolds    moved    on    to    Amsterdam.     It    was 

164 


THE   LEYDEN  PRESS  165 

probably  in  the  autumn  of  1616  that  Brewster  began 
this  venture,  for  on  October  22,  1619,  Carleton  says 
that  Brewer  "  for  the  space  of  these  three  years 
hath  printed  prohibited  books  and  pamphlets."  A 
good,  clear  fount  of  type  was  bought,  similar  to  some 
that  Thorpe  had  used  at  Amsterdam,  with  some 
distinctive  ornamental  "  rules,"  initials  and  "  tail- 
pieces." English  books  had  already  come  out  at 
Leyden,  in  the  production  of  which  the  Pilgrims 
probably  had  some  hand.  Amongst  the  volumes  left 
by  William  Brewster,  for  example,  was  a  copy  of 
"  The  Revelation  of S.  John  Illustrated  .  .  .  by  Thomas 
Brightman.  Imprinted  at  Leiden  by  John  Claesson 
van  Dorpe,"  in  this  very  year  of  1616.  Now,  however, 
they  were  to  command  a  press  of  their  own  for  a  few 
years,  till  the  printing  of  a  book  obnoxious  to  King 
James  brought  them  into  trouble.1  Two  of  the  books 
issued  were  in  Latin  and  bear  Brewster's  imprint; 
those  printed  by  him  in  English  give  no  direct  indica- 
tion of  the  press  from  which  they  came.  Among  the 
first  of  his  productions  was  an  unexceptionable  volume 
of  Cartwright's  Commentaries  on  the  Book  of  Proverbs, 
to  which  John  Polyander,  Professor  of  Sacred  Theology 
in  the  University  of  Leyden,  supplied  a  preface, 
dated  December  31,  1616.  This  was  followed  by  a 
controversial  work,  from  the  pen  of  William  Ames, 
entitled  Guilielmi  Amesii  ad  Responsum  Nicolai 
Grevinchovii  Rescriptio  contracta,  1617.  Both  of  these 
indicate  the  printer  thus:  "  Apud  Guilielmum  Brew- 
sterum.  In  vico  Chorali."  That  is  to  say,  "  at 
William  Brewster's  office  in  Choir  Alley." 

There  seems  to  have  been  a  demand  for  reprints 
of  some  of  the  earlier  Puritan  controversial  literature, 
and  these  were  supplied  from  Brewster's  press  in 
handy  form  and  sent  over  to  England.  In  1618  he 
took  in  hand  a  larger  work  from  a  manuscript  left  by 
Thomas    Cartwright,   entitled   A    Confutation    of  the 

1  The  Hon.  Henry  C.  Murphy,  Historical  Magazine,  vol.  iv.,  Boston  and 
New  York,  1860,  and  Professor  Edward  Arber,  The  Story  of  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers,  1897,  p.  195,  have  unravelled  this  narrative  for  us. 


166  JOHN  ROBINSON 

Rhemists'  Translation,   Glosses  and  Annotations  on 
the  New  Testament,  a  bulky  book  of  folio  size. 

The  next  year  a  Scotsman  appeared  in  Leyden 
with  some  manuscripts  he  wished  to  get  quietly 
printed.  Brewer  and  Brewster  undertook  the  work, 
and  this  proved  their  undoing.  How  did  this  come 
about?     What  were  the  books  in  question? 

We  must  remember  that  King  James  was  at  this 
time  bent  upon  breaking  the  spirit  of  the  Scottish 
Presbyterians  and  enforcing  episcopacy  upon  the 
Church  of  Scotland.  He  pressed  his  plans  with  vigour 
at  the  General  Assembly  of  the  Kirk  at  Perth  in 
August  1618.  David  Calderwood  voiced  the  resent- 
ment of  the  militant  Presbyterians  in  a  tract  entitled 
Perth  Assembly,  in  which  "  he  demonstrated  the 
utter  nullity  of  that  meeting  and  all  its  proceedings." 
He  also  penned  a  Latin  treatise  giving  an  exposition 
of  the  form  of  government  in  the  Scottish  Church, 
De  regimine  Ecclesice  Scoticance,  brevis  relatio.  He 
sent  these  writings  over  to  Holland  by  a  trusty  friend, 
who  got  Brewster  to  print  them.  The  copies  of 
Perth  Assembly  "  were  smuggled  over  into  Scotland 
in  April  1619  with  great  risk  and  difficulty — in  short, 
the  pamphlets  were  packed  up  in  vats  as  if  they  had 
been  a  mercantile  consignment  of  French  wines  or 
strong  waters."  *  They  were  landed  at  Burntisland, 
and  in  June  passed  into  general  circulation.  The 
style  of  the  book  revealed  its  authorship,  and  Calder- 
wood, after  remaining  in  hiding  for  a  time,  fled  in 
August  1619  to  Holland.  James  was  furious;  he 
spoke  of  him  as  "  that  knave  who  is  now  loupen 
over  sea,  with  his  purse  well  filled  by  the  wives  of 
Edinburgh."  The  King  thought  James  Cathkin, 
the  Edinburgh  bookseller,  might  have  had  a  hand  in 
printing  the  obnoxious  tract,  and  the  poor  man, 
being  in  London  on  business,  was  arrested  in  June 
1619,  and  brought  before  His  Majesty.  An  extra- 
ordinary cross-examination  followed.     Cathkin  denied 

1  "Life  of  Calderwood,"  by  Thomson,  in  Calderwood's  History  of  the 
Church  of  Scotland. 


KING  AND   PRINTER  167 

all  share  in  the  publishing  of  Perth  Assembly,  but, 
questioned  as  to  whether  Calderwood  had  been  at  his 
house,  Cathkin  confessed  that  he  had  slept  there 
occasionally,  "  and  that  he  had  spoken  with  him 
within  these  fifteen  days." 

"  We  have  found  the  taed  !  "  exclaimed  the  King, 
and  Cathkin  was  remanded  to  prison  for  further 
examination.  He  cleared  himself  of  the  imputation 
of  issuing  Perth  Assembly,  and  in  three  weeks  was  at 
liberty. 

King  James,  soon  after  this,  heard  of  the  real  source 
of  this  annoying  pamphlet.  Sir  Dudley  Carleton, 
his  Ambassador  at  the  Hague,  was  shown  a  copy 
of  Perth  Assembly  about  the  middle  of  July  1619, 
and  was  informed  that  it  was  "  printed  by  a  certain 
English  Brownist  of  Ley  den."  As  the  "  States 
General "  of  the  Netherlands  had  issued  an  Edict 
or  "  Placaat "  in  the  preceding  December  against 
unlicensed  printing,  Carleton  thought  he  had  just 
ground  to  complain  to  them  about  this  issue.  On 
July  17,  1619,  he  sent  a  copy  of  the  book  in  question 
over  to  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  the  Secretary  of  State, 
with  a  covering  letter  explaining  what  he  proposed 
to  do  in  the  matter  when  he  had  obtained  "  more 
particular  knowledge  of  the  printer."  He  lost  no 
time  in  making  further  inquiry.  On  July  22  he  sent 
a  despatch  from  the  Hague  in  which  he  says — 

"  I  sent  your  Honour  a  book  intituled  Perth  Assembly, 
of  which,  finding  many  copies  dispersed  at  Leyden  and  from 
thence  some  sent  into  England,  I  had  reason  to  suspect  it 
was  printed  in  that  town;  but  upon  more  particular  inquiry 
do  rest  somewhat  doubtful.  Yet  in  search  after  that  book  I 
believe  I  have  discovered  the  Printer  of  another,  De  regimine 
Ecclesice  Scoticance  ;  which  His  Majesty  was  informed  to  be 
done  at  Middelburg;  and  that  is  one  William  Brewster,  a 
Brownist,  who  hath  been  for  some  years  an  inhabitant  and 
printer  at  Leyden  :  but  is  now  within  these  three  weeks 
removed  from  thence  and  gone  back  to  dwell  in  London; 
where  he  may  be  found  out,  and  examined,  not  only  of  this 
book  De  regimine  Ecclesice  Scoticance,  but  likewise  of  Perth 
Assembly ;    of  which,  if  he  was  not  the  printer  himself,  he 


168  JOHN  ROBINSON 

assuredly  knows  both  the  Printer  and  the  Author.  For,  as 
I  am  informed,  he  hath  had,  whilst  he  remained  here,  his 
hand  in  all  such  books,  as  have  been  sent  over  into  England 
and  Scotland.  As  particularly  a  book  in  folio  intituled  A 
Confutation  of  the  Khemists*  Translation,  Glosses  and  Annota- 
tions on  the  New  Testament,  anno  1618,  was  printed  by 
him. 

"  So  was  another  in  decimo  sexto,  De  vera  et  genuina  Jesu 
Christi  Domini  et  Salvatoris  nostri  Religione ;  of  which  I  send 
your  Honour  herewith  the  Title  Page.  And  if  you  will  com- 
pare that  which  is  underlined  therein  with  the  other  De 
regimine  Ecclesia?  Scoticano3  of  which  I  send  your  Honour 
the  Title  Page  likewise;  you  will  find  it  is  the  same  char- 
acter. And  the  one  being  confessed  as  that,  De  vera  et  genuina 
Jesu  Christi,  etc.,  Religione,  Brewster  doth  openly  avow;  the 
other  cannot  well  be  denied." 

With  regard  to  Carleton's  assertion  that  Brewster 
had  gone  back  to  London  at  some  time  in  the  early 
weeks  of  July,  we  know  from  other  sources  that  he 
was  there  in  May  of  this  year,  along  with  Robert 
Cushman,  negotiating  with  a  view  to  forming  a  colony 
for  the  "  Pilgrim  Church  "  in  America.  When  Cush- 
man wrote  to  the  Leyden  friends  on  May  8,  he  reported 
"  Mr  B[rewster]  "  to  be  "  not  well  at  this  time ;  whether 
he  will  come  back  to  you  or  go  into  the  North  I  yet 
know  not."  It  is  possible  that  he  visited  his  old 
friends  about  Scrooby,  and  then  had  crossed  to  Leyden 
to  report,  and  returned  to  London  early  in  July. 
But  when  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  acting  on  Carleton's 
suggestion,  sought  for  him  in  London  at  the  end  of 
that  month,  he  could  not  be  found.  "  I  am  told,"  he 
says,  writing  on  August  3,  "  William  Brewster  is 
come  again  for  Leyden;  where  I  doubt  not  but  your 
Lordship  will  lay  for  him  if  he  come  thither;  as  I 
will  likewise  do  here;  where  I  have  already  com- 
mitted some  of  his  complices  and  am  commanded  to 
make  search  for  the  rest." 

On  both  sides  of  the  North  Sea,  therefore,  a  sharp 
watch  was  kept  for  Brewster.  By  this  time  I  think 
he  was  aware  that  the  authorities  were  on  his  track, 
and  that  it  would  be  the  safest  course  to  remain  quiet 


SEEKING  FOR   BREWSTER  169 

for  a  time.  His  name  disappears  for  the  present 
from  the  list  of  those  actively  promoting  the  plan  for 
emigration.  Carver,  Cushman  and  Christopher  Martin 
were  left  to  attend  to  the  public  business  which  that 
plan  entailed. 

The  Leyden  friends  would  naturally  do  what  they 
could  to  put  Carleton  off  the  scent.  On  Friday, 
August  20,  1619,  he  reports  "  after  good  enquiry  " 
that  he  had  been  assured  that  Brewster  had  not 
returned  to  Leyden  and  was  not  likely  to,  because 
he  had  removed  his  family  and  goods  thence. 

King  James  was  eager  to  mark  down  his  victim. 
A  despatch  sent  from  Whitehall  on  Monday,  August 
23,  1619,  by  the  Secretary  of  State  to  Carleton,  in- 
formed him  how  much  annoyed  the  King  was  by 
the  underhand  printing  of  Puritan  pamphlets  abroad 
and  "  the  practices  of  Brewster  and  his  complices  in 
those  parts."  Information  had  come  to  hand  that 
several  of  Brewster's  accomplices  had  "  very  lately  " 
made  an  escape  and  slipped  over  to  Holland  with 
him.  His  Majesty  desired  his  Ambassador  "  to  deal 
roundly  "  with  the  Dutch  States- General  in  pressing 
for  the  arrest  of  Brewster  as  they  tendered  His 
Majesty's  friendship. 

The  information  as  to  Brewster's  withdrawal  from 
London  was  probably  correct,  for  on  Saturday, 
August  28,  Carleton  writes  from  the  Hague  :  "  Touch- 
ing Brewster  I  am  now  informed  that  he  is  on  this 
side  the  seas  and  was  seen  yesterday  at  Leyden,  but 
as  yet  is  not  there  settled."  On  the  following  Friday 
he  writes  again,  reporting  that  Brewster  "  keeps  most 
at  Amsterdam,  but,  being  incerti  laris,  he  is  not  yet 
to  be  lighted  upon,"  and  adds,  "  I  understand  he 
prepares  to  settle  himself  at  a  village  called  Leer- 
dorp  [Leiderdorp]  not  far  from  Leyden,  thinking  there 
to  be  able  to  print  prohibited  books  without  dis- 
covery :  but  I  shall  lay  wait  for  him  both  there  and 
in  other  places,  so  as  I  doubt  not  but  either  he  must 
leave  this  country;  or  I  shall,  sooner  or  later,  find 
him  out." 


170  JOHN  ROBINSON 

The  Ambassador  did  not  let  the  grass  grow  under 
his  feet.  He  went  to  work  to  effect  his  Royal  master's 
will  through  the  instrumentality  of  Jacob  von  Brouck- 
hoven, the  representative  for  the  city  of  Leyden 
in  the  Council  of  the  provincial  State  of  Holland, 
who  lived  at  the  Hague.  Brouckhoven  brought  the 
matter  to  the  notice  of  the  Leyden  authorities,  who 
summoned  Thomas  Brewer  before  them,  September  9, 
1619,  to  be  examined  in  reference  to  the  King's  com- 
plaint. Brewster  was  the  man  wanted,  but  it  is 
Brewer  who  is  examined.  It  looks  as  though  Brewer 
came  forward  to  shelter  the  Elder  of  his  Church. 
He  told  the  magistrates  that  his  business  heretofore 
had  been  printing  or  having  printing  done,  but  he 
had  stopped  the  printing  office  in  consequence  of  the 
Proclamation  about  the  printing  of  books.  At  the 
time  of  the  issue  of  the  Proclamation  or  "  Placaat " 
the  business  was  mostly  his  own.  His  partner,  William 
Brewster,  was  then  in  town,  but  sick. 

As  Brewer  was  a  matriculated  member  of  the 
Leyden  University,  the  aldermen  and  magistrates 
of  the  city  decided  to  hand  him  over  to  the  University 
authorities. 

The  Council  resolved,  Thursday,  September  9, 1619, 
"  in  regard  to  William  Brewster  to  bring  him,  inasmuch 
as  he  is  sick,  into  the  Debtor's  Chamber  provisionally, 
where  he  went  voluntarily."  This  was  clearly  no 
arrest.  It  appears  to  me  that  the  Council  merely 
took  this  course  to  save  their  face,  and  were  quite 
lukewarm  in  this  action  against  Brewster.  He 
evidently  was  not  detained,  and  had  an  opportunity 
of  getting  away  before  Sunday.  Carleton,  however, 
on  Brouckhoven' s  report  to  him,  jumped  to  the  con- 
clusion that  Brewster  had  actually  been  arrested, 
and  was  inclined  to  take  the  credit  for  that  to 
himself. 

"  Fri.  10  Sep.  I  have  at  length  found  out  Brewster 
at  Leyden  whom  the  magistrates  of  that  town  at  my 
instance  apprehended  yesternight  though  he  was  sick 
in  bed."    Brouckhoven  went  over  to  Leyden  on  this 


BREWER   OR   BREWSTER  171 

Friday,  and  on  his  return  would  report  the  true  state 
of  affairs  to  the  Ambassador,  or,  at  any  rate,  tell  him 
that  Brewster  was  not  really  under  arrest. 

So  on  Sunday,  September  12,  Carleton  forwarded  a 
correction  to  England — 

"  In  my  last  [10  Sep.]  I  advertised  your  Honour  that 
Brewster  was  taken  at  Ley  den  :  which  proved  an  error  in 
that  the  Scout  [bailiff]  who  was  employed  by  the  Magistrates 
for  his  apprehension  being  a  dull,  drunken  fellow  took  one 
man  for  another." 

Well,  that  story  was  good  enough  for  Carleton  and 
King  James. 

Meanwhile,  when  Carleton  heard  of  the  action  of 
the  Leyden  City  Council  in  the  case  of  Brewer  and 
Brewster,  he  had  at  once  sent  Brouckhoven  over  from 
the  Hague  to  Leyden  to  secure  the  seizure  of  their 
books  and  type,  and  to  press  for  their  examination 
about  all  the  books,  Latin  or  English,  printed  by 
them  in  the  past  "  eighteen  months  or  two  years." 
No  time  was  lost.  On  the  following  day,  Saturday, 
September  11,  Loth  Huyghenszoon  Gael,  bailiff  of  the 
University,  applied  to  have  an  assessor  and  a  magis- 
trate associated  with  him  for  seizing  Brewer's  type, 
and  any  books  "  printed  or  caused  to  be  printed  by 
him  within  a  year  and  a  half  or  thereabouts,"  and 
examining  him  on  the  matter.  It  will  be  observed 
that  the  authorities  took  the  shortest  period  suggested 
by  Carleton  for  this  investigation  and  ignored  his 
"  two  years."  Take  this  in  conjunction  with  the 
fact  that  they  appointed  Dr.  John  Polyander,  who 
had  written  a  preface  for  one  of  the  first  books  printed 
by  Brewster,  as  "  assessor,"  and  its  significance  will 
be  seen.  Dr.  William  Bontius  was  joined  with  Poly- 
ander in  the  business. 

In  pursuance  with  the  power  granted  to  them,  they 
visited  Brewer's  house.  "The  types  found  in  the 
garret  were  seized  :  the  garret  door  nailed  in  two  places 
and  the  seal  of  the  Officer  impressed  in  green  wax 
over  paper  is  placed  upon  the  lock  and  nails,  a  cata- 


172  JOHN  ROBINSON 

logue  is  made  of  the  books,  and  the  chamber  where 
the  same  were  found  is  sealed  with  the  aforesaid  seal 
upon  the  lock  and  nails." 

All  this  was  promptly  reported  to  Carleton,  who, 
though  nettled  at  the  escape  of  Brewster,  was  gratified 
at  the  detention  of  Thomas  Brewer,  and  was  now 
inclined  to  think  the  latter  was  the  more  responsible 
of  the  two,  for  he,  "  being  a  man  of  means,  bare  the 
charge  of  his  printing."  "  I  intend,"  he  says,  writing 
on  Sunday,  September  12,  "  to  send  one  expressly 
to  visit  his  books  and  papers;  and  to  examine  him 
particularly  touching  Perth  Assembly,  the  discourse 
De  regimine  Ecclesice  Scoticance,  and  other  Puritan 
pamphlets  which  I  have  newly  recovered. 

The  next  day,  Monday,  September  13,  the  Uni- 
versity appointed  Dr.  Cornelius  Swanenburg  in  the 
place  of  Polyander  to  join  with  Bontius  in  the  examina- 
tion of  Brewer,  and  further,  they  ordered  his  type 
"to  be  brought  for  better  keeping  from  his  house  to 
the  University  Rooms."  Jacob  V.  Vervey  noted 
on  the  records  that  this  was  accordingly  done  on  that 
very  day. 

In  the  course  of  the  same  week,  in  fulfilment  of  his 
intention,  Carleton  drew  up  a  list  of  interrogatories 
to  be  put  to  Brewer  in  his  examination,  and  sent  them 
over  to  Leyden,  with  one  of  his  staff  and  a  Dutch 
Advocate  of  the  Hague  who  understood  English.  He 
was  not  pleased  with  Brewer's  replies,  "  which," 
says  he,  "  are  so  indirect  that  they  give  no  man  satis- 
faction that  sees  them."  He  reports  this  in  a  long 
despatch,  written  on  Saturday,  September  18,  1619, 
in  which,  after  remarking  on  the  unsatisfactory 
nature  of  Brewer's  answers,  he  goes  on  to  say — 

"  Therefore  I  have  now  used  the  Prince  of  Orange's 
authority  :  who  hath  spoken  himself  to  the  Rector  of  the 
University  not  to  give  the  prisoner  any  liberty  until  His 
Majesty's  pleasure  be  known  concerning  him  :  which  the 
Rector  doth  promise  shall  be  fulfilled  notwithstanding  that 
the  whole  Company  of  Brownists  doth  offer  caution  [to  go 
bail]   for   Brewer.      And   he   being   a   University  man  the 


UNLICENSED   BOOKS  173 

scholars  are  likewise  stirred  up  by  the  Brownists  to  plead 
Privilege  in  that  kind  when  caution  is  offered. 

"  Wherefore  I  am  requested  by  the  Rector  and  by  the 
Deputy  of  the  town  of  Leyden,  Monsieur  Brouckhoven, 
residing  here,  in  the  Council  of  Holland  (whose  serious  care 
in  this  business  I  cannot  but  commend  to  His  Majesty),  to 
know  His  Majesty's  pleasure  with  the  soonest,  whereby  to 
prevent  some  disorder  which  may  happen  upon  this  occasion. 

"  Meantime  I  intend  to  have  him  further  examined,  which 
Monsieur  Brouckhoven  will  give  order  for  on  Monday  next 
when  he  goeth  to  Leyden  for  two  or  three  days  :  And  if 
there  be  any  things  more  particular  in  his  Confession  I  will 
send  the  same  speedily  to  your  Honour;  as  with  these 
[papers]  which  go  herewith,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  despatch 
this  bearer  expressly. 

"  Amongst  the  books  touching  which  I  have  caused  him 
to  be  examined  I  have  inserted  some  as  that  Amesii  in 
Grevinchovium  which  as  he  cannot  deny  so  he  may  and  doth 
confess  it  without  difficulty;  but  by  that  character  [style  of 
type]  he  is  condemned  of  the  rest.  And  certain  experienced 
printers  which  have  viewed  the  letters  affirm  that  all  and 
every  one  of  the  books  with  which  he  is  charged,  particularly 
those  De  regimine  Ecclesice  Scoticance  and  Perth  Assembly 
were  printed  by  them.  And  it  appears  that  this  Brewer,  and 
Brewster  whom  this  man  set  on  work,  having  kept  no  open 
shop  nor  printed  many  books  fit  for  public  sale  in  these 
Provinces,  their  practice  was  to  print  prohibited  books  to  be 
vented  underhand  in  His  Majesty's  Kingdoms. 

"  And  if  hereupon,  His  Majesty  will  be  pleased  that  I 
move  the  States  General  to  take  some  strict  order  therein, 
through  all  their  Provinces;  either  by  further  explanation 
of  their  late  Placaat  concerning  printing  of  Books  and  Libels, 
[i.  e.  pamphlets]  or  some  other  way ;  as  I  believe  they  will 
do  it  very  willingly,  so  will  it  serve  for  preventing  of  the 
like  inconvenience  hereafter. 

"  What  this  Brewer  is,  and  what  fantastical  courses  he  hath 
run  heretofore,  your  Honour  will  see  by  an  '  Information ' 
which  hath  been  given  me  concerning  him. 

"  Thus  I  humbly  take  my  leave 

"From  the  Hague  the  18th  of  September  1619. 

"  Postscript.  Upon  some  just  ground  of  suspicion  that 
Master  Ames  hath  his  hand  in  many  of  these  books,  which 
your  Honour  will  find  specified  in  these  '  Interrogatories.' 
I  have  desired  the  Curators  of  the  University  of  Leyden  not  to 
admit  him  to  a  place  of  Public  Professor,  to  which  he  doth  pre- 


174  JOHN  ROBINSON 

tend  and  [for  which  he]  hath  many  strong  recommendations, 
until  he  hath  given  His  Majesty  full  satisfaction;  which 
they  do  very  willingly  yield  unto  :  and  I  am  very  well  assured 
his  preferment  will  here  stay,  unless  His  Majesty  give  way 
unto  it. 

"  Thus  I  rest  your  Honour's,  etc. 

"  Dudley  Carleton." 

Where  Brewster  remained  in  hiding  all  this  time 
does  not  appear.  His  friends  and  fellow-members 
kept  a  discreet  silence  and  loyally  screened  him. 
We  may  be  sure  that  on  the  next  day  after  the  above 
despatch,  being  Sunday,  fervent  prayers  would  be 
offered  up  in  the  meeting  in  Robinson's  house  for  the 
safety  and  welfare  of  both  these  members  of  the 
Church  who  were  now  in  peril. 

In  the  meantime  Carleton  had  made  inquiry  for 
Brewster  at  Amsterdam,  and  on  Saturday,  Sep- 
tember 18,  Matthew  Slade  addressed  a  note  to  him 
in  these  terms — 

"  Right  Honourable.  My  duty  remembered  unto  your 
good  Lordship. 

"  May  it  please  the  same  to  understand  that  I  have  made 
the  best  enquiry  that  I  could,  concerning  William  Brewster, 
among  them  that  know  him  well.  But  cannot  hear  otherwise 
than  that  he  is  yet  dwelling  and  resident  at  Leyden. 

"  Neither  is  it  likely  that  he  will  remove  his  dwelling  hither, 
there  being  another  English  printer  named  William  [Giles] 
Thorp  also  a  Brownist,  settled  here  ;  and  for  that  there  is  also 
variance  about  religion  between  the  Separatists  at  Amsterdam 
and  them  of  Leyden. 

"If  he  lurk  here  for  fear  of  apprehension,  it  will  be  hard 
to  find  him.  But  I  will  speak  with  our  Burgomaster  about 
that  business,  at  his  return;  who  is  not  yet  in  two  or  three 
days  expected." 

At  Amsterdam,  therefore,  Carleton  drew  a  blank, 
and  he  now  waited  instructions  from  England  as  to 
procedure  against  Thomas  Brewer.  These  were  soon 
forthcoming  in  a  despatch  dated  at  Hampton  Court 
on  Tuesday,  September  28,  1619,  from  Sir  Robert 
Naunton,  as  follows — 


PRIVILEGES   OF  THE   UNIVERSITY     175 

"  Sir  :  For  answer  to  your  last  of  the  18th  of  September, 
it  is  His  Majesty's  pleasure  that  you  present  his  princely 
thanks  to  that  noble  Prince  [Maurice]  also  to  Monsieur  Brouck- 
hoven  and  the  Rector  [of  the  University]  for  their  serious 
care  and  respect,  shewed  in  the  apprehension  and  examina- 
tion of  Brewer.  From  whom  His  Majesty  hopes  well  that 
you  will  draw  more  particularities  in  his  after  [i.  e.  later] 
Confessions  than  yet  he  sees  in  those  you  have  sent  over, 
which  meanwhile  he  takes  in  good  part  as  a  fair  beginning 
and  introduction  to  the  rest. 

"  When  you  shall  have  discovered  all  you  can  there,  His 
Majesty  would  have  you  move  the  States  earnestly  in  his 
name,  that  he  [Brewer]  may  be  remanded  hither.  Which 
he  promiseth  himself,  that  they  will  not  take  it  for  an  un- 
reasonable request  since  he  is  his  own  native  subject :  they 
having  formerly  remanded  some  of  their  own  hither  upon 
His  Majesty's  like  motion. 

"  But  if  any  fond  scruple  or  difficulty  should  be  made 
herein  in  respect  of  the  scholars  there  pleading  their  privilege 
in  that  tumultuous  town,  especially  in  these  troubled  times, 
or  otherwise;  His  Majesty  will  have  you  (rather  than  you 
should  fail  in  his  design)  to  descend  thus  much  further  as  to 
promise  them — that  if  they  [the  members  of  the  University] 
shall  so  require,  he  will  return  him  back  again,  after  he  shall 
have  informed  himself  from  him  of  divers  things  merely 
concerning  his  own  personal  service  :  His  Majesty  having  no 
intention  to  touch  him,  either  in  body  or  goods,  or  to  punish 
him  further  than  with  a  free  confession  of  his  own  mis- 
demeanours and  those  of  his  complices. 

"  And  for  the  time  to  come  you  are  required  to  move  the 
States  to  take  some  strict  order  through  all  their  Provinces, 
for  the  preventing  of  the  like  abuses  and  licentiousness  in 
publishing,  printing  and  venting  underhand  such  scandalous 
and  libellous  pamphlets. 

"  For  Ames  his  preferment,  His  Majesty  doth  utterly 
distaste  it;  as  if  a  new  Vorstius  were  reviving  in  him,  and 
would  in  no  sort  have  any  way  given  unto  it." 

On  receipt  of  these  instructions  Carleton  made  a 
request  for  the  extradition  of  Thomas  Brewer,  but 
the  University  and  town  of  Leyden,  being  jealous 
for  their  privileges,  were  loth  to  surrender  a  prisoner 
at  the  request  of  King  James.  "An  extraordinary 
meeting "  of  the  Curators  of  the  University  and 
Burgomasters  of  the  city  was  held  on  October  11, 


176  JOHN  ROBINSON 

1619,  according  to  English  reckoning,  to  consider  the 
question,  and  the  following  resolutions  were  arrived 
at — 

(a)  To  offer  Brewer,  as  before,  for  further  examina- 

tion in  the  presence  of  any  one  whom  the 
Ambassador  might  appoint; 

(b)  Or  to  cause  him  to  go  for  examination  before 

the  Ambassador  himself. 

(c)  If  neither  of  these  suggestions  was  accepted  as 

sufficient,  then  before  giving  up  Brewer  a 
formal  bond  should  be  demanded  from  His 
Excellency  the  Ambassador  that  he  should  be 
restored  in  safety  to  Leyden  again  within  two 
months. 

If  Carleton  did  not  consent  to  this,  the  matter 
would  have  to  be  referred  to  their  High  Mightinesses 
the  States  of  Holland  and  West  Friesland,  as  founders 
and  patrons  of  the  University.  The  Ambassador  saw 
that  he  would  have  to  walk  warily  if  his  Royal  master 
was  not  to  be  baulked  in  his  desire  to  have  Brewer 
sent  over  to  England.  From  his  next  despatch, 
dated  October  13,  it  is  clear  he  saw  which  way  the 
wind  was  blowing,  though  he  does  not  seem  to  have 
yet  heard  the  result  of  the  "  extraordinary  meeting  " 
at  Leyden.     In  this  despatch  he  reports — 

(1)  In  regard  to  further  examination  of  Brewer 
that  he  finds  it  lost  labour,  he  persisting  in  his  former 
answers.  The  only  fresh  point  was  that  Brewer  had 
written  him  a  long,  impertinent  [irrelevant]  letter 
which  he  encloses. 

(2)  With  regard  to  Brewer's  extradition,  "  I  know," 
says  he,  "  it  will  be  a  matter  of  much  difficulty  to 
effect  His  Majesty's  desire,  in  regard  of  the  scrupu- 
losity of  the  Town  and  University  of  Leyden  in  point 
of  Privilege,  both  which  are  interested  herein  as  a 
mixed  cause;  he  being  apprehended  by  the  Public 
Escoutete  [City  Bailiff]  and  kept  in  the  University 
Prison." 

Carleton  had  thought  it  best  to  begin  the  matter 


PRIVILEGES   OF  THE   UNIVERSITY     177 

in  Leyden  rather  than  in  the  assembly  of  the  States- 
General  of  Holland.  He  had  "  prepared  "  the  Curators 
of  the  University,  and  got  Brouckhoven  to  do  the 
same  with  the  magistrates  of  the  town.  He  had  also 
spoken  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  on  the  matter. 
"  The  Curators,"  he  goes  on  to  say,  "  are  now  at 
this  present  at  Leyden,  upon  the  admission  of  some 
of  their  new  Professors,  and  have  promised  me  their 
endeavours  to  give  His  Majesty  satisfaction." 

(3)  When  he  knew  the  decision  of  the  Curators 
he  could  then  make  proposals  to  the  States-General 
for  the  prevention  of  this  unlicensed  printing  in  all 
the  provinces  of  the  Netherlands. 

After  making  this  report,  and  before  sending  his 
next  despatch,  dated  October  22,  1619,  Carleton  was 
waited  on  by  two  deputations  from  Leyden,  who 
made  known  to  him  the  decisions  of  the  authorities 
there.  The  first  deputation  consisted  of  two  of  the 
Curators  of  the  University,  who  talked  over  with 
the  Ambassador  a  possible  means  of  getting  round  the 
difficulties  which  the  surrender  of  Brewer  presented. 
They  asked  if  he  "  would  give  them  an  act  in  writing 
in  manner  of  a  Safe  Conduct  for  Brewer's  return  in 
case  they  should  send  him  into  England."  He 
replied  that  His  Majesty's  word  given  by  any  of  his 
Ministers  should  be  sufficient.  The  second  was  a 
deputation  of  five  from  the  town  and  University, 
consisting  of  the  Rector  and  one  of  the  Curators  of 
the  University,  with  two  Assessors  and  a  deputy 
from  Leyden. 

"  They  alleged  unto  me,"  says  Carleton,  "  these  diffi- 
culties— 

"  First — the  Privilege  of  the  University  which  any  man 
that  is  matriculated,  as  this  Brewer  is,  may  plead,  upon  any 
accusation,  for  his  trial  upon  the  place  without  having  his 
cause  or  person  removed  elsewhere  contrary  to  his  own  mind. 

"  Secondly — the  nature  of  their  University  :  consisting 
chiefly  of  strangers,  to  whom  if  they  should  not  carefully 
preserve  their  privileges  in  a  matter  of  this  consequence, 
they  would  all  fly  their  University. 

"  Thirdly — the  condition  of  the  time  there  being  now  newly 

N 


178  JOHN  ROBINSON 

a  Reformation  made  [i.  e.  the  Arminians  having  been  purged 
out  after  the  decisions  of  the  Synod  of  Dort],  and  if  they 
should  neglect  the  preservation  of  their  privileges  they 
should  expose  themselves  unto  the  scandal  of  such  as  are 
deported. 

"  Lastly — the  example  of  one  Cluverus  a  German,  who 
having  printed  a  book  against  the  Emperor  Rodolph  and 
thereupon  being  required  of  the  States  to  be  sent  to  Prague 
there  to  be  punished,  the  University  made  an  absolute 
refusal,  as  that  which  could  not  be  granted  without  breach 
of  their  privileges." 

Carleton  replied  to  all  these  objections  with  much 
astuteness,  pointing  out,  among  other  things,  that, 
though  Brewer  "  were  a  matriculate  man,  his  printing- 
house,  where  he  for  the  space  of  these  three  years 
hath  printed  prohibited  books  and  pamphlets  (not  for 
the  use  of  the  University  of  Leyden,  or  these  Pro- 
vinces; but  for  His  Majesty's  disservice  and  the 
trouble  of  his  Kingdoms)  was  in  the  town,"  and  not 
in  the  University  precincts. 

"  I  asked  them  if  some  busy  or  factious  Arminian,  a 
subject  of  these  Provinces,  should  matriculate  himself  in 
one  of  the  Universities  of  Oxford  or  Cambridge;  and  there 
print  and  send  over  hither,  books  of  that  argument;  of 
which  their  Ambassador  should  complain  and  desire  to  have 
him  remanded  [back  to  his  own  country]  how  they  would 
take  it,  if  they  should  be  answered  by  a  plea  of  Privilege  ?  " 

The  members  of  the  deputation  seemed  to  be 
impressed  by  Carleton's  arguments,  but  desired  him 
"  to  forbear  pressing  this  matter  any  further  "  till 
the  assembly  of  the  "  States  "  or  Provincial  Council  of 
Holland,  which  was  due  in  two  or  three  weeks.  He 
agreed,  but  told  them,  had  they  readily  consented  to 
Brewer's  extradition,  he  "  made  no  doubt  but  that 
Brewer  might  be  in  England  and  returned  again 
before  the  meeting  of  the  "  States  "  of  Holland. 

At  the  close  of  this  despatch  Carleton  indicates 
the  course  which  the  authorities  at  Leyden  were  now 
taking  in  the  matter — 


KING   JAMES   URGENT  179 

"  I  understand  they  have  privately  appointed  Polyander 
and  Walaeus  to  deal  with  Brewer  of  his  own  accord  to  desire 
to  go  into  England  whereby  to  satisfy  His  Majesty  and 
preserve  their  privileges,  which  I  do  not  mislike.  For  if  he 
yield  thereunto  His  Majesty  hath  what  he  requires.  If  he 
make  difficulty  I  have  the  more  just  subject  to  press  his 
remanding  which  at  the  time  of  the  assembly  of  the  States 
of  Holland  I  will  not  fail  to  do." 

It  was  well  for  Carleton  that  he  got  this  despatch 
off  when  he  did,  for  on  the  very  next  day,  Saturday, 
October  23,  Sir  Robert  Naunton  sent  him  a  line  from 
Whitehall  to  hurry  matters  up — 

"  His  Majesty  hath  charged  me,  once  more,  to  require 
you,  as  from  himself,  that  you  press  with  all  earnestness, 
the  matter  of  Brewer  in  all  three  points  I  recommended  to 
you  from  Hampton  Court  28°  Septembris." 

Before  this  reminder  reached  him  Carleton  for- 
warded to  England  a  letter1  from  Polyander,  with 
this  covering  note — 

"What  is  done  about  Brewer  at  Leyden;  your  Honour 
will  see  by  a  letter  I  have  even  now  received  from  Polyander. 
"  Thus  I  humbly  take  my  leave. 

"  From  the  Hague,  this  25th  of  October,  1619." 

A  week  later  (Monday,  November  1,  1619)  another 
deputation  came  over  expressly  from  Leyden  Uni- 
versity to  the  Hague  to  let  Carleton  know  "  their 
resolution  to  send  Brewer  into  England."  It  con- 
sisted of  one  of  the  Curators  and  the  Rector  of  the 
University,  with  John  Polyander  and  Daniel  Heinsius. 
They  brought  a  document  in  Brewer's  handwriting, 
in  which  he  stated  his  own  desire  to  go  into  England 
"as  a  dutiful  subject  to  His  Majesty."  This  safe- 
guarded the  privileges  of  the  University,  which  could 
not  be  said  to  have  given  up  a  prisoner  at  the  demand 
of  the  King  of  England  if  the  man  went  of  his  own 
free  will.     But  Brewer  was  not  prepared  to  blindly 

1  The  Secretary  of  State,  in  a  despatch  of  November  20,  reported  His 
Majesty's  assent  to  the  course  proposed  in  Polyander's  letter,  but  by  that 
date  Carleton  had  arranged  matters. 


180  JOHN  ROBINSON 

play  the  "fly"  to  King  James's  "spider."  The 
memory  of  the  burning  fate  of  Bartholomew  Legate 
and  the  imprisonment  of  John  Murton  and  others 
was  too  fresh  for  that.  So  he  expressed  his  readiness 
to  go — upon  conditions. 

Let  Carleton  tell  us  about  the  stipulations  and  how 
the  matter  was  eventually  arranged.  Brewer,  he 
tells  us,  required,  "  in  the  said  Writing "  to  be 
assured  by  the  University  on  the  following  points — 

"  (a)  [That]  it  is  His  Majesty's  own  pleasure  to  have  him 
sent. 

(b)  Next,  that  he  may  go  as  a  free  man  under  caution  of 

his  lands  and  goods;  not  as  a  prisoner. 

(c)  Then  that  he  may  not  be  punished  during  his  abode  in 

England  either  in  body  or  goods. 

(d)  And  that  he  may  be  suffered  to  return  hither  in  a 

competent  time. 

(e)  And  lastly,  that  his  journey  be  without  his  own  charge. 

"  These  things  were  requested  of  me  by  the  Curator,  the 
Rector,  and  the  rest  in  his  behalf. 

;c  Wherein  I  made  them  this  verbal  promise,  without  being 
further  moved  by  any  of  them,  as  I  was  formerly,  to  give 
them  my  act  in  writing — 

(a)  That  for  the  first :  it  was  His  Majesty's  express  will 
and  pleasure  :  which  I  might  the  better  assure  them  having 
the  same  now  a  second  time  reiterated  unto  me  by  your 
Honour's  letter  of  the  23rd  of  October;  which  at  that 
instant  I  received. 

(b)  Next,  that  if  they  would  take  caution  of  him  of  his 
lands  and  goods  for  his  rendering  himself  to  His  Majesty  in 
England,  I  left  it  to  their  discretions.  But  to  send  him  as 
a  free  man  could  not  well  be,  as  long  as  he  remained  in  reatu 
[in  the  position  of  one  charged  with  an  offence]. 

(c)  Then — that  for  his  body  and  goods  during  his  abode 
in  England.  I  undertook  he  should  not  be  touched,  being 
so  warranted  by  your  Honour's  former  letter  of  the  21st  of 
September. 

(d)  And  for  his  return, — that  it  should  be  within  the  space 
of  three  months  at  the  furthest,  and  sooner  if  he  dealt  in- 
genuously and  freely  in  his  Confessions. 

(e)  Touching  the  charge  of  his  journey  I  made  no  difficulty 
to  free  both  him  and  them  thereof:  not  doubting  but  His 
Majesty  will  be  pleased  to  allow  it. 


A   SAFE   CONDUCT  181 

"  So  as  there  [was]  remaining  this  only  point  of  difference 
between  us,  whether  he  should  go  as  a  prisoner  or  as  a  free 
man?  In  the  end  we  concluded  of  a  middle  way  betwixt 
both — that  he  should  go  sub  libera  custodia,  being  attended 
from  Ley  den  to  Rotterdam  by  one  of  the  Beadles  with  another 
Officer  of  the  University,  and  be  there  delivered  to  some 
such  person  as  I  should  appoint  for  his  safe  convoy  into 
England;  where  I  have  undertaken  for  him,  he  shall  not  be 
cast  into  any  common  prison,  nor  be  ill  used.  Though  for 
his  libert}%  I  let  them  know,  he  must  not  expect  it,  but 
according  as  he  shall  merit  it  by  the  satisfaction  he  shall 
give  His  Majesty.  Wherein  if  he  fail  of  what  he  now  seems 
willing  to  perform,  the  fear  of  being  returned  back  and 
thither  again  to  the  place  where  he  hath  lain  ever  since  his 
first  apprehension;  (and  where  he  may  lie  long  enough 
unless  he  be  delivered  by  His  Majesty's  grace  and  favour) 
will  be  a  sufficient  torture. 

"  But  on  the  other  side,  if  he  carry  himself  well  and  duti- 
fully, I  beseech  your  Honour  to  be  a  means  to  His  Majesty 
that  he  may  be  well  treated  and  sent  back  with  contentment : 
the  rather  because  he  hath  taken  his  resolution  of  present- 
ing himself  unto  His  Majesty,  against  the  minds  of  some 
stiff-necked  men  in  Leyden,  who  endeavoured  to  dissuade 
him. 

"  And  it  will  give  all  inferior  persons  encouragement  by 
his  example  according  to  the  like  occasions,  willingly  to 
submit  themselves ;  he  being  a  Gentleman  of  a  good  house, 
both  of  land  and  living  which  none  of  his  profession  [in 
religion]  in  these  parts  are — though  through  the  reveries  of 
his  religion  (he  being,  as  I  advertised  your  Honour,  a  pro- 
fessed Brownist)  he  hath  mortgaged  and  consumed  a  great 
part  of  his  Estate. 

"  This  noble  Gentleman  Sir  William  Zouche,  being  to  go 
into  England  upon  his  own  affairs,  hath,  upon  my  intreaty, 
willingly  undertaken  the  charge  of  conducting  Brewer  to 
your  Honour.  For  which  purpose,  he  hath  stayed  his 
journey  until  this  time  when  I  am  promised  Brewer  shall 
meet  him  at  Rotterdam.  And  he  being  a  Gentleman  of 
His  Majesty's  Privy  Chamber,  as  well  as  a  servant  to  this 
State,  His  Majesty  may  be  pleased  to  take  notice  of  his 
readiness  to  do  His  Majesty  service. 

"  Thus  I  humbly  take  leave.  From  the  Hague,  the  3rd 
of  November,  1619." 

An  interesting  letter  of  Sir  William  Zouche  to 
Carleton,    dated    November    13,    1619,   shows    that, 


182  JOHN  ROBINSON 

even  after  the  plan  was  adopted,  Brewer  was  in  no 
hurry  to  leave  Ley  den. 

"  Right  Honourable.  I  did  purpose  to  have  advertised 
your  Lordship  of  our  proceedings.  I  was  last  night  almost 
out  of  hope  of  having  my  expected  company,  but  about  ten 
of  the  clock  Master  Brewer  arrived,  conveyed  hither  by  the 
Beadle  of  the  University,  Master  Robinson  and  Master 
Kebel,  accompanied  by  two  other  of  his  friends,  their  names 
I  think  are  not  worth  the  asking.1 

"  We  go  forward  about  two  or  three  of  the  clock,  and  if  we 
find  not  a  boat  of  Terveer  ready  to  go  away  we  intend  to 
lie  at  Dort  this  night. 

"  The  Gentleman  seems  very  ready  and  willing  to  go  with 
me,  and  hath  good  hope  of  his  despatch  and  happy  issue, 
if  he  be  not  referred  to  the  judgment  of  the  Bishops ;  con- 
cerning which  he  says  he  made  caution  before  his  departure, 
and  if  you  have  not  written  so  much  already  he  desires  you 
will  do  so  much  when  you  write  next  to  Master  Secretary. 
He  excuses  his  long  stay  by  reason  of  the  sudden  warning  to 
provide  him  [for  the  passage  into  England].  He  demanded 
of  me  if  I  had  order  to  defray  him  ?  I  have  told  him  '  Yes.' 
He  says  he  is  contented;  but  says  it  was  not  his  desire 
nor  mentioned  by  him.  I  assure  your  Lordship  I  will  make 
no  delay;  but  take  the  speediest  opportunities  to  be  rid  of 
this  employment. 

"  My  best  service  humbly  remembered  to  your  Honour 
and  my  honourable  Lady.     I  take  my  leave  and  rest, 
"  Ready  to  observe   and  serve  you, 

"  W.  Zouche. 

"Rotterdam,  the  13th  of  November,  1619." 

Zouche  and  Brewer  journeyed  by  Middleburg, 
where  they  were  entertained  at  a  dinner  arranged  by 
Brewer's  friends  on  Monday,  November  15.  Here 
Zouche  met  the  Treasurer-General  and  his  two 
brothers,  and  one  "  Master  Vosberghe,  Chief  Reckon- 
Master  [accountant],  who  was  on  the  way  towards 
Holland  to  speak  to  His  Excellency  [the  Prince]  in 
Master  Brewer's  behalf,  and  to  have  advised  him  to 

1  "  Yet  I  will  inquire  of  them  by  the  way,"  is  a  note  that  Carleton  makes 
here.  Zouche  supplied  the  names  in  his  letter  of  November  26 :  "  The 
names  of  the  other  two  that  came  with  Master  Brewer  to  Rotterdam  are 
Jenkins  and  Lile." 


EXPOSTULATIONS  183 

have  challenged  the  privileges  of  the  University  and 
of  the  town  by  which  he  should  have  had  his  trial 
there." 

"  They  did  expostulate  the  business,"  says  Zouche, 
who  found  them  "  exceedingly  earnest  "  in  Brewer's 
cause  and  concerned  at  the  great  power  the  English 
King  had  in  their  land,  "  to  have  a  prisoner,  after  he 
had  been  kept  in  prison  longer  than  the  law  of  the 
land  doth  allow,  to  be  sent  to  him."  All  this  Zouche 
reported  to  Carleton  from  Flushing  on  November  26, 
where  they  had  been  delayed  for  ten  days  by  contrary 
winds  and  foul  weather. 

At  length,  on  November  28,  there  came  a  favour- 
able easterly  wind,  and  Carleton  writes — 

"  I  hope  it  will  carry  over  Sir  William  Zouche  and  Master 
Brewer  to  your  Honour;  who  have  lain  long  together  at 
Flushing  :  and  his  fellow-Brownists  at  Ley  den  are  somewhat 
scandalized  because  they  hear  Sir  William  hath  taught  him 
to  drink  healths." 

The  turn  in  the  wind  enabled  them  to  make  the 
crossing,  for  on  December  3  Sir  Robert  Naunton 
advised  Carleton  that  Sir  William  Zouche  had  at 
length  arrived  with  his  charge,  and  that  he  was 
daily  awaiting  the  King's  directions  for  proceeding 
in  that  business. 

What  was  the  upshot,  now  that  James  had  got  his 
man?  The  King  showed  a  petulant  annoyance  that 
Brewer  should  have  come  over  in  the  way  he  had 
done,  protected  by  pledges  for  his  safe  conduct  and 
return.  Brewer  seems  to  have  enjoyed  the  situation, 
and  was  inclined  to  ride  the  high  horse.  It  went 
against  the  grain  with  James  to  have  any  one  who 
had  annoyed  him  surrender  himself  for  examination 
on  terms  and  conditions.  Forgetful  of  the  instruc- 
tions sent  to  his  Ambassador,  he  sent  this  message 
to  Carleton — 

"  Thurs.  16  Dec.  1619. 

"  His  Majesty's  pleasure  is  and  I  am  commanded  to  in- 
struct you,  that  you  should  take  heed  of  being  too  forward 


184  JOHN  ROBINSON 

hereafter  in  confounding  matters  so  different  and  so  punc- 
tually to  be  distinguished  as  are  the  overtures  of  treating 
with  a  free  State  and  the  accepting  of  capitulations  from  a 
subject  delinquent." 

If  the  States- General  of  Holland  had  sent  Brewer 
"  by  their  own  authority,  whether  he  had  been 
willing  to  have  come  or  not,"  His  Majesty  would  have 
given  them  thanks,  but  his  manner  of  coming  "  a 
little  troubled  His  Majesty."  It  put  him  at  a  dis- 
advantage. As  to  Brewer,  he  was  put  in  charge  of 
one  of  the  Messengers  of  the  Chamber,  and  was  to 
be  examined  by  Sir  John  Benet  and  Sir  Henry 
Martin.  James  was  mean  enough  to  try  to  evade  the 
cost  of  Brewer's  voyage,  "  for  the  charge  of  his 
journey  His  Majesty  hath  no  purpose  to  take  it 
upon  him  longer  than  whiles  he  is  within  his 
dominions." 

Sir  John  Benet,  one  of  the  examiners  of  Brewer, 
had  some  experience  already  in  examining  men  of 
religion  with  whom  the  authorities  were  at  logger- 
heads. In  1599  he  was  placed  on  a  commission  to 
enforce  the  Act  of  Uniformity  in  the  Province  of 
York,  and  in  1617,  when  a  pamphlet  satirizing  King 
James  and  his  Court,  entitled  Corona  Regis,  appeared, 
he  was  sent  over  to  Brussels  on  a  special  mission  to 
secure  the  punishment  both  of  the  printer  and  of 
Henri  Dupuy,  the  author.  His  colleague,  Sir  Henry 
Martin,  was  also  an  expert  examiner  from  his  varied 
experience  in  the  Admiralty  Court.  But  they  do  not 
seem  to  have  got  much  satisfaction  out  of  Brewer, 
judging  from  the  following  despatch — 

"  Sir  Robert  Naunton  to  Sir  Dudley  Carleton,  White  Hall, 
Friday,  January  14,  1619-20. 

"  My  Lord  Ambassador, 

"  I  have  cleared  His  Majesty's  construction  the 
best  I  can,  touching  Brewer,  who  did  all  that  a  silly  creature 
could  to  increase  his  unsatisfaction :  viz.  standing  upon 
Terms  of  Covenant  publicly  passed  by  your  Lordship,  and 
I  know  not  what,  as  he  saith  Heinsius,  Polyander  and  I  know 


BREWER   RELEASED  185 

not  who  assevered  it  unto  him.  But  I  have  beaten  him  from 
his  asse  and  drawn  something  from  him  that  hath  in  part 
contented  his  Majesty  :  who  bade  me  tell  you  that  he  gives 
no  credit  to  this  fool's  confident  and  improbable  assertions; 
and  that  he  will  be  very  good  friends  with  you,  if  you  can 
procure  Brewster  to  be  taken,  wherein  he  makes  no  doubt  of 
your  careful  endeavour." 

Naunton  added  a  postscript — 

"  I  thought  fit  to  let  you  know  by  this  Postcript  that  I 
have  discharged  Brewer;  who  hath  hitherto  been  defrayed 
by  His  Majesty,  but  offered  to  return  upon  his  own  charge. 
I  doubt  he  will  advise  Brewster  to  conceal  himself  and  there- 
fore have  thus  forewarned  your  Lordship.  He  [Brewer]  will 
be  known  of  no  privity  or  so  much  as  conjecture  that  he  can 
make,  how  their  pamphlets  have  been  vented :  which  I 
presume  will  be  better  learned  from  him  there  upon  the 
place  [University  of  Leyden]  before  he  shall  be  discharged 
by  perusing  his  papers  and  other  examinations." 

James  appears  to  have  been  effectually  baffled  here, 
but  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  learning  from  his 
Ambassador,  in  a  despatch  dated  January  13, 1619-20, 
that  the  States- General  had  "finally  published  a  Placaat 
against  licentious  printing  of  libels  and  pamphlets, 
either  in  strange  languages  or  their  own,  which  doth 
concern  strangers  in  amity  with  this  State  as  well 
as  themselves." 

It  does  not  appear  that  Brewer  returned  at  once 
to  Leyden,  where  the  authorities  were  still  keeping 
his  type  and  papers.  John  Polyander,  writing  from 
Leyden,  January  12/22,  1620,  to  Sir  D.  Carleton, 
says — 

"  Monseigneur.  Les  characteres  de  Thomas  Brewer  sont 
bien  gardes  en  la  chambre  de  Messieurs  les  Curateurs ;  et  ses 
livres  et  papiers  en  sa  propre  maison." 

Carleton  reported  from  the  Hague,  January  29, 
1620,  as  follows — 

"  I  have  acquainted  the  Curators  of  the  University  of 
Leyden  with  the  good  treatment  which  hath  been  given  unto 
Brewer  far  beyond  his  deserving  and  with  his  delivery.     For 


186  JOHN  ROBINSON 

which  they  render  His  Majesty  their  humble  thanks.  And, 
at  his  return  hither,  unless  he  undertake  to  them  to  do  his 
uttermost  in  finding  out  of  Brewster — wherein  I  will  not  fail 
likewise  of  all  other  endeavours — he  is  not  like  to  be  at 
liberty.  The  suspicion  whereof,  I  believe,  keeps  him  from 
hence,  for  as  yet  he  appears  not  in  these  parts." 

As  late  as  April  29,  1620,  a  memorial  from  Carleton 
was  read  at  a  University  meeting,  that  the  types  and 
papers  of  Brewer  might  remain  in  the  keeping  of  the 
University,  upon  which  it  was  resolved  "  to  keep  the 
said  types  as  hitherto."  Nothing  is  said  of  the 
"papers";  these  being  at  Brewer's  house,  he  may 
have  already  resumed  possession. 

All  this  time  Brewster  keeps  silence.  He  may  have 
been  in  England  quietly  furthering  the  preparations 
for  the  Pilgrims'  colonial  enterprise,  or  may  have 
found  refuge  for  a  time  with  friends  in  Essex  or  in 
Nottinghamshire.  We  do  not  know.  The  next 
mention  of  him  which  I  have  noted  is  on  June  14, 
1620,  when  John  Robinson  refers  to  him  in  a  letter 
to  John  Carver,  in  which  he  endeavours  to  account 
for  Thomas  Weston  suddenly  withdrawing  his  capital 
from  the  venture  on  which  the  Pilgrims  were  about 
to  embark.  He  wonders  whether  Weston  "  hath 
thought  by  withholding  to  put  us  upon  straits, 
thinking  that  thereby  Master  Brewster  and  Master 
Pickering  would  be  drawn  by  importunity  to  do 
more."  Clearly  Brewster  was  at  that  time  making 
ready  to  give  substantial  help  to  their  contemplated 
enterprise. 


ST.    WILFRID  S    CHURCH,    SCROOBY, 


CHAPTER  XVIII 

INTERCOURSE    BETWEEN    LEYDEN    AND    AMSTERDAM 

RICHARD       CLIFTON,      FRANCIS      JOHNSON,      HENRY 
AINSWORTH 

The  responsibility  of  leadership  in  the  Separatist 
movement  must  have  come  home  more  forcibly  to 
Robinson  as  the  pioneers  were  one  by  one  called  away 
by  death.  John  Smith,  as  already  noted,  had  died 
in  1612,  and  now,  on  May  20,  1616,  Richard  Clifton 
passed  away  at  Amsterdam.  The  news  would  be 
received  with  regret  by  his  old  friends  and  associates 
at  Leyden.  He  left  a  fragrant  memory  with  those 
who  had  known  him.  Clifton  has  frequently  been 
mentioned  as  "  the  original  pastor  or  teacher  of  the 
Scrooby  church."  1  Professor  Edward  Arber  went  so 
far  as  to  say  that  "  the  Pilgrim  Movement  originated 
in  the  rectory  and  church  of  Babworth,"  of  which 
Clifton  was  incumbent.2  I  do  not  think  Clifton  was 
ever  in  office  in  the  Pilgrim  Church.  He  is,  indeed, 
mentioned  in  connexion  with  its  early  days  by  Brad- 
ford in  these  terms,  after  referring  to  the  Church  at 
Gainsborough  under  John  Smith — 

"  In  this  other  church  [the  Scrooby  group]  besides  other 
worthy  men,  was  Master  Richard  Clifton,  a  grave  and 
reverend  Preacher;  who  by  his  pains  and  diligence  had 
done  much  good;  and  under  God,  had  been  the  means  of 
the  conversion  of  many." 

But  there  is  no  mention  of  his  call  to  the  pastor- 
ship.    I  take  it  that  when  Clifton  was  deprived  of 

1  Dexter's  England  and  Holland  of  the  Pilgrims,  p.  561. 

2  He  was  instituted  to  the  living  on  July  11,  1586. 

187 


188  JOHN  ROBINSON 

his  "  living  "  at  Bab  worth,  on  account  of  his  non- 
conformity, he  threw  in  his  lot  with  the  neighbouring 
group  of  religiously-minded  friends  at  Scrooby,  and 
gave  them  the  benefit  of  his  help  and  experience  in 
their  meetings  for  worship,  and  quietly  assisted 
sympathetic  Puritan  clergy  in  the  district  as  occa- 
sion offered,  among  them  James  Brewster,  the  vicar 
of   Sutton-cum-Lound. 

Clifton  was  strongly  influenced  by  John  Smith,  who 
convinced  him  that  the  Separatist  Church  he  had 
gathered  was,  indeed,  a  true  Church.  They  had  some 
friendly  conference  upon  the  question  of  the  Church's 
power  of  excommunication *  and  other  outstanding 
points  of  difference  between  them  when  in  England, 
apparently  to  mutual  satisfaction,  for  when  Clifton 
passed  over  to  Holland  in  the  summer  of  1608  it  was  with 
the  intention  of  joining  the  Church  under  the  pastoral 
care  of  Smith.  Owing  to  the  latter's  rapid  change  of 
views,  however,  Clifton  associated  himself  with  the 
"  Ancient  "  or  first  Separatist  Church  in  Amsterdam, 
and  when  Henry  Ains worth,  the  "  Teacher  "  in  that 
Church,  withdrew,  on  account  of  differences  with  its 
"  Pastor,"  Francis  Johnson,  Clifton  was  chosen  to 
fill  his  place,  and  admitted  to  exercise  the  office 
without  re- ordination,  which  marked  a  modification 
in  Johnson's  practice  and  the  previous  requirement 
of  his  Church.  Ains  worth  points  to  this  when,  in 
speaking  of  the  members  remaining  with  Johnson — 
the  Franciscan  Brownists,  as  they  were  scomngly 
called — he  says  they — 

"  have  placed  over  them  one  that  was  made  Priest  by  a 
Lord  bishop's  ordination,  so  as  because  of  it  they  did  not 
ordeyn  or  impose  hands  on  him  when  at  the  same  time 
they  ordeyned  and  imposed  hands  on  others  whom  togither 
with  him  they  set  over  the  Church."  2 

All  the  testimony  to  Clifton's  character  points  to 
him  being  a  man  of  earnest  and  lovable  disposition. 

1  Clifton's  Plea,  for  Infants,  1610,  p.  4. 

2  Ainsworth's  Animadversion  to  Master  Richard  ClyftorCs  Advertisement. 
1613,  p.  59. 


RICHARD   CLIFTON  189 

He  had  the  gift  of  winning  regard  alike  from  young 
and  old.  Bernard  wrote  of  him  after  his  separation 
as  one — 

"  whom  I  truely  and  entirely  loued  in  our  way  [i.  e.  when 
he  was  an  Anglican  minister],  as  a  man  deuoted  to  God 
and  every  way  worthy  of  loue  for  his  vn-reprouable  life  and 
conuersation."  x 

Christopher  Lawne  in  1612  contrasted  his  bearing 
favourably  with  the  "  loftie  lookes "  of  Francis 
Johnson. 

"  Master  Clifton,"  he  says,  "  though  a  Teacher  of  the 
Franciscanes,  yet  is  he  knowne  to  be  farre  from  the  arro- 
gance of  the  other ;  yea,  he  is  pitied  as  being  a  bondslaue 
vnto  S.  Francis."  2 

Bradford  as  a  youth  had  enjoyed  the  advantage  of 
"  Master  Richard  Clyf ton's  illuminating  ministry  not 
far  from  his  abode,"  3  and  he  looked  back  in  venera- 
tion to  him  as  one  who  had  strengthened  his  religious 
life.  His  reminiscence  gives  us  a  detail  as  to  Clifton's 
personal  appearance — 

"  He  was  a  grave  and  fatherly  old  man,"  says  he,  "  when 
he  came  first  into  Holland,  having  a  great  white  beard; 
and  pity  it  is  that  such  a  reverend  old  man  should  be 
forced  to  leave  his  country  and  at  those  years  to  go  into 
exile.  But  it  was  his  lot  and  he  bore  it  patiently.  Much 
good  had  he  done  in  the  country  where  he  lived  and  con- 
verted many  to  God  by  his  faithful  and  painful  ministry 
both  in  preaching  and  catechizing."  4 

He  issued  a  "  Catechism  "  for  the  use  of  his  parish- 
ioners. His  Plea  for  Infants  and  Elder  People  con- 
cerning their  Baptism,  1610,  has  already  been  noticed. 
In  reply  to  Lawne's  venomous  book  he  published 
in  1612  "  An  Advertisement  concerning  a  Book  lately 
published  .  .  .  against  the  English  exiled   Church  at 

1  Bernard's  Plaine  Evidences,  1610,  p.  57. 

2  The  Prophage  Schisme,  1612,  p.  64. 

3  Mather's  Magnolia,  Bk.  II.  p.  3,  ed.  1702. 

4  First  Dialogue,  Young's  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrims. 


190  JOHN  ROBINSON 

Amsterdam.  By  Richard  Clyf ton,  Teacher  of  the  same 
Church."  His  death  was  a  distinct  loss  to  the  cause 
of  the  Separatists,  and  it  would  stir  many  memories 
in  the  mind  of  John  Robinson.1 

Francis  Johnson  survived  Clifton  by  nearly  a  year 
and  eight  months.  Matthew  Slade  attended  his 
funeral  and  reported  his  death  to  Carleton — 

"  Amsterdam.     Saturday,  January  10,  1617  [1618]. 

"  This  day  we  have  buried  master  Francis  Johnson,  a 
man  that  hath  many  years  been  Pastor  of  the  Brownists 
and  (having  cast  himself  and  drawn  others,  into  great 
troubles  and  miseries  for  their  oppressions  and  schism) 
did,  a  few  days  before  his  death,  publish  a  Book,  wherein 
he  disclaimed  most  of  his  former  singularities  and  refuted 
them.  To  which  Work  he  hath  also  annexed  a  brief  Refuta- 
tion of  the  Five  Articles." 

The  book  here  referred  to  is  made  up  of  three  tracts, 
the  second  of  which  contains  the  refutation  of  the 
Five  Points  of  the  Arminian  doctrinal  system  to  which 
Slade  refers.  The  volume  is  entitled  "  A  Christian 
Plea  conteyning  Three  Treatises  :  (1)  Touching  the 
Anabaptists.  ...  (2)  Touching  such  Christians  as 
now  are  here  commonly  called  Remonstrants  or 
Arminians.  (3)  Touching  the  Reformed  Churches 
with  whom  myself  agree  in  the  faith  of  the  Gospel 
of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.  Made  by  Francis  Johnson, 
pastor  Of  the  Ancient  English  Church  now  sojourning 
at  Amsterdam,  in  the  Low  Countreys  .  .  .  1617." 
It  proves  that  Johnson,  like  Robinson,  modified  some 
of  his  previous  opinions.  In  order  to  counter  the 
conclusions  of  the  Anabaptists  he  now  asserted  that 
the  Romish  and  Anglican  Churches  were  true  (though 
corrupted)  Churches,  and  consequently  their  baptism 
was  valid.     But  he  did  not  give  way  in  regard  to 

1  An  interesting  sidelight  on  Clifton's  work  in  England  has  recently  been 
drawn  from  the  Sessions  Rolls  of  Notts.,  from  which  we  learn  that  "  Johes 
Broome  of  Bab  worth  "  and  his  wife  were  presented  to  the  Court  October  12, 
1617,  "  for  Brownists."  Broome  was  fined  10s.  vide  Notts.  County  Records, 
p.  140,  and  Letter  penes  me  from  H.  Hampton  Copnall,  Clerk  of  the  Peace, 
July  17,  1919. 


AUTHORITY   OF   CHURCH  MEMBERS     191 

the  general  grounds  on  which  he  had  separated  from 
the  Church  of  England. 

His  later  views  about  the  place  and  power  of  the 
"  eldership  "  in  the  Church  led  to  the  shipwreck  and 
weakening  of  his  own  Church  and  to  acute  differences 
on  the  point  between  himself  and  Robinson,  to  which 
we  may  here  briefly  refer.  It  will  be  remembered 
that  one  of  the  reasons  inducing  Robinson  and  his 
friends  to  move  on  to  Leyden  was  that  they  foresaw 
the  probable  outbreak  of  contention  in  the  Amster- 
dam Church.  They  were  right.  Before  many  months 
the  brethren  at  Amsterdam  were  rent  asunder  by  a 
fierce  dispute  about  the  authority  of  the  "  elders  " 
in  Church  government.  Johnson  had  a  most  difficult 
flock  to  lead.  Their  practice  of  bringing  cases  of 
discipline  before  the  whole  Church  for  consideration 
on  every  Lord's  Day  gave  too  many  openings  for 
bickering  and  strife.  It  needed  a  charitable  temper 
and  a  generous  spirit  of  forbearance  for  such  a  system 
to  work  with  success.  In  the  first  glow  of  the  new 
movement  the  restraining  force  of  religious  and 
brotherly  feeling  brought  out  the  advantages  of  this 
careful  watch  over  one  another's  conduct,  but 
the  disadvantages  became  more  evident  as  the  early 
fervour  waned.  Johnson  came  to  feel  that  the 
Presbyterian  plan  of  leaving  the  discipline  of  the 
Church  in  the  hands  of  the  Pastor,  Teacher  and 
lay  elders  was  the  better  course.  They  had  resisted 
the  tyranny  of  the  Prelacy  in  the  Church  of  England ; 
it  now  seemed  to  him  that  the  Church  of  Christ  was 
being  subjected  to  an  equally  dangerous  tyranny — 
the  tyranny  of  the  rank  and  file  in  the  Church.  The 
people  participating  in  the  exercise  of  discipline 
might  overrule  the  judgment  of  the  "  eldership  "  in 
matters  of  excommunication.  "  We  have  lately  been 
taught,"  says  Johnson,  referring  to  Robinson's  Justifi- 
cation of  Separation,  "  that  the  people  as  kings  have 
power  one  over  another,  and  that  the  saints,  being 
kings,  are  superior  to  their  officers."  His  claims  to 
authority  on  the  part  of  the  college  of  "  elders,"  the 


192  JOHN  ROBINSON 

officers,  or  "  the  presbytery  "  of  the  individual  Church, 
under  Christ,  "  the  only  King  and  Lord  of  His  Church  " 
were  stoutly  resisted  by  a  strong  body  of  the  members, 
headed  by  Ainsworth,  who  were  jealous  for  their 
new-found  freedom.  Efforts  at  accommodation  were 
unavailing.  If  the  Church  was  to  have  any  being 
at  all  it  must  have  some  government  and  order;  the 
point  at  issue  was  the  extent  of  the  members'  liberty 
within  that  order  and  how  best  to  secure  it.  How 
was  a  due  balance  between  the  power  of  the  eldership 
and  that  of  the  people  to  be  maintained  ?  Happily 
Robinson's  Church  solved  the  question  in  a  practical 
way  for  themselves,  but  the  members  of  Johnson's 
Church  could  not  adjust  the  rival  claims. 

An  appeal  was  made  to  Robinson  and  the  friends 
at  Leyden  for  advice  and  assistance.  He  and  Brewster 
afterwards  furnished  an  account  of  their  part  in  the 
discussions  at  the  request  of  Ainsworth,  "  that  the 
ages  present  and  to  come  may  have  true  information 
of  these  matters."  1  It  is  headed  M  The  Testimonie 
of  the  Elders  of  the  Church  at  Leyden,"  and  signed 
by  Robinson  and  Brewster. 

From  this  document  we  learn  that  a  letter  subscribed 
by  "  some  thirty  "  members  of  Johnson's  Church  was 
sent  over  to  Leyden  invoking  aid.  Some  of  them  had 
charged  as  an  error  Johnson's  exposition  of  Matt, 
xviii.  17,  in  which  he  took  the  words  "  Tell  the 
Church  "  as  equivalent  to  "  Tell  the  elders."  They 
were  now  called  upon  to  substantiate  the  charge, 
and  wanted  Robinson's  "  help  in  that  great  business." 
They  were  the  more  earnest  in  this  request  "  because 
Mr.  Ainsworth  was  so  sparing  in  opposing  of  Mr. 
Johnson's  new  doctrine  (though  always  misliking  it) 
as  they  scarce  knew  how  he  was  minded  in  the  things ; 
so  loth  was  he  to  come  to  any  professed  and  public 
opposition  with  him  [Johnson]  whom  he  rather  hoped 
to  pacify  by  moderation  than  by  opposition  to  stop 
in  his  intended  course."  The  Leyden  friends  did  not 
go  over  in  response  to  this  letter,  "  but  wrote  to  the 

1  Ainsworth's  Animadversion,  p.  123. 


VISIT   TO   AMSTERDAM  193 

Church  and  showed  them  what  the  substance  of  the 
letter  was."  They  said  they  were  unwilling  to  inter- 
pose unless  they  were  called  in  by  the  general  consent 
of  the  Amsterdam  Church  as  a  whole,  and  under 
conditions  giving  "  best  hope  of  good  issue."  The 
Amsterdam  friends  declined  to  approve  officially  of 
the  Leyden  elders  coming  over ;  they  "  would  only 
permit  it " ;  and  they  insistently  asked  to  be  furnished 
with  a  copy  of  the  letter  which  the  dissidents  had 
sent  to  Leyden.  After  some  demur  and  delay  this 
point  was  conceded,  and  a  copy  was  forwarded,  It 
had  only  been  withheld  from  reluctance  "  to  minister 
matter  of  further  scanning  "  amongst  them. 

After  further  consideration  the  Leyden  friends 
resolved,  even  without  any  official  invitation,  to  send 
a  delegation  with  a  view  to  composing  the  differences 
in  a  friendly  way,  and  they  wrote  to  Amsterdam  con- 
veying news  of  their  intention  in  these  terms — 

"  Our  purpose  therefore  is  (according  to  the  request  of 
the  brethren  which  have  moved  us,  and  our  duty),  to  send 
or  come  unto  you  :  not  to  oppose  any  person  or  to  main- 
tain any  charge  of  error,  but  by  all  other  brotherly  means 
to  help  forward  your  holy  peace  (if  so  the  Lord's  will  be); 
which  how  precious  it  is  unto  us,  we  hope  to  manifest  to 
the  consciences  of  all  men;  than  which  we  know  nothing 
in  this  world  we  have  more  cause  to  endeavour  both  with 
God  and  yourselves.  Of  which  our  coming  we  pray  you  to 
accept,  and  to  appoint  us  some  such  time  as  seems  to 
you  most  convenient.  Where  also  we  shall  satisfy  you  to 
the  utmost,  both  touching  the  letter  and  other  particulars 
in  all  equity,  yea,  so  far  as  we  can  without  apparent 
sin." 

Still  the  Amsterdam  Church,  say  Robinson  and 
Brewster  in  their  Testimonies  "  would  not  approve, 
but  only  permit  of  our  coming,  as  men  use  to  permit 
of  that  which  is  evil  and  which  indeed  they  could 
not  hinder."  Apparently  when  the  Leyden  Church 
had  already  come  to  the  decision  to  send  a  deputation 
to  Amsterdam,  Henry  Ainsworth  came  over  in  person 
to  urge  them  to  come. 


194  JOHN   ROBINSON 

"  When  no  means  among  ourselves,"  says  Ainsworth, 
"  could  end  the  strife  they  know  how  I  both  intreated  them 
to  consent  [that]  they  [the  pastor  and  elder  of  Leyden] 
might  be  sent  for,  and  when  they  would  not,  my  self  went 
and  obteyned  their  coming."  x 

Robinson  and  Brewster  continue  their  narrative 
with  an  account  of  their  interview  with  Johnson's 
Church.  They  acknowledge  they  spoke  with  some 
heat,  and  give  testimony  to  Johnson's  moderation  in 
proposing  that  the  unsatisfied  members  should  be 
peaceably  dismissed  to  the  fellowship  of  the  Church 
at  Leyden — 

"And  so  we  came  unto  them;  first  of  ourselves  and 
afterwards  at  the  request  of  Mr.  Ainsworth  and  them  with 
him,  being  sent  by  the  Church  whereof  we  are  :  and  so 
enforcing  ourselves  upon  them  for  the  delivering  of  the 
Church's  message  did  reprove  what  we  judged  evil  in  them, 
and  that,  we  confess,  with  some  vehemency.  And  in  that 
regard  it  was  that  (upon  the  motion  made  by  Mr.  Johnson 
for  the  free  dismission  of  such  members  with  them,  unto 
us,  as  could  not  there  walk  with  peace  of  conscience,  there 
lying  no  other  cause  against  them,  which  should  also  be 
mutually  performed  on  our  part)  we  signified,  as  he  writeth, 
that  '  We  little  thought  they  had  been  so  inclinable  to  peace, 
and  that  if  we  had  so  thought  we  would  have  carried  ourselves 
otherwise  towards  them  than  we  did.9 

"  And  good  cause  had  we  so  to  speak.  For  neither  is 
the  same  carriage  to  be  used  towards  men  prosecuting 
their  purposes  and  persuasions  with  all  violence  and 
extremity,  and  towards  them  which  manifest  Christian 
moderation  in  the  same.  Neither  had  we  before,  [n]or  have 
we  since  found  the  like  peaceable  inclination  in  them." 

Johnson's  proposal  was  received  by  the  members 
of  his  own  Church  with  general  assent,  but,  coming 
as  a  surprise  to  Robinson  and  Brewster,  they  felt  it 
necessary  to  refer  the  matter  for  consideration  to  the 
members  of  their  Church  at  Leyden.  The  proposal 
was  understood  at  first  to  involve  the  transference 
of  the  dissatisfied  members  of  Johnson's  society  to 

1  Ainsworth's  Animadversion,  p.  109.     It  is  possible,  however,  that  this 
refers  to  a  second  visit. 


PROPOSALS   FOR   PEACE  195 

Leyden  to  live.  This  would  mean  the  breaking  up 
of  homes  in  Amsterdam,  and  "  that  those  by  them 
dismissed  should  remain  at  Leyden  with  us  notwith- 
standing their  want  of  means  of  living."  It  would 
cast  a  burden  on  the  Leyden  friends  until  the  new 
adherents  found  fresh  employment.  But,  in  spite  of 
this,  on  consideration  "  the  church  also  at  Leyden 
condescended  "  to  the  proposal — 

"  and  so  sent  back  the  officers  [Robinson  and  Brewster] 
for  the  further  ratification  of  it,  and  for  some  other  purposes 
tending  to  the  establishing  of  peace  amongst  them.  Where- 
upon it  was  also  the  second  time  by  them  confirmed,  always 
indeed  with  submission  to  the  Word  of  God  as  was  meet, 
and  that  if  either  they  or  we  minded  otherwise  we  should 
so  signify." 

The  agreement  between  the  two  Churches  was  to 
cover  the  case  of  the  friendly  dismission  from  either 
of  them  to  the  other  of  such  members  as  were  not 
satisfied  in  conscience  in  regard  to  the  government 
and  Church  discipline  in  vogue  in  the  respective 
Churches.  Some  members  were  content  in  cases  of 
difference  on  such  points  with  making  a  formal 
"  protestation  "  and  statement  of  their  objection  and 
then  continuing  in  fellowship.  The  difficulty  was 
with  those  who  could  not  quiet  their  consciences  in 
this  way. 

But  when  the  terms  of  the  agreement  were  under 
discussion  a  fresh  point  emerged.  One *  amongst 
Johnson's  party  said  that  if  this  "  dismissal"  of  mem- 
bers took  place  the  Church  at  Leyden  "  should  not 
dismiss  them  back  ...  to  live  a  distinct  congrega- 
tion in  the  same  city  [Amsterdam]  with  them." 
Robinson  and  Brewster  say  that  Johnson  and  his 
elder,  Daniel  Studley,  immediately  replied  "  that 
that  concerned  not  them  but  that  they  would  leave 
it  unto  us."  But  the  inconveniences  of  such  an 
arrangement,  which  some  of  the  members  of  John- 
son's  Church    evidently  now   contemplated,    became 

1  This  person  is  indicated  by  the  initials  I.  O.,  see  Ainsworth's  Animad- 
version, p.  136.     Who  was  he  ?     Was  it  John  Oldham  ? 


196  JOHN   ROBINSON 

more  apparent  on  further  reflection.  If  it  were 
needful  to  remain  in  Amsterdam  to  earn  a  livelihood, 
could  they  not  hold  together  as  one  society  in  two 
sections  ?  In  the  case  of  a  charge  being  brought 
against  a  member  who  accepted  their  pastor's  theory 
it  could  be  dealt  with  in  camera  by  the  eldership; 
and  if  a  charge  were  brought  against  one  who  accepted 
the  theory  of  Ainsworth  the  "  teacher,"  it  could  be 
considered  by  the  whole  section  of  members  in 
agreement  with  him,  and  the  "  admonition  "  be  given 
in  public  before  them.  These  suggestions  were  put 
forward  in  the  following  letter — 

Letter  from  the  Church  at  Amsterdam  to  that  of  Ley  den 

"  Beloved,  touching  the  things  that  have  now  lately 
been  spoken  of  between  the  two  churches,  yours  and  ours, 
about  the  dismission  of  such,  on  either  part,  as  are  not 
content  with  protestation  peaceably  to  walk  in  their 
difference  of  judgment,  we  have  occasion  to  entreat  the 
continuance  of  your  consideration  yet  further  thereabout. 

"  First — Because  yourselves  signified  it  came  suddenly 
upon  your  church ;  and  if  either  you  or  we  minded  other- 
wise by  the  Word  of  God  we  should  after  signify  it.  Where- 
fore we  expect  to  hear  whether  you  continue  like-minded 
as  heretofore. 

"  Second — Because  there  is  with  us  a  new  motion  [pro- 
posal] of  walking  together  thus, — by  bearing  one  with 
another,  so  as,  for  peace,  to  permit  of  a  double  practice 
among  us,  that  those  that  are  minded  either  way  should 
keep  a  like  course  together,  as  we  would  do  if  we  were 
asunder,  according  as  the  persons  shall  be  that  have 
the  causes.  Which  way,  if  it  may  be  found  warrantable 
by  the  Word  of  God,  and  peaceable  unto  and  among 
ourselves,  we  hope  all  that  love  peace  in  holiness  will  accord. 

"  These  things  as  we  are  to  consider  of,  so  pray  we  you  to 
do  the  like  with  us  and  for  us,  that  we  may  do  that  which 
is  most  to  God's  glory  and  our  mutual  comfort. 

"  Thus,  etc., 

"  Amsterdam,  November  5,   old  style,  1610." 

The  friends  at  Leyden  soon  replied ;  they  did  not 
encourage  this  new  proposal;   they  were  content  to 


LETTER   FROM   LEYDEN  197 

stand  by  "  the  agreement "  into  which  they  had 
entered,  but  they  proposed  a  third  course  of  pro- 
cedure, based  on  their  own  practice,  which  might 
solve  the  difficulties  at  Amsterdam.  Here  is  their 
letter — 

Reply  of  the  Church  at  Leyden  to  that  of  Amsterdam 

"  Touching  the  agreement,  brethren,  between  the 
churches  for  our  mutual  peace  and  the  relief  of  the  con- 
sciences of  our  brethren,  we  did  and  do  repute  the  same 
as  full  and  absolute  on  both  sides,  except  either  some 
better  course  can  be  thought  on,  or  this  manifested  to  be 
evil,  and  that  it  be  reversed  with  the  mutual  consent  of 
both  churches. 

And  for  this  last  motion,  about  a  double  practice,  as  we 
are  glad  of  the  great  and  godly  desire  to  continue  together, 
in  it  manifested,  so  we  do  not  see  how  it  can  stand  either 
with  our  peace  or  itself;  but  [we  see]  that  it  will  not  only 
nourish,  but  even  necessarily  beget  endless  contentions,  when 
men  diversly  minded  shall  have  business  in  the  church. 

"  If  therefore  it  would  please  the  Lord  so  far  to  enlarge 
your  hearts  on  both  sides,  brethren,  as  that  this  middle  way 
be  held,  namely,  that  the  matter  of  offence  might  first  be 
brought  for  order,  preparation,  and  prevention  of  unnecessary 
trouble  unto  the  elders  as  the  church  governors  (though  it  is 
like  we  for  our  parts  shall  not  so  practice  in  this  particular) 
and  after,  if  things  be  not  there  ended,  to  the  church  of  elders 
and  brethren,  there  to  be  judged  on  some  ordinary  known 
day  ordinarily  :  the  admonition  being  carried  according  to 
the  alteration  practised  and  agreed  upon  by  all  parts,  till  it 
shall  please  the  God  of  wisdom  and  Father  of  lights  by  the 
further  consideration  and  parties  discussing  of  things,  either 
in  word  or  writing,  to  manifest  otherwise  for  our  joint  accord. 

"  It  would  surely  make  much  to  the  glory  of  God  and  the 
stopping  of  their  mouths  which  are  so  wide  opened  upon  us 
in  respect  of  our  daily  dissipations,  and  should  be  to  us 
matter  of  great  rejoicing  whose  souls  do  long  after  peace  and 
abhor  the  contrary  :  and  that  thus  walking  in  peace  and 
holiness  we  might  all  beg  at  God's  hands  the  healing  and 
pardon  of  all  our  infirmities,  and  so  be  ready  to  heal  and 
forgive  the  infirmities  of  one  another  in  love. 

And  with  this  prayer  unto  God  for  you  and  for  ourselves 
we  re-salute  you  in  the  Lord  Jesus. 

"  Leyden,  November  14,  1610." 


198  JOHN  ROBINSON 

The  "  middle  course "  of  procedure  in  Church 
discipline  suggested  by  Robinson  was  the  course 
followed  in  his  own  Church,  though  his  society  did 
not  regard  it  as  fixed  and  unalterable.  Probably  now 
that  the  question  was  raised  there  were  some,  even 
in  Robinson's  company,  who  were  unduly  jealous  for 
the  kingly  rights  of  the  individual  Church  member, 
and  sought  to  protect  them  from  all  encroachment, 
and  the  insertion  of  the  saving  clause,  "  though  it  is 
like  we  for  our  parts  shall  not  so  practice,"  would, 
in  the  event  of  the  Ainsworthian  party  joining  the 
Leyden  Church,  leave  the  way  open  for  a  further 
consideration  of  the  matter,  and  a  settlement  of  the 
point  more  distinctly  on  the  lines  favoured  by  them. 

The  Amsterdam  friends  under  Ainsworth,  however, 
rejected  this  proposal.  They  also  rejected  the  sug- 
gestion of  following  a  "  double  practice  "  by  which 
both  sections  should  continue  together  after  a  sort. 
Some  of  the  friends  under  Johnson  for  their  part 
"  became  more  opposed  "  to  the  suggested  union  of 
the  dissatisfied  members  with  the  Leyden  Church 
and  their  immediate  return  to  live  in  Amsterdam  as  a 
separate  religious  society.  The  more  they  thought 
about  it  the  less  they  liked  it.  Would  this  second 
society  be  a  true  Church?  They  might  keep  up 
business  relations  with  their  old  friends,  but  could 
they  legitimately  continue  in  spiritual  communion 
with  them  ?     Their  letter  speaks  for  itself — 


Reply  of  the  Church  of  Amsterdam  to  that  of  Leyden 

"  Your  letter,  brethren,  we  received  and  read  publicly. 
Concerning  which  we  have  occasion  to  signify  some  things 
unto  you  thereabout. 

"  And  first,  touching  the  agreement  treated  of  between  us; 
that  for  such  of  us  as  will  not  come  thither  to  remain  with 
you,  but  purpose  still  to  live  here  in  this  city  apart  from  us. 
Albeit  there  be  some  that  could  be  content  notwithstanding, 
so  to  dismiss  them,  yet  there  are  others  of  us  that  having 
more  considered  of  it,  think  it  not  lawful  to  have  any  hand 
in  consenting  thereunto,  and  mean  therefore  to  reverse  our 


REPLY   FROM   AMSTERDAM  199 

former  agreement,  unto  it.  Besides  that,  divers  of  us  say, 
they  never  consented  hereunto. 

"  And  further,  some  of  us  also  begin  to  think  that  it  will 
be  found  unlawful  to  keep  spiritual  communion  with  them 
in  such  estate,  however  we  may  still  retain  with  them  civil 
society. 

"The  reasons  minded,  why  [we  ought]  not  so  to  dismiss 
them,  nor  to  have  spiritual  fellowship  with  them  in  such 
estate  and  walking,  are  these — 

1.  Because  we  cannot  find  warrant  for  it  in  the  Word  of 
God. 

2.  Because  they  refuse,  disobey  and  speak  evil  of  the  truth 
and  way  of  God. 

3.  Because  they  refuse  to  continue  and  keep  communion 
with  us,  though  they  may  be  suffered  to  walk  with  us  in 
peace  with  protestation  in  their  difference  of  judgment. 

4.  Because  some  of  them  profess  they  will  not  deal  in  causes 
(as  may  fall  out  between  us)  by  way  of  protestation  neither 
when  they  are  with  us  nor  when  they  are  from  us. 

5.  Because  they  go  not  from  one  church  and  pastor  to 
another  so  to  live  and  remain ;  but  purpose,  when  they  have 
come  and  joined  unto  you,  then  presently  [at  once]  to  return 
and  live  here  in  this  town  apart  from  us. 

6.  Because  by  such  walking  of  theirs  great  reproach  will 
come  upon  us  all,  with  much  dishonour  to  God  and  hindrance 
to  the  truth  what  in  them  lieth. 

7.  Because  we  think  there  should  alway  be  somewhat  in 
such  cases  used,  as  whereby  the  Lord  may  work  upon  their 
consciences  to  consider  their  estate  and  to  repent  and  yield 
to  the  truth  and  way  of  God  which  they  have  hitherto 
refused  and  oppugned,  &c. 

"  Thus  we  thought  to  acquaint  you  with  these  things  and 
the  reasons  thereabout :  which  yet  are  so  minded  of  us  as, 
if  either  among  ourselves,  or  by  others  we  shall  hereafter 
better  discern  what  is  according  to  the  will  of  God  herein, 
we  shall,  God  willing,  be  ready  so  to  receive  and  walk. 

"  As  touching  the  double  practice  misliked  by  you,  although 
indeed  it  may  seem  somewhat  strange  and  difficult,  yet, 
for  the  present,  some  of  us  could  like  better  of  it  than  of  a 
parting  :  but  the  brethren  differing  from  us  will  not  admit 
of  it. 

"  Neither  will  they  yield  to  that  middle  course  propounded 
in  your  letter.  Yet  have  we  left  it,  with  the  former  things 
to  their  further  consideration. 

"  And  howsoever  it  pleaseth  the  Lord  to  dispose  of  us,  our 
trust  is,  that  he  will  work  all  in  the  end  to  the  furtherance 


200  JOHN  ROBINSON 

of  his  truth  and  [the]  peace  of  his  church  in  Christ  Jesus. 
To  whose  gracious  protection  and  guidance  we  commend 
you,  &c. 

"  Amsterdam,  November  19,  1610." 

To  the  "  reasons "  in  this  letter  the  friends  at 
Leyden  made  no  answer.  In  a  week  or  two  after  the 
despatch  of  this  letter  the  old  Separatist  Church  at 
Amsterdam  split  asunder,  the  dissidents  going  off 
with  Ainsworth  and  finding  temporary  quarters  next 
door  but  one  to  the  meeting-house  of  their  old  com- 
panions.    Why  was  no  reply  sent  from  Leyden? 

"  The  causes  were,"  say  Robinson  and  Brewster,  in  their 
Testimonie — 

"  First — For  that  they  [the  members  of  Johnson's  church] 
continued  not  long  together  after  they  [the  '  reasons  ']  came 
to  our  hands. 

"  Secondly — We  had  upon  occasion  of  the  motion  made  for 
a  double  practice,  propounded  another  course,  both  more  fit 
and  warrantable,  as  we  thought,  than  that,  for  the  bringing 
of  things  first  to  the  elders  as  appears  in  our  letter. 

"  Unto  which  course,  though  we  do  not  bind  our  brethren, 
yet  may  we  safely  say,  so  far  as  we  remember,  that  there 
never  came  complaint  of  sin  to  the  church  since  we  were 
officers,  but  we  took  knowledge  of  it  before  either  by  mutual 
consent  on  both  sides  or  at  least  by  the  party  accused ;  with 
whose  Christian  modesty  and  wisdom  we  think  it  well  sorteth 
that  being  condemned  by  two  or  t\ree  brethren  he  should 
not  trouble  the  church  or  hazard  a  public  rebuke  upon  him- 
self, without  counseling  with  them  who  are  set  over  him  and 
who  either  are  or  should  be  but  able  to  advise  him. 

"  Thirdly  and  which  was  the  chief  course,  we  were  without 
all  hope  of  doing  good  when  they  once  misliked  the  motion 
which  made  it  [i.  e.  made  the  proposal  to  dismiss  the  Ains- 
worth party  to  Leyden].  Whilst  they  liked  it  we  had  hope, 
though  it  were  with  hard  measure  to  the  other  [the  Ains- 
worthians]  and  so  did  further  it  to  the  utmost  of  our  power ; 
but  when  they  laid  it  down,  we  knew  all  our  labour  would 
be  lost  in  endeavouring  their  second  liking  of  it." 

The  intervention  of  Robinson  and  his  fellow-mem- 
bers was  not  successful  in  preventing  the  breach 
in  the  Amsterdam  Church.     They  were  evidently  in 


KEYCOLD   BROTHERHOOD  201 

agreement  with  Ainsworth  and  his  party  on  the 
point  at  issue,  and  held  to  the  position  of  the  early 
Separatists  that,  though  the  body  of  Church  members 
delegated  power  for  governing  and  discipline  to  their 
elected  officers,  yet  they  did  not  thereby  surrender 
the  ultimate  authority  in  Church  matters  which 
under  Christ  rested  in  them. 

A  remarkable  letter,1  dated  "  The  eighth  of  July 
1611,  new  style,"  from  Matthew  Saunders  and  Cuth- 
bert  Hutten,  two  members  of  Johnson's  Church,  gives 
us  the  picture  of  the  position  of  affairs  at  that  date. 
Referring  to  "  the  many  sorts  of  the  separation  at 
this  day  cursing  or  rejecting  one  another,  others  think- 
ing but  basely  one  of  another,"  they  proceed  in  these 
terms  :  "  To  begin  with  ourselves,  whom  Master  Ains- 
worth and  his  followers  hath  left  and  rejected  as 
false  Christians;  master  Robinson  holding  but  key- 
cold  brotherhood  with  vs,  and  master  Ainsworth  and 
he  and  we  jarring  about  ruling  Elders." 

It  was  indeed  a  pitiful  dispute.  Echoes  of  it 
were  heard  amongst  the  Separatists  in  London,  who 
wrote  to  inquire  how  matters  stood  and  what  was 
the  nature  of  "  the  differences  that  be  amongst  you." 

"  Thos[e]  that  come  over  [to  London]  of  M.  J[ohnson]  his 
side  say  they  hold  no  more  concerning  the  Eldership  then 
M.  A[insworth]  hath  written  against  Mfaster]  Smyth  :  others 
say  to  the  contrary,  we  doo  therefore  intreat  M.  A[insworth] 
to  certifie  us  of  the  truth."  2 

There  was  ground  for  uncertainty  in  regard  to 
Ainsworth' s  opinion.  He  had  shied  at  the  charge  of 
"  popularity  "  when  Bernard  brought  it  against  the 
Brownists,  and  dissociated  himself  then  from  the 
full  democratic  position  which  Smith  frankly  accepted.3 

The  rift  between  the  Ainsworthian  and  Franciscan 
Brownists  was  widened  when  "  two  brethren  and  a 
widow "    among   the   former   instituted   a    civil   suit 

1  Lawne's  Prophane  Schism,  pp.  55-57,  1612. 

2  Animadversion,  1613,  p.  1. 

3  See  Ainsworth's  Counterpoison,  p.  159,  and  Smith's  Paralleles,  p.  67, 1609. 


202  JOHN  ROBINSON 

for  the  possession  of  the  old  meeting-house  in  the 
Brownists'  Alley.  This  place  of  worship,  put  up  by 
the  joint  efforts  of  the  brethren,  with  assistance  from 
England,  in  1607,  seems  to  have  been  held  on  a  pro- 
prietary basis.  The  land  on  which  it  stood  was 
held  in  the  name  of  a  member  adhering  to  the  party 
of  Johnson,  and  they  pleaded  "  that  they  which 
build  on  another  man's  ground  are  by  law  to  lose 
their  building."  The  three  chief  shareholders  or 
proprietors  of  the  building  disputed  this  plea,  and 
the  matter  was  referred  to  the  Burgomaster.  Sug- 
gestions for  arbitration  were  rejected.  Ains worth's 
party  contended  that  they  held  the  opinions  of  the 
original  founders,  and  that  the  name  of  the  person 
in  whom  the  land  was  vested  "  was  but  used  in 
trust."  They  won  their  suit.  Johnson  and  his  friends 
were  dispossessed. 

When  Robinson  and  Brewster  wrote  their  Testi- 
monie  Johnson  and  his  Church  were  "  about  to 
leave  "  Amsterdam  "  and  to  settle  their  abode  else- 
where." *  They  removed  to  Emden,  but  appear  to 
have  returned  before  long  to  Amsterdam  again.  After 
Johnson's  death  the  remnants  of  his  broken  Church, 
under  their  elder,  Francis  Blackwell,  "  prepared  for 
to  go  to  Virginia."  Blackwell  was  not  the  right 
stamp  of  man  to  lead  such  a  venture.  Moreover 
misfortune  dogged  their  steps.  Their  expedition  came 
to  grief,  most  of  them  perishing  from  want,  dysentery 
and  sickness  on  a  miserably  prolonged  voyage.  It  is 
to  the  credit  of  the  members  of  Robinson's  Church 
that  this  failure  did  not  daunt  them  in  their  pre- 
parations for  a  similar  effort  to  effect  a  settlement 
in  America  upon  which  they  were  soon  to  be  engaged. 

By  the  death  of  Francis  Johnson  Henry  Ainsworth 
and  John  Robinson  were  left  as  the  conspicuous 
leaders  of  the  Separatist  Churches.  Ainsworth  busied 
himself  in  the  intervening  years  till  his  death  in 
preparing  and  issuing  from  the  press  his  "  Annota- 
tions vpon  the  five  Bookes  of  Moses,  the  booke  of  the 

1  W orks,  vol.  iii.  p.  475. 


DEATH   OF  AINSWORTH  203 

Psalmes  and  the  Song  of  Songs  or  Canticles."  These 
appeared  separately  at  various  dates  from  1612  to 
1623,  and  collectively  in  one  large  folio  in  1627.  They 
embody  a  fresh  translation  of  each  chapter,  followed 
by  annotations.  The  difference  in  tone  between 
Ains worth's  controversial  writings  and  his  Biblical 
annotations  is  remarkable.  In  the  latter  he  writes 
with  detachment  from  current  controversies,  and 
restrains  himself  from  taking  advantage  of  the  many 
openings  his  exposition  afforded  for  pressing  his  own 
peculiar  views  about  Church  government.  Here  the 
party  spirit  was  happily  absent. 

His  excessive  application  to  study  brought  on 
bodily  weakness,  and  he  suffered  much  in  his  last 
years.  In  1619  he  speaks  of  "  the  extreme  infirmity 
of  my  body."  1  He  died  in  1622,  as  one  who  knew 
him  well  tells  us  "  from  that  sore  perplexing  and 
tedious  disease  of  the  stone."  2 

1  Annotations  upon  .  .  .  DEVTERONOM1E,  1619,  ad  fin. 

2  "  Epistle,"  by  Sabine  Staresmore,  prefixed  to  Notes  ofM.  Henry  Aynsworth, 
His  Last  Sermon,  printed  1630.  His  Song  of  Songs  in  English  Metre,  published 
in  1623,  is  prefaced  by  a  letter  to  the  "Christian  Reader"  from  one  who 
describes  him  as  :  "  Full  of  faith  and  good  works,  fruitfull  in  his  life,  comfort- 
able hi  his  death  to  all  beholders,  of  which  there  were  many,  my  selfe  being 
one  amongst  the  rest."  We  have  full  particulars  of  Ainsworth's  illness,  as 
details  of  it  were  recorded  in  a  contemporary  medical  text- book  as  an  in- 
teresting case.  A  stupid  and  wicked  story  was  set  afloat  in  after  years  that 
he  was  poisoned  by  Jews  jealous  of  his  Rabbinical  knowledge.  It  has  taken 
a  long  time  to  kill  that  lying  fabrication. 


CHAPTER  XIX 

robinson's  plea  for  lay  preaching 

John  Robinson  was  remembered  by  some  of  his 
old  flock  in  Norwich  and  the  neighbourhood  long  after 
he  had  left  their  midst.  His  books  were  circulated 
and  read  amongst  them  and  had  some  influence  upon 
their  religious  practice.  They  even  ventured  to  hold 
meetings  at  which  ordinary  members  exercised  their 
gifts  of  preaching  and  expounding  the  "  Word  of  God  " 
to  the  edification  of  the  assembled  company.  This 
was  regarded  as  a  grave  irregularity  by  the  ordained 
clergy.  The  Rev.  John  Yates  was  then  minister  of 
St.  Andrew's,  where  Robinson  had  formerly  laboured, 
and  he  undertook  the  task  of  reproving  those  who 
upheld  what  he  regarded  as  a  dangerous  and  disorderly 
practice.  One  of  their  number,  whose  initials  only 
are  given,  justified  their  action  by  an  appeal  to  the 
arguments  in  favour  of  lay  preaching  by  ordinary 
Church  members  set  out  in  Robinson's  book  on  the 
Justification  of  Separation.  This  appears  to  have 
been  one  William  Euring,  who,  to  use  his  own  words, 
had  been  brought  up  not  "  among  the  Muses,  but 
Mariners."  He  subsequently  engaged  in  religious 
controversy  with  Thomas  Drakes,  "preacher  of  the 
Word  at  Harwich  and  Dovercourt."  Euring  turned 
to  Robinson's  book  for  support  in  the  practice  of 
"  prophesying,"  of  which  he  was  an  ardent  advocate. 
He  abstracted  Robinson's  arguments,  and  the  Scrip- 
ture texts  on  which  they  were  based,  and  sent  them 
on  to  Yates.1  The  matter  was  not  allowed  to  rest 
there.     Yates    promptly    laid    down    ten   arguments 

1  The  Peoples  Plea,  1618,  p.  47. 
204 


A   CLERICAL   MONOPOLY  205 

"  to  prove  ordinary  prophecy  in  public  out  of  office 
unlawful,"  and  appended  an  answer  to  the  reasons 
and  texts  brought  forward  by  Robinson  in  his 
book  in  favour  of  that  practice.1  It  was  a  weighty 
and  skilful  production,  and  deserved  careful  con- 
sideration. Euring  felt  this  was  a  case  for  Robinson 
himself  to  handle.  He  obtained  the  consent  of  Yates 
to  the  despatch  of  his  manuscript,  duly  attested  be- 
fore a  magistrate,  to  Leyden  for  Robinson's  perusal. 
Robinson  was  stirred  up  to  reply,  and  soon  issued 
The  People's  Plea  for  the  Exercise  of  Prophesie  against 
Mr  John  Yates  his  Monopolie.  Curiously  enough, 
some  have  taken  the  word  "  Monopolie  "  as  the  title 
of  Yates's  treatise.  Clearly  it  is  used  by  Robinson 
in  reference  to  the  claim  made,  on  behalf  of  the  clergy 
and  ordained  ministry,  by  Yates  to  a  "  monopoly  " 
in  the  work  of  preaching  or  prophesying.  The  book, 
"  printed  in  the  yeare  1618,"  was  issued  from  the  press 
of  William  Brewster.  Robinson  was  evidently  in 
good  heart  at  the  time  of  penning  this  treatise.  He 
handles  his  subject  with  ease  and  confidence.  He 
writes  as  one  who  is  sure  of  his  ground  and  satisfied 
with  the  position  he  holds.  He  had  a  sincere  respect 
for  John  Yates,  and  speaks  of  him  as  "  a  man  of 
good  gifts  in  himself  and  [of]  note  amongst  "  2  the 
friends  in  Norwich,  but  he  does  not  spare  him  when 
pressing  home  his  refutation  of  the  arguments  Yates 
had  brought  forward  to  overthrow  the  practice  of 
prophesying  by  ordinary  Church  members. 

In  a  preface,  addressed  "to  my  Christian  Friends 
in  Norwich  and  thereabouts,"  Robinson  declared  it 
was  "  matter  of  unfeigned,  rejoicing  "  to  him  "  to 
hear  how  God  hath  of  late  stirred  up  amongst  you 
divers  instruments  "  in  the  work  of  prophesying,  whose 
zealous  labours  God  had  blessed.  It  would  be  gratify- 
ing to  Robinson  to  learn  that  his  Norwich  friends  had 
not  forgotten  him,  and  that  his  labours  amongst  them 
were  bearing  fruit  so  long  after  he  had  been  forced  to 
leave  them. 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  309.  2  The  People's  Plea,  1618,  Preface. 


206  JOHN   ROBINSON 

The  matter  of  the  book  need  not  detain  us  long. 
Both  Yates  and  Robinson  agreed  that  the  Scripture 
was  the  final  court  of  appeal.  The  question,  then,  was 
whether  Scripture  sanctioned  the  exercise  of  prophecy 
or  preaching  by  men  out  of  office.  Yates  alleged  that 
Christ  had  granted  the  power  of  prophecy  in  public 
"  to  none  but  such  as  he  sends  and  ordains  thereunto." 
Robinson  had  no  difficulty  in  bringing  forward  numer- 
ous Scriptural  cases  of  ordinary  people  out  of  office 
exercising  the  gift  of  prophecy.  Yates  rejoined  that 
all  these  cases  were  extraordinary  and,  in  his  opinion, 
were  specially  warranted  "  by  the  secret  motion  of 
the  Spirit,"  consequently  they  were  not  to  be  made 
the  example  for  ordinary  practice.  Robinson,  for 
his  part,  took  them  in  the  plain  sense  as  cases  of  ordin- 
ary men  exercising  the  gift  of  exhortation  or  prophecy 
in  the  public  assembly,  and  accordingly  affording 
ample  warrant  for  the  practice  he  advocated. 

In  the  course  of  his  argument  he  gives  a  picture, 
for  Mr.  Yates'  benefit,  of  the  course  followed  in  this 
matter  in  his  own  Church  at  Leyden — 

"  Thus  we  practise.  After  the  exercise  of  the  public 
ministry  [is]  ended,  the  rulers  in  the  Church  do  publicly  exhort 
and  require  that  such  of  their  own  or  other  Church  as  have 
a  gift  to  speak  to  the  edification  of  the  hearers  should  use 
the  same;  and  this,  according  to  that  which  is  written 
Acts  xiii.  14,  etc.,  where  Paul  and  Barnabas  coming  into  the 
synagogue,  the  rulers,  after  the  work  of  the  ordinary  ministry 
was  ended  (considering  them  not  as  apostles,  which  they 
acknowledged  not,  but  only  as  men  having  gifts),  sent  unto 
them,  that  if  they  had  any  word  of  exhortation  to  the  people 
they  should  say  on." x 

Throughout  the  controversy  Yates  has  his  eye 
fixed  on  the  ministerial  office.  Robinson  looks  first 
to  the  man  :  "  The  gift  of  prophecy  comes  not  by  the 
office,"  he  says,  "  but,  being  found  in  persons  before, 
makes  them  capable  of  the  office  by  due  means."  2 

The  discussion  of  various  texts  and  arguments 
bearing  on  the  subject  is  carried  on  at  considerable 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  292.  2  Ibid.,  p.  293. 


VIRGINIA   SUGGESTED  207 

length,  and  the  modern  reader  will  be  tempted  to  say 
of  the  whole  controversy,  as  Robinson  himself  said 
in  reference  to  the  second  argument  of  Mr.  Yates, 
"  Here  is  a  long  harvest  for  a  small  crop."  1  The 
book,  however,  gave  a  sound  and  sensible  defence 
of  lay  preaching  and  the  layman's  right  to  exercise 
his  gift  of  exhortation  on  religious  themes.  It  was  in 
virtue  of  its  argument  for  lay  preaching  that  a  second 
edition  2  of  this  work  was  called  for  in  the  year  1641. 

William  Euring  and  Thomas  Drakes 

We  have  referred  to  the  suggestion  that  William 
Euring  was  specially  interested  in  this  vindication  of 
the  layman's  right  to  speak  in  the  church.  He  was 
concerned  also  in  a  controversy  with  Thomas  Drakes. 
Drakes  had  rejoined  to  Seven  Demands  of  the  Separa- 
tists with  Ten  Counter-Demands,  and  in  1619  Euring 
brought  out  his  Answer  to  the  Ten  Counter-Demands 
propounded  by  T.  Drakes.  In  this  work  we  have  an 
interesting  reference  to  Virginia.  Drakes,  in  his 
last  "  Demand,"  suggested  that  if  the  Separatists 
could  not  see  their  way  to  return  to  the  Anglican 
Church,  it  might  be  a  good  thing  for  them,  "  for  the 
avoiding  of  scandal,  and  in  expectance  of  some  pros- 
perous success,  by  the  permission  of  our  noble  King 
and  honourable  Council,  to  remove  to  Virginia  and 
make  a  plantation  there,  in  hope  to  convert  infidels 
to  Christianity." 

To  this  Euring  replied — 

"  Not  only  I  myself,  but  all  of  us  that  now  are  separated 
from  you,  would  much  more  willingly  and  gladly  return  again, 
and  labour  to  plant  ourselves  again  in  the  meanest  part  of 
England  to  enjoy  peace  with  holiness  (Heb.  xii.  14),  and  to 
follow  the  truth  in  love,  among  our  kindred  and  friends  in 
our  own  native  country,  than  either  to  continue  where  now 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  291. 

2  The  British  Museum  Copy,  E  1093,  has  a  MS.  note  on  the  title  page  after 
the  author's  name  thus  :  "  ye  Brownist  at  Leyden."  The  book  is  16mo, 
pp.  vi,  72,  a.d.  1641. 


208  JOHN   ROBINSON 

many  of  us  as  yet  live,  or  to  plant  ourselves  in  Virginia,  or  in 
any  other  country  in  the  world,  upon  any  conditions  or  hope 
of  any  thing  in  this  life  whatsoever. 

"  Yet  even  for  Virginia,  thus  much — When  some  of  ours 
desired  to  have  planted  ourselves  there,  with  His  Majesty's 
leave,  upon  these  three  grounds — 

"(1)  That  they  might  be  means  of  replanting  the  Gospel 
amongst  the  heathen. 

"  (2)  That  they  might  live  under  the  King's  government. 

"  (3)  That  they  might  make  way  for,  and  unite  with,  others, 
what  in  them  lieth,  whose  consciences  are  grieved  with  the 
state  of  the  Church  in  England  : 

" the  Bishops  did  by  all  means  oppose  them  and  their 

friends  therein." 


CHAPTER  XX 

"  THIS    WEIGHTY   BUSINESS   ABOUT   VIRGINIA " 

John  Robinson. 
William  Robinson. 

We  have  already  referred  to  the  venture  at  colon- 
izing which  the  members  of  John  Robinson's  Church 
contemplated.  In  order  to  understand  the  nature  of 
that  venture  and  the  inception  of  the  idea  of  forming 
a  colony  in  America  we  must  go  back  a  step  or  two 
in  our  story.  The  notion  seems  to  have  presented 
itself  to  the  mind  of  Robinson  early  in  1617,  and  was 
discussed  by  him  privately  with  Brewster  and  "  sundry 
of  the  sagest  members."  There  was  a  great  call  for 
colonists  to  settle  in  Virginia  at  this  time,  and  it  seemed 
not  unreasonable  to  think  they  might  be  allowed  to 
settle  together  in  those  new  lands  and  enjoy  there 
that  religious  liberty  which  was  denied  them  at  home. 

The  ten  years'  truce  between  Holland  and  Spain 
would  run  out  in  the  spring  of  1619,  and  the  indications 
were  that  hostilities  would  then  be  renewed.  The  diffi- 
culty of  securing  a  decent  livelihood  in  Holland  for 
English  refugees  deterred  many  who  desired  a  further 
reformation  in  religion  from  throwing  in  their  lot 
with  Robinson.  This  was  a  disappointment  to  him. 
He  often  used  to  say  "  that  many  of  those  who  both 
wrote  and  preached  now  against  them;  if  they  were 
in  a  place  where  they  might  have  liberty  and  live 
comfortably  they  would  then  practise  as  they  did." 

Furthermore,  it  seemed  unduly  difficult  for  them  in 
Holland  to  bring  up  their  children  in  the  nurture  and 
admonition  of  the  Lord,  as  they  desired.  They  were 
in  danger  of  losing  their  name  and  nation  and  being 

P  209 


210  JOHN   ROBINSON 

merged  in  the  Dutch.  "  Lastly,"  says  Bradford, 
"  and  which  was  not  least,  a  great  hope  and  inward 
zeal  they  had  of  laying  some  good  foundations,  or  at 
least  to  make  some  way  thereunto,  for  the  propagating 
and  advancing  the  Gospel  of  the  Kingdom  of  Christ 
in  those  remote  parts  of  the  world ;  yea,  though  they 
should  be  but  even  as  stepping-stones  unto  others 
for  the  performing  of  so  great  a  work." 

This  missionary  note  in  their  project  must  never 
be  forgotten;  it  was  a  dominant  note  in  all  their 
effort. 

After  the  proposal  had  been  discussed  by  Robinson 
and  the  leaders  of  the  congregation,  it  was  brought 
before  the  members  of  the  whole  Church,  and  laid 
open  "  to  the  scanning  of  all."  The  difficulties  in 
the  way  of  carrying  it  out  were  at  once  stated  by  those 
averse  to  the  scheme.  But  the  plan  appealed  to  the 
imagination  of  the  bolder  spirits.  To  the  objectors 
it  was  answered — 

"  That  all  great  and  honourable  actions  are  accompanied 
with  great  difficulties;  and  must  be  both  enterprised  and 
overcome  with  answerable  courages.  It  was  granted  the 
dangers  were  great,  but  not  desperate;  the  difficulties  were 
many  but  not  invincible.  For  though  there  were  many  of 
them  likely,  yet  they  were  not  certain.  It  might  be  sundry 
of  the  things  feared  might  never  befall ;  others  by  provident 
care  and  the  use  of  good  means  might  in  a  great  measure  be 
prevented ;  and  all  of  them  through  the  help  of  God  by  forti- 
tude and  patience  might  either  be  borne  or  overcome.  .  .  . 
Their  ends  were  good  and  honourable ;  their  calling  lawful  and 
urgent ;  and  therefore  they  might  expect  the  blessing  of  God 
in  their  proceeding.  Yea,  though  they  should  lose  their  lives 
in  this  action,  yet  might  they  have  comfort  in  the  same,  and 
their  endeavours  would  be  honourable.  .  .  .  After  many 
other  particular  things  answered  and  alleged  on  both  sides, 
it  was  fully  concluded  by  the  major  part  '  to  put  this  design 
in  execution,  and  to  prosecute  it  by  the  best  means  they  could.'  " 

Having  come  to  this  resolution,  the  next  thing  was 
to  decide  upon  the  place  for  their  colony.  "  Some, 
and  none  of  the  meanest,  had  thoughts  for  Guiana 
.  .  .  others  were  for  some  parts  of  Virginia,  where 


WHY  NOT   GUIANA  211 

the  English  had  already  made  entrance  and  beginning." 
The  voyages  of  Raleigh  had  roused  much  interest 
in  Guiana,  and  men's  eyes  were  now  turned  in  that 
direction,  because  at  this  very  time  the  veteran 
explorer  was  making  his  last  venture  to  the  Orinoco, 
hoping,  if  successful,  to  be  reinstated  in  the  Royal 
favour.  Some  of  the  Pilgrim  company,  too,  may  have 
heard  at  first  hand  from  Captain  Charles  Leigh  of  the 
richness  of  those  sunny  lands  and  the  needs  of  their 
natives.  Leigh  had  been  well  known  to  some  of  the 
Separatists  at  Amsterdam.  He  had  voyaged  to 
Guiana  in  1604,  and  sent  home  a  request  to  the  Privy 
Council  that  "  able  preachers  "  might  be  sent  out, 
as  "  the  Indians  were  anxious  for  instruction."  x 

The  danger  from  the  jealousy  of  the  Spaniards 
against  any  successful  colony  in  those  parts  turned  the 
scale  of  decision  against  Guiana. 

But  suppose  they  went  to  Virginia;  if  they  lived 
under  the  Government  of  that  colony  they  would  be 
"in  as  great  danger  to  be  troubled  and  persecuted 
for  Cause  of  Religion  as  if  they  lived  in  England,  and, 
it  might  be,  worse,"  and  yet  if  they  lived  too  far  off 
they  could  not  expect  help  from  that  colony  when 
danger  threatened. 

"At  length,"  says  Bradford,  "the  conclusion  was  to  live 
as  a  distinct  body  by  themselves,  under  the  general  Govern- 
ment of  Virginia;  and  by  their  friends  to  sue  to  His  Majesty 
that  he  would  be  pleased  to  grant  them  Freedom  of  Religion. 
And  that  this  might  be  obtained,  they  were  put  in  good  hope 
by  some  Great  Persons  of  good  rank  and  quality  that  were 
made  their  friends.', 

They  little  knew  what  a  serious  bar  to  securing 
official  sanction  for  their  venture  this  claim  for  "  free- 
dom of  religion  "  was  destined  to  be. 

The  Leyden  Church,  having  thus  decided  to  go  and 
where  2  to  go,  the  next  step  was  to  sound  the  authori- 
ties upon  the  plan,  and  see  if  permission  to  go  could 

1  State  Papers,  Domestic,  James  I,  vol.  viii.  No.  87. 

2  "  Our  eye,"  says  Winslow,  "  was  upon  the  most  northern  parts  of 
Virginia." 


212  JOHN  ROBINSON 

be  got.  The  members  accordingly  chose  John  Carver 
and  Robert  Cushman  to  act  as  agents,  and  sent  them 
over  to  England  at  the  expense  of  the  Church  to 
further  the  project.  They  made  application  to  the 
First  or  London  Virginia  Company,  which  had  juris- 
diction over  the  Jamestown  district  and  adjacent 
parts.  They  went  to  Sir  Edward  Sandys,  with  whom 
William  Brewster  had  an  old  acquaintance,  and  met 
with  a  friendly  reception.  In  order  to  overcome 
possible  objections  to  their  plan  from  those  hostile 
to  their  religious  opinions  Carver  and  Cushman  were 
supplied  with  a  paper  of  "  Seven  Articles,"  subscribed 
by  Robinson  and  Brewster,  in  which  the  position  of 
the  Ley  den  congregation  is  defined. 

The  differences  between  them  and  the  Anglican 
Church  are  made  to  appear  as  small  as  possible,  and 
the  civil  authority  of  the  Bishops,  as  derived  from  the 
Crown,  is  acknowledged.  The  document  reminds  me 
of  views  expressed  by  Henry  Jacob,  and  marks  a 
recession  from  the  position  of  the  earlier  Separatists. 
As  we  read  it  the  purpose  for  which  it  was  expressly 
intended  must  be  kept  in  view — 

"  Seven  Articles  which  the  church  of  Ley  den  sent  to  the 
Council  of  England  to  be  considered  of  in  respect  of  their 
judgments  occasioned  about  their  going  to  Virginia,  Anno  1618. 

"1.  To  the  confession  of  faith  published  in  the  name  of  the 
Church  of  England  and  to  every  Article  thereof  we  do,  with 
the  Reformed  Churches  where  we  live,  and  also  elsewhere, 
assent  wholly. 

"2.  As  we  do  acknowledge  the  doctrine  of  faith  there  taught, 
so  do  we  the  fruits  and  effects  of  the  same  doctrine  to  the 
begetting  of  saving  faith  in  thousands  in  the  land  (conformists 
and  reformists)  as  they  are  called,  with  whom  also,  as  with 
our  brethren,  we  do  desire  to  keep  spiritual  communion  in 
peace,  and  will  practise  in  our  parts  all  lawful  things. 

"3.  The  King's  Majesty  we  acknowledge  for  Supreme 
Governor  in  his  Dominion  in  all  causes  and  over  all  persons, 
and  that  none  may  decline  or  appeal  from  his  authority  or 
judgment  in  any  cause  whatsoever,  but  that  in  all  things 
obedience  is  due  unto  him,  either  active  if  the  thing  commanded 
be  not  against  God's  word,  or  passive  if  it  be,  except  pardon 
can  be  obtained. 


SIR   EDWIN    SANDYS  213 

"  4.  We  judge  it  lawful  for  his  Majesty  to  appoint  Bishops, 
civil  overseers  or  officers  in  authority  under  him  in  the  several 
provinces,  dioceses,  congregations  or  parishes,  to  oversee  the 
churches  and  govern  them  civilly  according  to  the  Laws  of 
the  Land,  unto  whom  they  are  in  all  things  to  give  an  account, 
and  by  them  to  be  ordered  according  to  godliness. 

"5.  The  authority  of  the  present  Bishops  in  the  Land  we  do 
acknowledge  so  far  forth  as  the  same  is  indeed  derived  from 
His  Majesty  unto  them,  and  as  they  proceed  in  his  name 
whom  we  will  also  therein  honour  in  all  things  and  him  in 
them. 

"6.  We  believe  that  no  Synod,  Classes,  Convocation  or 
Assembly  of  Ecclesiastical  Officers  hath  any  power  or  authority 
at  all,  but  as  the  same  by  the  magistrate  [is]  given  unto  them. 

"  7.  Lastly,  we  desire  to  give  unto  all  Superiors  due  honour, 
to  preserve  the  unity  of  the  spirit  with  all  that  fear  God,  to 
have  peace  with  all  men  what  in  us  lieth,  and  wherein  we  err 
to  be  instructed  by  any. 

"  Subscribed  per 

"John  Robinson 

and 
"  Will  yam  Brewster."  x 

We  catch  a  glimpse  of  the  course  of  the  negotiations 
from  a  letter  dated  "  London,  November  12th,  anno 
1617,"  addressed  by  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  to  "  Master 
John  Robinson  and  Master  William  Brewster,"  in 
the  course  of  which  he  commends  the  "  good  discre- 
tion "  of  Carver  and  Cushman  as  doing  both  themselves 
and  their  society  credit — 

"  After  my  hearty  salutations,"  he  says,  "  the  agents 
of  your  Congregation,  Robert  Cushman  and  John  Carver, 
have  been  in  communication  with  divers  select  Gentlemen  of 
His  Majesty's  Council  for  Virginia;  and  by  the  writing  of 
Seven  Articles  subscribed  with  your  names,  have  given  them 
that  good  degree  of  satisfaction  which  hath  carried  them  on 
with  a  resolution  to  set  forward  your  desire  in  the  best  sort 
that  may  be  for  your  own  and  the  public  good." 

Sandys  goes  on  to  say  that  particulars  would  be 
reported  to  them  by  their  agents,  and  he  con- 
cludes a  friendly  letter  by  commending  them  and  their 

1  State  Pa/pers,  Colonial,  vol.  i.  p.  43,  The  document  is  a  copy,  not  the 
original,  and  its  spelling  is  quaint. 


214  JOHN   ROBINSON 

design,  which  he  hopes  verily  is  the  work  of  God,  "  to 
the  gracious  protection  and  blessing  of  the  Highest." 

The  negotiations  had  begun  hopefully,  and  the  letter 
of  Sandys  encouraged  the  friends  at  Leyden  to  press 
on  with  the  matter.  Their  reply  to  Sandys  is  a 
memorable  document,  and  brings  clearly  to  his  notice 
various  points  to  prove  that  they  were  the  right  stamp 
of  folk  to  build  up  a  permanent  colony — 

Letter  to  Sir  Edwin  Sandys 

"  Right  Worshipful, 

"  Our  humble  duties  remembered  in  our  own,  our 
Messengers',  and  our  Church's  name.  With  all  thankful 
acknowledgment  of  your  singular  love  expressing  itself,  as 
otherwise,  so  more  specially  in  your  great  care  and  earnest 
endeavour  of  our  good  in  this  weighty  business  about  Virginia, 
which,  the  less  able  we  are  to  requite,  we  shall  think  ourselves 
the  more  bound  to  commend  in  our  prayers  unto  God  for 
recompence  :  Whom,  as  for  the  present,  you  rightly  behold 
in  our  endeavours ;  so  shall  we  not  be  wanting  on  our  parts, 
the  same  God  assisting  us,  to  return  all  answerable  fruit  and 
respect  unto  the  labour  of  your  love  bestowed  upon  us. 

"  We  have  (with  the  best  speed  and  consideration  withal, 
that  we  could)  set  down  our  Requests  in  writing,  subscribed, 
as  you  willed,  with  the  hands  of  the  greatest  part  of  our 
Congregation,  and  have  sent  the  same  unto  the  Council  by 
our  Agent  and  a  Deacon  of  our  Church,  John  Carver,  unto 
whom  we  have  also  requested  a  gentleman  of  our  Company 
to  adjoin  himself,  to  the  care  and  discretion  of  which  two,  we 
do  refer  the  prosecuting  of  the  business. 

"  Now  we  persuade  ourselves,  Right  Worshipful,  that  we  need 
not  provoke  your  godly  and  loving  mind  to  any  further,  or 
more  tender  care  of  us ;  since  you  have  pleased  so  far  to  interest 
yourself  in  us  that,  under  God,  above  all  persons  and  things 
in  the  world,  we  rely  upon  you;  expecting  the  care  of  your 
love,  counsel  of  your  wisdom,  and  the  help  and  countenance 
of  your  authority. 

"  Notwithstanding,  for  your  encouragement  in  the  work,  so 
far  as  probabilities  may  lead,  we  will  not  forbear  to  mention 
these  instances  of  Inducement — 

"First — We  verily  believe  and  trust  the  Lord  is  with  us 
(unto  Whom  and  Whose  service  we  have  given  ourselves  in 
many  trials),  and  that  He  will  graciously  prosper  our  endeavour 
according  to  the  simplicity  of  our  hearts  therein. 


FIT   COLONISTS  215 

"Secondly — We  are  well  weaned  from  the  delicate  milk  of 
our  mother  country,  and  inured  to  the  difficulties  of  a  strange 
and  hard  land ;  which  yet,  in  great  part,  we  have  by  patience 
overcome. 

"  Thirdly — The  people  are,  for  the  body  of  them,  [as]  indus- 
trious and  frugal,  we  think  we  may  safely  say,  as  any  company 
of  people  in  the  world. 

"  Fourthly — We  are  knit  together,  as  a  body,  in  a  most  strict 
and  sacred  Bond  and  Covenant  of  the  Lord ;  of  the  violation 
whereof  we  make  great  conscience,  and  by  virtue  whereof 
we  do  hold  ourselves  straitly  tied  to  all  care  of  each  other's 
good  and  of  the  whole  by  every  one,  and  so  mutually. 

"Lastly — It  is  not  with  us  as  with  other  men  whom  small 
things  can  discourage  or  small  discontentments  cause  to  wish 
themselves  at  home  again.  We  know  our  entertainment 
in  England  and  in  Holland.  We  shall  much  prejudice  both 
our  arts  and  means  by  removal.  If  we  should  be  driven  to 
return,  we  should  not  hope  to  recover  our  present  helps  and 
comforts  :  neither,  indeed,  look  ever,  for  ourselves,  to  attain 
unto  the  like  in  any  other  place  during  our  lives,  which  are 
now  drawing  towards  their  periods. 

"  These  Motives  we  have  been  bold  to  tender  unto  you, 
which  you,  in  your  wisdom,  may  also  impart  to  any  other 
our  worshipful  friends  of  the  Council  with  you  :  of  all  whose 
godly  and  loving  disposition  towards  our  despised  persons 
we  are  most  glad;  and  shall  not  fail  by  all  good  means  to 
continue  [to  deserve]  and  increase  the  same.  We  will  not 
be  further  troublesome ;  but,  with  the  renewed  remembrance 
of  our  humble  duties  to  your  Worship — and  (so  far  as  in 
modesty  we  may  be  bold)  to  any  other  of  our  well -will  ers 
of  the  Council  with  you — we  take  our  leaves  :  committing 
your  persons  and  counsels  to  the  guidance  and  direction  of 
the  Almighty. 

"  Yours  much  bounden  in  all  duty, 

"  John  Robinson 
"William  Brewster. 

"  Leyden,  December  15th,  anno  1617." 

Sandys  got  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  the  Secretary  of 
State,  to  sound  the  King  about  granting  protection 
to  these  would-be  colonists.  "  By  what  means  will 
they  exist  there?"  asked  His  Majesty.  When  it  was 
answered,  "  Fishing,"  he  replied  with  his  ordinary 
asseveration,  "  So  God  have  my  soul !  'tis  an  honest 
trade.    It  was  the  Apostles'  own  calling,"    At  first  the 


216  JOHN   ROBINSON 

King  assented  to  the  request,  but  when  he  reflected 
further  upon  their  petition  "  to  enjoy  their  liberty  of 
conscience  under  his  gracious  protection  in  America," 
he  referred  them  on  this  point  to  the  "  Bishops  of 
Canterbury  and  London."  There  was  not  much  hope 
of  favourable  consideration  from  that  quarter,  yet 
Sandys  did  approach  the  Archbishop,  George  Abbot, 
on  the  subject.  His  action  was  misconstrued.  An 
opponent  asserted  that  he  moved  the  Archbishop  to 
"  give  leave  to  the  Brownists  and  Separatists  to  go 
to  Virginia  and  designed  to  make  a  free  popular  State 
there,  and  himself  and  his  assured  friends  to  be  the 
leaders." 

Their  suit  to  the  King  for  liberty  of  religion  failed. 
Bradford  says,  "  There  were  divers  of  good  worth 
laboured  with  the  King  to  obtain  it,  amongst  whom 
was  Sir  Robert  Naunton,  one  of  his  chief  Secretaries, 
and  some  others  wrought  with  the  Archbishop  to  give 
way  thereunto,  but  it  proved  all  in  vain."  The 
matter  was  discussed  also  in  the  Privy  Council,  as  we 
learn  from  letters  sent  through  Sabine  Staresmore 
to  Sir  John  Wolstenholme. 

Here  again  the  stumbling-block  was  the  peculiar 
views  in  regard  to  religious  polity  held  by  the  Leyden 
Church.  Some  of  the  Council  wanted  to  know  the 
views  of  the  Leyden  congregation  with  regard  to  the 
nature  of  the  ministry,  the  sacraments  and  the  oath 
acknowledging  the  King  as  supreme  over  the  Church. 
Staresmore  stood  by  and  watched  the  Privy  Councillor 
read  the  papers  on  these  points  which  Robinson  and 
Brewster  sent  over.  He  pictures  the  scene  for  us. 
Wolstenholme  evidently  felt  that  neither  of  the  papers 
was  suitable  for  helping  the  business  through,  and 
hoped  to  get  the  matter  settled  without  making  them 
public. 

Here  is  an  extract  from  Staresmore's  vivid  letter 
to  the  Leyden  friends,  dated  February  14,  1617-8 — 

"  Your  Letter  to  Sir  John  Wolstenholme  I  delivered, 
almost  as  soon  as  I  had  it,  to  his  own  hands ;  and  stayed  with 
}}im  the  opening  and  reading. 


DELICATE   NEGOTIATIONS  217 

"  There  were  two  Papers  inclosed.  He  read  them  to  him- 
self, as  also  the  Letter;  and  in  the  reading  he  spake  to  me 
and  said,  '  Who  shall  make  them  ?  '  viz.  the  Ministers. 

"  I  answered  his  Worship,  '  that  the  power  of  making 
[ministers]  was  in  the  Church,  to  be  ordained  by  the  Imposi- 
tion of  Hands  by  the  fittest  Instruments  they  had.  It  must 
either  be  in  the  Church  or  from  the  Pope;  and  the  Pope  is 
Anti-Christ.' 

"  '  Ho  ! '  said  Sir  John,  '  what  the  Pope  holds  good,  as  in 
the  Trinity,  that  we  do  well  to  assent  to ;  but,'  said  he,  '  we 
will  not  enter  into  dispute  now.' 

"  As  for  your  Letters,  he  would  not  show  them  at  any  hand ; 
lest  he  should  spoil  all.  He  expected  you  should  have  been 
of  the  Archbishop's  mind  for  the  calling  of  Ministers ;  but  it 
seems  you  differed.  I  could  have  wished  to  have  known  the 
contents  of  your  two  inclosed  [notes]  at  which  he  stuck  so 
much,  especially  the  larger. 

"  I  asked  his  Worship  '  what  good  news  he  had  for  me  to 
write  to-morrow  ?  ' 

"  He  told  me,  '  Very  good  news,  for  both  the  King's 
Majesty  and  the  Bishops  have  consented.' 

"  He  said  he  would  go  to  Master  Chancellor,  Sir  Fulke 
Greville,  as  this  day  [i.  e.  Saturday,  Feb.  14],  and  next  week 
I  should  know  more. 

"  I  met  Sir  Edwin  Sandys  on  Wednesday  night.  He  wished 
me  to  be  at  the  Virginia  Court  the  next  Wednesday,  where  I 
purpose  to  be. 

"  Thus,  loath  to  be  troublesome  at  present,  I  hope  to  have 
somewhat  next  week,  of  certain,  concerning  you.  I  commit 
you  to  the  Lord. 

"  Yours, 

"  Sabine  Staresmore." 

We  are  more  favoured  than  Staresmore,  and  can 
look  into  the  letter  and  notes  which  Sir  John  Wolsten- 
holme  thought  might  endanger  rather  than  help 
forward  the  delicate  negotiations  for  securing  per- 
mission to  migrate.     Here  they  are — 

The  Copy  of  a  Letter  sent  to  Sir  John  Wolstenholme 

"  Right  Worshipful, 

"  With  due  acknowledgment  of  our  thankfulness 
for  your  singular  care  and  pains  in  the  business  of  Virginia ; 
for  our,  and,  we  hope,  the  common  good,  we  do  remember 


218  JOHN   ROBINSON 

our  humble  duties  to  you;  and  have  sent  inclosed,  as  is 
required,  a  further  explanation  of  our  Judgements  in  the 
Three  Points  specified  by  some  of  His  Majesty's  honourable 
Privy  Council.  And  though  it  be  grievous  unto  us,  that 
such  unjust  insinuations  are  made  against  us,  yet  we  are  most 
glad  of  the  occasion  of  making  our  just  purgation  unto  so 
honourable  Personages. 

"  Two  Declarations  we  have  sent  inclosed;  the  one  more 
brief  and  general,  which  we  think  the  fitter  to  be  presented ; 
the  other  something  more  large,  and  in  which  we  express  some 
small  accidental  differences ;  which,  if  it  seem  good  unto  you 
and  others  of  our  worshipful  friends,  you  may  send  instead 
of  the  former. 

"  Our  prayer  unto  God  is  that  your  Worship  may  see  the 
fruit  of  your  worthy  endeavours,  which  on  our  parts  we  shall 
not  fail  to  further  by  all  good  means  in  us. 

"  And  so  praying  that  you  would  please,  with  the  con- 
venientest  speed  that  may  be,  to  give  us  knowledge  of  the 
success  of  the  business  with  His  Majesty's  Privy  Council, 
and  accordingly,  what  your  further  pleasure  is,  either  for  our 
direction  or  furtherance  in  the  same. 

So  we  rest.     Your  Worship's  in  all  duty 

"John  Robinson 
"William  Brewster. 

"Leyden,  January  27th,  anno  1617,  old  style  [i.e.  Feb.  6 
1618]." 

The  first  brief  Note  was  this — 

"  Touching  the  Ecclesiastical  Ministry,  namely,  of  Pastors 
for  Teaching,  Elders  for  Ruling,  and  Deacons  for  distributing 
the  Church's  contribution  :  as  also  for  the  two  Sacraments — 
Baptism  and  the  Lord's  Supper;  we  do  wholly  and  in  all 
points  agree  with  the  French  Reformed  Churches,  according 
to  their  public  Confession  of  Faith. 

"  The  Oath  of  Supremacy  we  shall  willingly  take,  if  it  be 
required  of  us,  and  that  convenient  satisfaction  be  not  given 
by  our  taking  the  Oath  of  Allegiance. 

"  John  Robinson 

"  William  Brewster." 

The  second  was  this — 

"  Touching  the  Ecclesiastical  Ministry,  etc.  ...  (as  in  the 
former)  ...  we  agree  in  all  things  with  the  French  Reformed 
Churches,    according   to   their    public    Confession    of  Faith, 


A   HITCH   IN   THE   BUSINESS  219 

though  some  small  differences  be  to  be  found  in  our  practices, 
not  at  all  in  the  substance  of  things,  but  only  in  some  accidental 
circumstances. 

"  As  first — Their  Ministers  do  pray  with  their  heads  covered, 
ours  uncovered. 

"  Secondly — We  choose  none  for  Governing  Elders  but 
such  as  are  able  to  teach ;  which  ability  they  do  not  require. 

"  Thirdly — Their  Elders  and  Deacons  are  annual,  or  at 
most  for  two  or  three  years ;  ours  perpetual. 

**  Fourthly — Our  Elders  do  administer  their  Office  in 
Admonitions  and  Excommunications  for  public  scandals, 
publicly,  and  before  the  Congregation ;  theirs  more  privately 
and  in  their  Consistories. 

"  Fifthly — We  do  administer  Baptism  only  to  such  infants 
as  whereof  the  one  parent  at  the  least  is  of  some  Church; 
which  some  of  their  Churches  do  not  observe;  though  in  it 
our  practice  accords  with  their  public  Confession  and  the 
judgment  of  the  most  learned  amongst  them. 

"  Other  differences  worthy  mentioning  we  know  none  in 
these  Points.     (Then  about  the  Oath  as  in  the  former  [note].) 

"  Subscribed, 

"John  Robinson 
"William  Brewster." 

Though  their  attempt  to  gain  toleration  and  allow- 
ance by  the  King's  public  authority  failed,  they 
gathered  that  "  he  would  connive  at  them,  and  not 
molest  them,  provided  they  carried  themselves  peace- 
ably. .  .  .  This  was  all  the  chief  of  the  Virginia 
Company  or  any  others  of  their  best  friends  could 
do  in  the  case." 

When  the  messengers  returned  to  Leyden  with  this 
answer,  it  naturally  "  made  a  damp  in  the  business." 
Though  the  project  was  hung  up  for  a  time,  it  was 
kept  alive  by  frequent  discussion  amongst  the  friends, 
and  by  interest  in  the  similar  venture  of  the  rem- 
nants of  the  Church  of  Francis  Johnson  at  Amster- 
dam, who  got  away  for  Virginia  in  the  summer  of 
1618,  under  the  leadership  of  their  elder,  Francis 
Blackwell. 

44  Some  of  the  chief  est  "  in  the  Leyden  congregation 
thought  they  might  proceed  on  the  King's  promise 
of   connivance.     "If,"    said   they,    "  there   were   no 


220  JOHN   ROBINSON 

security  in  this  promise  intimated,  there  would  be  no 
great  certainty  in  a  further  confirmation  of  the  same. 
For  if,  afterwards,  there  should  be  a  purpose  or  desire 
to  wrong  them,  though  they  had  a  seal  as  broad  as  the 
house  floor,  it  would  not  serve  the  turn,  for  there  would 
be  means  enough  found  to  recall  or  reverse  it.  And 
seeing  therefore  the  course  was  probable,  they  must 
rest  herein  on  God's  providence,  as  they  had  done  in 
other  things." 

Accordingly,  other  messengers  passed  "  too  and 
again "  about  the  business  between  Leyden  and 
London.  But  when  they  returned  once  more  to 
London  in  the  spring  of  1619,  "  to  end  with  the 
Virginia  Company  as  well  as  they  could,  and  to  procure 
a  Patent  with  as  good  and  ample  conditions  as  they 
might  by  any  good  means  obtain,"  they  found  the 
Virginia  Company  distracted  by  disputes,  and  unable 
to  give  immediate  attention  to  them.  One  of  Cush- 
man's  letters  preserved  by  Bradford  tells  us  all 
about  it — 

Letter  from  Robert  Cushman  in  London  to  the  Church  in  Leyden 

"  To  his  Loving  Friends,  etc., 

"  I  had  thought  long  since  to  have  writ  unto  you,  but 
could  not  effect  that  which  I  aimed  at,  neither  can  yet  set 
things  as  I  wished.  Yet,  notwithstanding  I  doubt  not  but 
Master  B[rewster]  hath  written  to  Master  Robinson,  I  think 
myself  bound  also  to  do  something,  lest  I  be  thought  to 
neglect  you. 

The  main  hindrance  of  our  proceedings  in  the  Virginia 
business  is  the  dissensions  and  4  factions,'  as  they  term  it, 
amongst  the  Council  and  Company  of  Virginia;  which  are 
such  as  that  ever  since  we  came  up,1  no  business  could  by 
them  be  despatched. 

"  The  occasion  of  this  trouble  amongst  them  is,  for  that  a 
while  since,  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  repining  at  his  many  Offices 
and  Troubles,  wished  the  Company  of  Virginia  to  ease  him  of 
his  Office  in  being  Treasurer  and  Governor  of  the  Virginia 
Company.  Whereupon  the  Company  took  occasion  to  dis- 
miss   him,    and    chose    Sir  Edwin    Sandys     Treasurer    and 

1  Cushman  and  Brewster  had  evidently  been  in  the  country  for  some  time, 
before  going  up  to  Town. 


CUSHMAN'S    LETTER  221 

Governor  of  the  Company;  he  having  60  voices,  Sir  John 
Wolstenholme  16  voices,  and  Alderman  Johnson  24  voices. 

"  But  Sir  Thomas  Smith,  when  he  saw  some  part  of  his 
honour  lost,  was  very  angry ;  and  raised  a  faction  to  cavil  and 
contend  about  the  election,  and  sought  to  tax  Sir  Edwin  with 
many  things  that  might  both  disgrace  him,  and  also  put  him 
by  his  Office  of  Governor.  In  which  contentions  they  yet 
stick,  and  are  not  fit  nor  ready  to  intermeddle  in  any  business ; 
and  what  issue  things  will  come  to,  we  are  not  yet  certain. 

"  It  is  most  like  Sir  Edwin  will  carry  it  away ;  and  if  he  do, 
things  will  go  well  in  Virginia;  if  otherwise  they  will  go  ill 
enough.  Always  we  hope  in  two  or  three  Court  Days  things 
will  settle. 

"  Mean  space  I  think  to  go  down  into  Kent  and  come  up 
again  about  fourteen  days  or  three  weeks  hence,  except  either 
by  these  aforesaid  contentions  or  by  the  ill  tidings  from 
Virginia,  we  be  wholly  discouraged.  Of  which  tidings  I  am 
now  to  speak. 

"  Captain  Argall  is  come  home  this  week.  He,  upon  notice 
of  the  intent  of  the  Council,  came  away  before  Sir  George 
Yeardley  came  there;  and  so  there  is  no  small  dissension. 
But  his  tidings  are  ill,  though  his  person  be  welcome. 

"  He  saith,  Master  Blackwell's  ship  came  not  there  till 
March.  But  going  towards  winter  they  had  still  north-west 
winds,  which  carried  them  to  the  southward,  beyond  their 
course.  And  the  Master  of  the  ship  and  some  six  of  the 
Mariners  dying,  it  seemed  they  could  not  find  the  Bay  till 
after  long  seeking  and  beating  about.  Master  Blackwell  is 
dead  and  Master  Maggner  the  Captain,  yea,  there  are  dead, 
he  saith,  130  persons  one  and  other  in  that  ship.  It  is  said 
there  were  in  all  180  persons  in  the  ship,  so  as  they  were  packed 
together  like  herrings.  They  had  amongst  them  the  flux 
and  also  want  of  fresh  water ;  so  as  it  is  here  rather  wondered 
at  that  so  many  are  alive,  than  that  so  many  are  dead. 

"  The  Merchants  here  say,  '  It  was  Master  Blackwell's 
fault  to  pack  so  many  in  the  ship.'  Yea,  and  there  were 
great  mutterings  and  repinings  amongst  them,  and  upbraiding 
of  Master  Blackwell  for  his  dealing  and  disposing  of  them 
when  they  saw  how  he  had  disposed  of  them,  and  how  he 
insulted  over  them.  Yea,  the  streets  at  Gravesend  rang  of 
their  extreme  quarrellings,  crying  out  one  of  another, 
'  Thou  hast  brought  me  to  this  ! '  and  '  I  may  thank  thee 
for  this  ! '  Heavy  news  it  is,  and  I  would  be  glad  to  hear 
how  far  it  will  discourage  [you].  I  see  none  here  discouraged 
much,  but  [they]  rather  desire  to  learn  to  beware  by  other 
men's  harms,  and  to  amend  that  wherein  they  have  failed. 


222  JOHN   ROBINSON 

"As  we  desire  to  serve  one  another  in  love,  so  [let  us]  take 
heed  of  being  enthralled  by  any  imperious  person ;  especially 
if  they  be  discerned  to  have  an  eye  to  themselves.  It  doth 
often  trouble  me  to  think  that,  in  this  business,  we  are  all  to 
learn  and  none  to  teach ;  but  better  so,  than  to  depend  upon 
such  teachers  as  Master  Blackwell  was. 

44  Such  a  stratagem  he  once  made  for  Master  Johnson  and 
his  people  at  Emden;  which  was  their  subversion.  But 
though  he  then  cleanly,  yet  unhonestly,  plucked  his  neck 
out  of  the  collar,  yet,  at  last,  his  foot  is  caught. 

"  Here  are  no  letters  come  [from  the  survivors  of  Blackwell' s 
party].  The  ship  Captain  Argall  came  in,  is  yet  in  the  West 
parts.  All  that  we  hear  is  but  his  report.  It  seemeth  he 
came  away  secretly.  The  ship  that  Master  Blackwell  went  in 
will  be  here  shortly.  It  is  as  Master  Robinson  once  said, 
4  he  thought  we  should  hear  no  good  of  them.' 

44  Master  Bfrewster]  is  not  well  at  this  time.  Whether  he 
will  come  back  to  you,  or  go  into  the  North  [to  Scrooby  and 
Sturton],  I  yet  know  not.  For  myself,  I  hope  to  see  an  end 
of  this  business  ere  I  come,  though  I  am  sorry  to  be  thus  from 
you.  If  things  had  gone  roundly  forward,  I  should  have 
been  with  you  within  these  fourteen  days.  I  pray  God 
direct  us,  and  give  us  that  spirit  which  is  fitting  for  such  a 
business. 

44  Thus,  having  summarily  pointed  at  things,  which  Master 
Brewster,   I  think,   hath  more  largely   writ    of    to   Master 
Robinson,  I  leave  you  to  the  Lord's  protection. 
"  Yours  in  all  readiness,  etc., 

"Robert  Cushman." 

May  8th  anno  1619. 

If  Cushman  kept  to  his  plan  he  would  be  up  in 
London  again  from  Kent  in  time  to  attend  "  Master 
John  Wincob  "  at  the  meeting  of  the  Virginia  Company 
on  May  26,  1619,  to  secure  the  endorsement  and  seal 
of  the  Company  to  their  Patent,  granting  permission 
to  settle  in  New  England.  By  the  advice  of  some 
friends  the  Patent  was  not  taken  out  in  the  name  of 
any  member  of  their  own  congregation.  They  shel- 
tered under  the  name  of  Wincob,  who  belonged  to 
the  household  of  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  and  who 
intended  to  accompany  them. 

The  minutes  of  the  London  Virginia  Company, 
under  date  Wednesday,  May  26,  1619,  record  that — 


A   PATENT   GRANTED  223 

"  One  Master  Wencop,  commended  to  the  Company  by 
the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  intending  to  go  in  person  to  Virginia, 
and  there  to  plant  himself  and  his  Associates  [Robinson 
and  his  congregation]  presented  his  Patent  now  to  the  Court ; 
which  was  referred  to  the  Committee  that  meeteth  upon 
Friday  morning  at  Master  Treasurer's  house  to  consider,  and 
if  need  be  to  correct  the  same." 

A  fortnight  later,  Wednesday,  June  9,  1619,  the 
minutes  record — 

"  By  reason  it  grew  late  and  the  Court  [being]  ready  to 
break  up,  and  as  yet  Master  John  Whincop's  Patent  for  him 
and  his  Associates  [remained]  to  be  read ;  it  was  ordered, 
That  the  seal  should  be  annexed  unto  it,  and  have  referred 
the  trust  thereof  to  the  Auditors  to  examine  that  it  agree 
with  the  original ;  which  if  it  do  not  they  have  promised  to 
bring  it  into  the  Court  and  cancel  it." 

The  Pilgrims  had  now  got  some  sort  of  authority 
for  making  the  settlement  they  desired,  but,  in  the 
event,  John  Wincob,  or  Whencop,  never  went  with 
them,  nor  did  they  ever  make  "  use  of  this  Patent 
which  had  cost  them  so  much  labour  and  charge." 

I  think  the  main  reason  which  prevented  them  from 
taking  immediate  advantage  of  this  Patent  of  June 
1619  was  the  fact  that  Brewster  was  in  trouble  about 
printing  books  distasteful  to  His  Majesty.  In  a  week 
or  two  after  this  Patent  was  signed  the  authorities 
in  England  and  Holland  were  searching  for  Brewster. 
Until  that  cloud  had  blown  over  it  would  be  folly 
to  proceed  with  their  project.  The  angered  King, 
so  far  from  conniving  at  their  scheme,  would  now 
be  actively  hostile.  Robinson,  despairing  of  support 
or  allowance  from  the  home  authorities,  turned  to 
the  Dutch. 

On  February  2,  1619-20,  the  directors  of  the  New 
Netherland  Company,  trading  to  the  parts  "  in  latitude 
from  40  to  45  degrees  between  New  France  and  Vir- 
ginia," presented  a  petition  to  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
in  the  course  of  which  they  say — 

"  It  happens  that  there  is  residing  at  Leyden  a  certain 
English  Preacher  versed  in  the  Dutch  language,  who  is  well 


224  JOHN   ROBINSON 

inclined  to  proceed  thither  to  live,  assuring  the  Petitioners 
that  he  has  the  means  of  inducing  over  four  hundred  families 
to  accompany  him  thither,  both  out  of  this  country  and 
England,  provided  they  might  be  guarded  and  preserved  from 
all  violence  on  the  part  of  other  Potentates  by  the  authority, 
and  under  the  protection  of,  your  Princely  Excellency  and  the 
High  and  Mighty  Lords  States-General  in  the  propagation 
of  the  true,  pure  Christian  religion,  in  the  instruction  of  the 
Indians  in  that  country  in  true  learning,  and  in  converting 
them  to  the  Christian  faith,  and  thus  through  the  mercy  of 
the  Lord,  to  the  greater  glory  of  this  country's  Government, 
to  plant  there  a  new  Commonwealth,  all  under  the  order  and 
command  of  your  Princely  Excellency  and  the  High  and 
Mighty  Lords  States-General." 

The  Petitioners  go  on  to  refer  to  the  English  efforts 
to  settle  in  those  parts,  and  they  ask  that  for  the 
preservation  of  Holland's  rights  there — 

"  The  aforesaid  Minister  [John  Robinson]  and  the  four 
hundred  families  may  be  taken  under  the  protection  of  this 
country,  and  that  two  ships  of  war  may  be  provisionally 
despatched  to  secure  to  the  State  the  aforesaid  countries; 
inasmuch  as  they  would  be  of  much  importance  whenever 
the  West  India  Company  is  established,  in  respect  to  the  large 
abundance  of  timber  fit  for  ship-building." 

Bradford,  in  writing  his  History,  slurred  over  these 
negotiations  with  the  Dutch,  merely  noting  that, 
about  the  time  of  the  Pilgrims'  perplexity  with  the 
proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Company,  "  some  Dutch- 
men made  them  fair  offers  about  going  with  them." 
Winslow  indicates  that  if  they  would  have  stood  in 
with  the  Dutch  they  might  have  been  transported 
to  the  Hudson  River  free  of  charge,  and  every  family 
provided  with  cattle1 — a  most  important  provision 
for  a  colony. 

The  petition  of  the  New  Netherland  Company 
directors  for  the  support  of  two  men-of-war  was  twice 
rejected.  But  Robinson  and  his  congregation  had 
by  this  time  broken  off  the  negotiations  with  the 
Dutch  on  the  advice  of  Thomas  Weston — 

1  Hypocrisy  Vnmasked,  1646,  p.  91. 


WESTON'S   SCHEME  225 

"  One  Master  Thomas  Weston,  a  Merchant  of  London, 
came  to  Leyden  about  the  same  time,  who  was  well  acquainted 
with  some  of  them  and  a  furtherer  of  them  in  their  former 
proceedings.  Having  much  conference  with  Master  Robinson 
and  others  of  the  Chief  of  them  [he]  persuaded  them  to  go 
on  as  it  seems;  and  not  to  meddle  with  the  Dutch  or  too 
much  to  depend  on  the  Virginia  Company.  For  if  that 
[Company]  failed  [them],  if  they  came  to  resolution,  he  and 
such  Merchants  as  were  his  friends,  together  with  their  own 
means,  would  set  them  forth.  And  they  should  make  ready, 
and  neither  fear  want  of  shipping  nor  money,  for  what  they 
wanted  should  be  provided. 

"  And  not  so  much  for  himself,  as  for  the  satisfying  of 
such  friends  as  he  should  procure  to  adventure  in  this  business, 
they  were  to  draw  such  Articles  of  Agreement  and  make  such 
Propositions  as  might  the  better  induce  his  friends  to  venture. 

"  Upon  which,  after  the  former's  conclusion  [i.  e.  in  accord- 
ance with  Weston's  suggestions],  Articles  were  drawn  and 
agreed  unto,  and  were  shown  unto  him  and  approved  by  him, 
and  afterwards  by  their  Messenger  (Master  John  Carver)  sent 
into  England.  Who,  together  with  Robert  Cushman,  were  to 
receive  the  monies  and  make  provision  both  for  shipping 
and  other  things  for  the  Voyage;  with  this  charge,  not  to 
exceed  their  Commission,  but  to  proceed  according  to  the 
former  Articles." 


Weston's  plan  was  to  form  a  sort  of  joint  stock 
company  to  raise  funds  to  equip  the  venture  and 
support  the  projected  Plantation.  Those  who  invested 
in  the  scheme  were  called  the  "  Adventurers,"  those 
who  actually  sailed  were  called  the  "  Planters."  The 
shares  in  the  venture  were  fixed  at  £10.  Every 
Planter  of  sixteen  years  or  upwards  was  allotted 
one  share  without  payment,  in  virtue  of  his  or  her 
personal  interest  in  the  matter.  A  Planter  could 
also  take  up  shares  as  an  Adventurer  by  investing 
his  cash,  either  £10  or  multiples  of  £10,  in  the  scheme, 
or  by  bringing  in  approved  goods  to  the  value  of  £10 
for  the  general  use  of  the  Plantation.  The  Plantation 
was  to  be  run  as  a  joint  stock  corporation  for  seven 
years.  As  originally  arranged,  at  the  end  of  the  seven 
years  the  capital  and  accumulated  profits  were  to  be 
divided    amongst   the   shareholders,    or   Adventurers 


226  JOHN   ROBINSON 

in  proportion  to  their  several  holdings  of  shares,  but 
the  houses  and  the  land  brought  under  cultivation 
(particularly  the  gardens  and  home  lots)  were  to  be 
left  undivided  and  in  the  possession  of  the  Planters. 
While  the  Planters  were  to  work  in  general  for  the 
Company,  or  Corporation  of  Adventurers,  they  were  to 
have  two  days  a  week  for  their  own  private  employment. 

The  alteration  of  these  last  two  points  in  the  agree- 
ment at  the  instance  of  Weston,  without  consultation 
with  the  Leyden  friends,  caused  great  friction  and  mis- 
giving. John  Robinson  especially  opposed  the  change, 
and  promptly  sent  over  a  paper  of  Reasons  against  it. 
But  Cushman,  who  wanted  to  get  things  done,  saw  that 
the  whole  venture  would  be  imperilled  unless  he  agreed 
to  the  alteration.  The  new  proposals  were,  that  the 
houses  and  lands  should  be  included  in  the  division 
of  assets  at  the  end  of  the  seven  years,  and  that  all 
the  labour  of  the  planters  should  be  credited  in  that 
time  to  the  common  stock.  Robert  Cushman  was 
a  thorough  believer  in  the  community  idea.  He 
felt  that  by  working  for  the  good  of  all,  the  welfare 
of  each  would  be  promoted.  He  made  a  spirited 
defence  of  his  concession  to  Weston's  proposals. 

The  amended  Articles  and  Conditions  were  as 
follows — 

"Anno  1620. 

"  1.  The  Adventurers  and  Planters  do  agree :  That  every 
person  that  goeth  being  aged  sixteen  years  and  upwards, 
be  rated  at  £10  :  and  £10  to  be  accounted  a  Single  Share. 

"  2.  That  he  that  goeth  in  person  and  furnisheth  himself 
out  with  £10  either  in  money  or  other  provisions,  be  accounted 
as  having  £20  in  Stock :  and  in  the  Division  shall  receive  a 
Double  Share. 

"  3.  The  persons  transported  and  the  Adventurers  shall 
continue  their  Joint  Stock  and  Partnership  together  the  space 
of  Seven  Years  :  except  some  unexpected  impediment  do 
cause  the  whole  Company  to  agree  otherwise  :  during  which 
time  all  profits  and  benefits  that  are  got  by  trade,  traffic, 
trucking,  working,  fishing  or  any  other  means  of  any  person 
or  persons  [are  to]  remain  still  in  the  Common  Stock  until  the 
Division. 


ARTICLES   OF   ASSOCIATION  227 

"  4.  That  at  their  coming  there  [to  America]  they  choose  out 
such  a  number  of  fit  persons  as  may  furnish  their  ships  and 
boats  for  fishing  upon  the  sea;  employing  the  rest  in  their 
several  faculties  upon  the  land;  as  building  houses,  tilling 
and  planting  the  ground  and  making  such  commodities  as 
shall  be  most  useful  for  the  Colony. 

"  5.  That  at  the  end  of  the  Seven  Years  the  Capital  and 
Profits  (viz.  the  houses,  lands,  goods  and  chattels)  be  equally 
divided  betwixt  the  Adventurers  and  Planters.  Which 
done,  every  man  shall  be  free  from  other  of  them,  of  any  debt 
or  detriment  concerning  this  Adventure. 

"  6.  Whosoever  cometh  to  the  Colony  hereafter,  or  putteth 
any  [goods  or  money]  into  the  Stock,  shall,  at  the  end  of 
the  Seven  Years,  be  allowed  proportionately  to  the  time  of 
his  so  doing. 

"  7.  He  that  shall  carry  his  wife  and  children  or  servants 
shall  be  allowed  for  every  person  now  aged  sixteen  years  and 
upward  a  Single  Share  in  the  Division,  or,  if  he  provide  them 
necessaries,  a  Double  Share  :  or  if  they  be  between  ten  years 
old  and  sixteen,  then  two  of  them  to  be  reckoned  for  a  person 
both  in  Transportation  and  Division. 

"  8.  That  such  children  as  now  go,  and  are  under  the  age 
of  ten  years,  have  no  other  Share  in  the  Division  but  fifty 
acres  of  unmanured  land. 

"  9.  That  such  persons  as  die  before  the  Seven  Years  be 
expired,  their  executors  to  have  their  part  or  Share  at  the 
Division  proportionately  to  the  time  of  their  life  in  the  Colony. 

"  10.  That  all  such  persons  as  are  of  this  Colony  are  to  have 
their  meat,  drink,  apparel  and  all  provisions  out  of  the  Common 
Stock  and  goods  of  the  said  Colony." 

The  clause  struck  out  relating  to  time  for  private 
use  was  to  this  effect  :  "  that  they  should  have  two 
days  in  a  week  for  their  own  private  employment,  for 
the  more  comfort  of  themselves  and  their  families; 
especially  such  as  had  families." 

The  following  letter,  written  on  Wednesday,  May  31, 
1620,  from  four  who  had  resolved  to  join  the  venture, 
illustrates  the  feeling  on  these  points — 

To  their  loving  friends  John  Carver  and  Robert  Cushman, 
these,  etc. 

"  Good  Brethren.  After  salutations,  etc.  We  received 
divers  letters  at  the  coming  of  Master  Nash,  and  our  Pilot, 
which  is  a  great  encouragement   unto  us,  and  for  whom  we 


228  JOHN   ROBINSON 

hope  after  times  will  minister  occasion  of  praising  God.  And 
indeed  had  you  not  sent  him,  many  would  have  been  ready 
to  faint  and  go  back ;  partly  in  respect  of  the  new  Conditions 
which  have  been  taken  up  by  you,  which  all  men  are  against, 
and  partly  in  regard  of  our  own  inability  to  do  any  one  of 
those  many  weighty  businesses  you  refer  to  us  here. 

"  For  the  former  whereof  : — Whereas  Robert  Cushman 
desires  reasons  for  our  dislike,  promising  thereupon  to  alter 
the  same ;  else  saying  we  should  think  he  hath  no  brains  : 
we  desire  him  to  exercise  them  therein,  referring  him  to  our 
Pastor's  former  reasons;  and  them  to  the  censure  of  the 
godly  wise.  But  our  desires  are  that  you  will  not  entangle 
yourselves  and  us  in  any  such  unreasonable  courses  as  these 
are,  viz. — 

"  That  the  Merchants  should  have  the  half  of  men's  houses 
and  lands  at  the  Divident. 

"  And  that  persons  should  be  deprived  of  the  two  days 
in  a  week  agreed  upon,  yea,  every  moment  of  time  for  their 
own  particular  [i.  e.  their  own  private  concerns]. 

"  By  reason  whereof,  we  cannot  conceive  why  any  should 
carry  servants  for  their  own  help  and  comfort;  for  that 
[since]  we  can  require  no  more  of  them  than  all  men  one  of 
another. 

"  This  we  have  only  by  relation  from  Master  Nash,  and  not 
from  any  writing  of  your  own ;  and  therefore  hope  you  have 
not  proceeded  far  in  so  great  a  thing  without  us ;  but  requiring 
you  not  to  exceed  the  bounds  of  your  Commission,  which 
was  to  proceed  upon  the  things  or  Conditions  agreed  upon, 
and  expressed  in  writing  at  your  going  over  [to  England] 
about  it.  We  leave  it ;  not  without  marvelling  that  yourself 
(as  you  write),  knowing  how  small  a  thing  troubleth  our 
consultations  and  how  few  (as  you  fear)  understand  the 
business  aright,  should  trouble  with  such  matters  as  these 
are,  etc. 

"  Salute  Master  Weston  from  us ;  in  whom  we  hope  we  are 
not  deceived.  We  pray  you  make  known  our  estate  unto  him, 
and,  if  you  think  good,  show  him  our  letters.  At  least  tell 
him  that  under  God,  we  much  rely  upon  him  and  put  our 
confidence  in  him.  And  as  yourselves  well  know,  that  if  he 
had  not  been  an  Adventurer  with  us  we  had  not  taken  it  in 
hand,  presuming  that  if  he  had  not  seen  means  to  accomplish 
it,  he  would  not  have  begun  it.  So  we  hope  in  our  extremity 
he  will  so  far  help  us  as  that  our  expectation  be  no  way  made 
frustrate  concerning  him. 

"  Since  therefore,  Good  Brethren,  we  have  plainly  opened 
the  state  of  things  with  us  in  this  manner,  you  will,  etc. 


BOON    WORK  229 

"  Thus  beseeching  the  Almighty,  Who  is  all  sufficient  to 
raise  us  out  of  this  depth  of  difficulties,  to  assist  us  herein, 
raising  such  means,  by  his  Providence  and  fatherly  care  for 
us,  his  poor  children  and  servants,  as  we  may  with  comfort 
behold  the  hand  of  our  God  for  good  towards  us  in  this  our 
business  which  we  undertake  in  his  name  and  fear,  we  take 
leave,  and  remain, 

"  Your  perplexed,  yet  hopeful  brethren, 

"  Samuel    Fuller. 

"Edward  Winslow. 

"William  Bradford. 

"Isaac  Allerton. 

"  June  10th,  new  style,  anno  1620" 
[i.  e.  May  31,  in  English  reckoning.] 

I  gather  that  one  clause  in  the  Conditions — the 
one  relating  to  the  division  of  houses  and  lands — 
was  altered;  and  one  clause  (that  relating  to  the  two 
days  free  labour  a  week)  was  struck  out.  This  was 
done  to  conciliate  opposition  and  induce  hesitating 
investors  to  venture  their  money.  Cushman  felt  that 
the  elimination  of  the  latter  clause  left  the  question 
of  the  free  labour  for  the  benefit  of  one's  family 
open — 

"  c  You  may  have  three  days  in  a  week,'  he  says,  '  for  me, 
if  you  will.'  And  when  I  have  spoken  to  the  Adventurers  of 
times  of  working  they  have  said,  '  They  hope  we  are  men  of 
discretion  and  conscience,  and  so  fit  to  be  trusted  ourselves 
with  that.'  " 

Robinson,  however,  was  far  from  satisfied.  He  was 
greatly  concerned  about  the  change  in  the  agreement. 
It  was  objected  to  the  plan  accepted  by  Cushman 
that  all  members  of  the  Colony  would  be  placed 
thereby  on  the  same  footing,  whereas  in  fact  "  all 
men  are  not  of  one  condition."  His  answer  to  this 
objection  shows  his  point  of  view — 

"If  by  condition  you  mean  wealth,  you  are  mistaken.  If 
you  mean,  by  condition,  qualities,  then  I  say  :  He  that  is 
not  content  his  neighbour  shall  have  as  good  a  house,  fare, 
means,  etc.,  as  himself  is  not  of  a  good  quality. 


230  JOHN   ROBINSON 

"  Secondly — Such  retired  [unsocial]  persons  as  have  an 
eye  only  to  themselves  are  fitter  to  come  where  catching  is 
than  closing,  and  are  fitter  to  live  alone  than  in  any  society 
either  civil  or  religious." 

The  reply  of  Cushman  to  the  brethren  at  Leyden, 
written  on  Sunday,  June  11,  1620,  tells  of  the  resolve 
of  himself  and  Thomas  Weston  to  hire  a  ship  for  the 
voyage.  They  had  one  in  view — the  Mayflower,  I 
take  it — of  which  they  had  got  the  refusal  till  the  next 
day.  She  had  discharged  a  cargo  of  "  french  wyne  " 
the  previous  month  at  London. 

"  Salutations,  etc.  I  received  your  letter  by  John  Turner, 
with  another  the  same  day  from  Amsterdam  by  Master  W. 
savouring  of  the  place  whence  it  came. 

"  And  indeed  the  many  discouragements  I  find  here  together 
with  the  demurs  and  retirings  there  [amongst  those  in  Holland] 
had  made  me  to  say  '  I  would  give  up  my  accounts  to  John 
Carver,  and  at  his  coming  acquaint  him  fully  with  all  courses ; 
and  so  leave  it  quite,  with  only  the  poor  clothes  on  my  back.' 

"  But  gathering  up  myself,  by  further  consideration,  I 
resolved  yet  to  make  one  trial  more  :  and  to  acquaint  Master 
Weston  with  the  fainted  state  of  our  business.  And  though 
he  hath  been  much  discontented  at  something  amongst  us 
of  late,  which  hath  made  him  often  say  4  that  save  for  his 
promise  he  would  not  meddle  at  all  with  the  business  any 
more,'  and  yet  (considering  how  far  we  were  plunged  into 
matters ;  and  how  it  stood  both  on  our  credits  and  undoing) 
at  the  last,  he  gathered  up  himself  a  little  more ;  and  coming 
to  me,  two  hours  after,  he  told  me,  he  would  not  yet  leave  it. 

"And  so,  advising  together,  we  resolved  to  hire  a  ship; 
and  have  took  liking  of  one  till  Monday,  about  sixty  last, 
[in  burden]  for  a  greater  we  cannot  get,  except  it  be  too  great. 
But  a  fine  ship  it  is.  And  seeing  our  near  friends  there  [at 
Amsterdam]  are  so  strait-laced ;  we  hope  to  assure  [to  secure 
this  ship]  without  troubling  them  any  further;  and  if  the 
ship  fall  too  small,  it  fitteth  well,  that  such  as  stumble  at 
straws  already,  may  rest  them  there  awhile,  lest  worse  blocks 
come  in  the  way  ere  the  Seven  Years  be  ended. 

"  If  you  had  beaten  [discussed]  this  business  so  thoroughly 
a  month  ago,  and  writ  to  us  as  you  now  do,  we  could  thus  have 
done  [i.  e.  hired  shipping]  much  more  conveniently.  But  it 
is,  as  it  is. 

"  I  hope  our  friends  there  [in  Holland],  if  they  be  quitted 
of   the   ship   hire,   will    be   induced   to    venture   the  more. 


A   PILOT   HIRED  231 

All  that  I  now  require  is  that  salt  and  nets  may  there  be 
bought ;  and  for  all  the  rest,  we  will  here  [in  England] 
provide  it.  Yet  if  that  will  not  be,  let  them  but  stand  for 
it  a  month  or  two,  and  we  will  take  order  to  pay  it  all. 

44  Let  Master  Reynolds  tarry  there  and  bring  the  ship  [i.  e. 
the  Speedwell]  to  Southampton.  We  have  hired  another 
Pilot  here,  one  Master  Clarke,  who  went  last  year  to  Virginia 
with  a  ship  of  kine. 

44  You  shall  hear  distinctly  by  John  Turner,  who,  I  think, 
shall  come  hence  on  Tuesday  night.  I  had  thought  to  have 
come  with  him,  to  have  answered  to  my  complaints  [i.  e. 
the  complaints  against  me],  but  I  shall  learn  to  pass  little 
for  their  censures,  and  if  I  had  more  mind  to  go  and  dispute 
and  expostulate  with  them,  than  I  have  care  of  this  weighty 
business  ;  I  were  like  them  who  live  by  clamours  and  jangling. 
But  neither  my  mind  nor  my  body  is  at  liberty  to  do  much ; 
for  I  am  fettered  with  business,  and  had  rather  study  to  be 
quiet  than  to  make  answer  to  their  exceptions.  If  men  be 
set  on  it,  let  them  beat  the  air. 

44  I  hope  such  as  are  my  sincere  friends  will  not  think  but 
I  can  give  some  reason  of  my  actions.  But  of  your  mistaking 
about  the  matter,  and  other  things  tending  to  this  business  : 
I  shall  [in  my]  next  inform  you  more  distinctly.  Mean  space 
entreat  our  friends  not  to  be  too  busy  in  answering  matters 
before  they  know  them.  If  I  do  such  things  as  I  cannot  give 
reasons  for,  it  is  like  you  have  set  a  fool  about  your  business ; 
and  so  turn  the  reproof  to  yourselves  and  send  another,  and 
let  me  come  again  to  my  combs  [Cushman  was  a  wool-comber]. 
But  (setting  aside  my  natural  infirmities)  I  refuse  not  to 
have  my  cause  judged,  both  of  God  and  all  indifferent  [im- 
partial] men  ;  and  when  we  come  together  I  shall  give  account 
of  my  actions  here. 

44  The  Lord,  who  judgeth  justly  without  respect  of  persons, 
see  unto  the  equity  of  my  cause,  and  give  us  quiet,  peaceable, 
and  patient  minds  in  all  these  turmoils,  and  sanctify  unto  us 
all  crosses  whatsoever  ! 

44  And  so  I  take  my  leave  of  you  all,  in  all  love  and  affection, 

44  Your  poor  Brother, 

"  Robert  Cushman. 
"  June  11,  1620. 

44  I  hope  we  shall  get  all  here  ready  in  fourteen  days." 

Cushman  felt  that  he  had  done  the  best  he  could 
in  difficult  circumstances  to  further  their  plan.  His 
letter  would   probably  go  by   John    Turner  on  the 


232  JOHN   ROBINSON 

following  Tuesday  night.  On  the  Wednesday  John 
Robinson,  with  anxious  care,  was  penning  the  accom- 
panying letter  to  his  quiet  and  faithful  brother-in-law, 
John  Carver,  unaware,  of  course,  that  the  hiring  of  the 
Mayflower  was  so  imminent — 

A  Letter  of  Master  Robinson's  to  John  Carver 

"  My  dear  Friend  and  Brother,  whom  with  yours,  I  always 
remember  in  my  best  affection,  and  whose  welfare  I  shall 
never  cease  to  commend  to  God  by  my  best  and  most  earnest 
prayers. 

"  You  do  thoroughly  understand,  by  our  general  letters, 
the  estate  of  things  here,  which  indeed  is  very  pitiful,  especi- 
ally by  want  of  shipping  and  not  seeing  means  likely,  much 
less  certain,  of  having  it  provided  [free  of  charge  to  the 
colonists]  though  withal  there  be  great  want  of  money  and 
means  to  do  [other]  needful  things. 

"  Master  Pickering  you  know  before  this  will  not  defray 
a  penny  here,  though  Robert  Cushman  presumed  of  I  know 
not  how  many  £100  from  him  and  I  know  not  whom,  yet  it 
seems  strange  we  should  be  put  to  him  to  receive  both  his 
and  his  partner's  Adventure;  and  yet  Master  Weston  writ 
unto  him  that  in  regard  of  it  [i.  e.  on  account  of  Pickering's 
promised  investment  in  the  venture]  he  hath  drawn  upon 
him  a  £100  more.  But  there  is  in  this  some  mystery,  as  indeed 
it  seems  there  is  in  the  whole  course. 

"  Besides,  whereas  divers  are  to  pay  in  some  parts  of  their 
money  yet  behind,  they  refuse  to  do  it  till  they  see  shipping 
provided,  or  a  course  taken  for  it.  Neither,  do  I  think,  is 
there  a  man  here  would  pay  anything  if  he  had  again  his 
money  in  his  purse. 

"  You  know  right  well  we  depended  on  Master  Weston 
alone;  and  upon  such  means  as  he  would  procure  for  this 
common  business ;  and  when  we  had  in  hand  another  course 
with  the  Dutchmen  broke  it  off  at  his  motion,  and  upon  the 
Conditions  by  him  shortly  after  propounded.  He  did  this 
in  his  love,  I  know,  but  things  appear  not  answerable  from 
him  hitherto.  That  he  should  have  first  put  in  his  monies 
is  thought  by  many  to  have  been  but  fit ;  but  that  I  can  well 
excuse  [i.  e.  I  can  excuse  him  for  not  yet  paying  his  money 
into  the  hands  of  our  agents]  he  being  a  Merchant  and  having 
use  of  it  to  his  benefit ;  whereas  others,  if  it  had  been  in  their 
hands,  would  have  consumed  it.  But  that  he  should  not 
but  have  had  either  shipping  ready  before  this  time,  or  at 


LETTER   TO   CARVER  233 

least  certain  means  and  course,  and  the  same  known  to  us, 
for  it,  or  have  taken  other  order  otherwise,  cannot  in  my 
conscience  be  excused. 

"  I  have  heard  that  when  he  hath  been  moved  in  the  busi- 
ness he  hath  put  it  off  from  himself  and  referred  it  to  the  others ; 
and  would  come  to  George  Morton  and  inquire  news  of 
him  about  things;  as  if  he  had  scarce  been  some  accessory 
unto  it.  Whether  he  hath  failed  of  some  helps  from  others 
which  he  expected  and  so  be  not  well  able  to  go  through 
with  things;  or  whether  he  hath  feared  lest  you  should  be 
ready  too  soon  and  so  increase  the  charge  of  shipping  above 
that  [which]  is  meet ;  or  whether  he  hath  thought  by  with- 
holding [his  money]  to  put  us  upon  straits,  thinking  that 
thereby  Master  Brewster  and  Master  Pickering  would  be 
drawn  by  importunity  to  do  more;  or  what  other  mystery 
is  in  it  we  know  not.  But  sure  we  are,  that  things  are  not 
answerable  to  such  an  occasion. 

"  Master  Weston  makes  himself  merry  with  our  endeavours 
about  buying  a  ship ;  but  we  have  done  nothing  in  this  [pur- 
chase of  the  Speedwell]  but  with  good  reason,  as  I  am  per- 
suaded, nor  yet  that  I  know  [of]  in  anything  else, — save  in 
those  two — 

"  [1]  The  one,  that  we  employed  Robert  Cushman,  who 
is  known,  though  a  good  man  and  of  special  abilities  in  his 
kind,  yet  most  unfit  to  deal  for  other  men,  by  reason  of  his 
singularity  and  too  great  indifferency  for  any  conditions,  and 
for  (to  speak  truly)  that  we  have  had  nothing  from  him  but 
terms  and  presumptions. 

"  [2]  The  other  that  we  have  so  much  relied,  by  implicit 
faith  as  it  were,  upon  generalities,  without  seeing  the  par- 
ticular course  or  means  for  so  weighty  an  affair  set  down 
unto  us. 

"  For  shipping  Master  Weston  it  should  seem  is  set  upon 
hiring,  which  yet  I  wish  he  may  presently  [immediately] 
effect.  But  I  see  little  hope  of  help  [for  the  ship-hire]  from 
hence  if  so  it  be.  Of  Master  Brewer  you  know  what  to  expect. 
I  do  not  think  Master  Pickering  will  engage,  except  in  the 
course  of  buying  in  former  letters  specified. 

"  About  the  Conditions  you  have  our  Reasons  for  our  judg- 
ments of  what  is  agreed.  And  let  this  specially  be  borne 
in  mind — -that  the  greatest  part  of  the  Colony  is  like  to  be 
employed  constantly  not  upon  dressing  their  particular 
land  and  building  nouses,  but  upon  fishing,  trading,  etc.; 
so  as  the  '  land  and  house '  will  be  but  a  trifle  for  advantage 
to  the  Adventurers,  and  yet  the  division  of  it,  a  great  dis- 
couragement to  the  Planters,  who  would  [if  land  and  house 


234  JOHN   ROBINSON 

were  to  remain  their  own]  with  singular  care  make  it  comfort- 
able with  borrowed  hours  from  their  sleep. 

44  The  same  consideration  of  common  employment  con- 
stantly, by  the  most,  is  a  good  reason  not  to  have  the  two 
days  in  a  week  denied  the  few  Planters  for  private  use,  which 
yet  is  subordinate  to  common  good.  Consider  also  how  much 
unfit  [it  is]  that  you,  and  your  likes,  must  serve  a  new  prentice- 
ship  of  Seven  Years,  and  not  a  day's  freedom  from  task ! 

"  Send  me  word  what  persons  are  to  go;  who  of  useful 
faculties  and  how  many ;   and  particularly  of  everything. 

"  I  know  you  want  not  a  mind.  I  am  sorry  you  have  not 
been  at  London  all  this  while  but  the  provisions  [the  pur- 
chasing of  stores  and  necessaries]  could  not  want  you.  Time 
will  suffer  me  to  write  no  more.  Fare  you  and  yours  well, 
always  in  the  Lord,  in  whom  I  rest, 

44  Yours  to  use, 

44  John  Robinson." 

Reading  between  the  lines  we  can  see  the  anxiety 
of  Robinson  for  the  welfare  of  his  people.  He  does 
not  like  to  show  distrust  of  Thomas  Weston,  whose 
large  and  general  promises  when  at  Leyden  had  led 
the  friends  there  to  come  to  the  definite  resolution 
to  go  forth  to  colonize  in  New  England,  and  yet  he 
feels  that  Weston  had  not  done  all  that  might  have 
been  reasonably  expected  to  further  their  project. 
Delay  was  dangerous ;  a  spirit  of  misgiving  was  spread- 
ing amongst  those  who  had  sold  up  their  possessions, 
invested  their  money  in  the  common  stock  and  pre- 
pared themselves  for  the  voyage.  The  Pilgrims 
were  dependent  on  the  help  of  others  to  set  forth  their 
expedition  and  supply  the  needs  of  the  Colony  in  its 
early  years.  They  were  too  poor  to  undertake  such 
a  venture  alone,  and  when  a  merchant  like  Edward 
Pickering,  one  of  their  own  religious  fellowship,  showed 
reluctance  to  help  to  the  limit  of  his  means,  we  need 
not  wonder  that  there  was  difficulty  in  raising  the 
needful  capital  from  outsiders. 

I  take  it  that  William  Brewster,  Thomas  Brewer, 
George  Morton,  John  Carver  and  his  wife,  William 
Bradford,  John  Turner,  William  White,  Edward 
Winslow    and    Isaac    Allerton    all    contributed    sub- 


THE   ADVENTURERS  235 

stantially  to  the  venture.  We  must  not  forget  the 
difficulties  which  Weston  and  John  Peirce  would  have 
to  overcome  in  forming  the  company  of  Adventurers 
in  England  to  support  the  enterprise.  Commerical 
and  religious  motives  intermingled.  Some  investors 
were  more  swayed  by  the  one  than  the  other.  Captain 
John  Smith,  who  was  keenly  interested  in  New  England, 
watched  the  efforts  to  form  this  colony  with  close 
attention.  He  describes  the  "  Company  of  Adven- 
turers "  who  set  the  colonists  forth,  as  a  body  of  about 
seventy,  "some  Gentlemen;  some  Merchants;  some 
Handicraftsmen ;  some  adventuring  great  sums,  some 
small,  as  their  estates  and  affection  served.  These," 
he  says,  "  dwell  most  about  London.  They  are 
not  a  Corporation,  but  knit  together  by  a  voluntary 
combination,  in  a  Society  without  constraint  or 
penalty,  aiming  to  do  good  and  to  plant  Religion."  x 
They  elected  a  President  and  Treasurer  annually,  to 
whom  the  transaction  of  ordinary  business  was  left, 
"  but  in  more  weighty  affairs  the  assent  of  the  whole 
Company  is  required."  If  the  minutes  of  the  pro- 
ceedings of  this  company  of  Adventurers  had  survived, 
we  should  have  had  the  business  counterpart  to  Brad- 
ford's History  of  the  early  years  of  the  colony,  but  given 
from  the  point  of  view  of  London.  Here  and  there 
we  get  a  glimpse  of  their  activities  until  the  Adventurers 
went  into  voluntary  liquidation  and  wound  up  the 
company  by  a  composition  with  the  colonists  on 
November  15,  1626.  By  that  time  some  of  the 
Adventurers,  like  Weston,  had  unloaded  their  shares. 
Only  forty -two  signed  the  Composition  Deed.  One 
or  two  of  these,  such  as  William  Collier  and  Timothy 
Hatherley,  subsequently  crossed  to  New  Plymouth 
and  became  useful  colonists.  Shareholders  were  ready 
to  dispose  of  their  rights  under  the  Composition  Deed 
for  an  immediate  cash  payment.  James  Sherley,  who 
had  faith  in  the  venture,  bought  many  of  them  out, 
and  in  1627  became  "  ye  receiver  of  most  part  of  ye 
adventurs." 

1  General  History  of  Virginia,  1C24,  p.  247. 


CHAPTER  XXI 

THEY  PREPARE  FOR  THE  VOYAGE — THE  "  MAYFLOWER  " 

Meanwhile  friends  at  Leyden  were  making  their 
preparations  for  the  voyage.  On  September  19,  1619, 
Cushman  had  sold  some  property  in  Leyden,  held 
by  him  since  1611,  to  John  de  Later,  and  on  April  1, 
1620,  Thomas  Rogers,  who  sailed  in  the  Mayflower, 
sold  his  house  in  Barbara's  Lane  for  300  gilders  to 
Mordecai  Cohen.  To  meet  the  immediate  need  for 
money  Robinson,  Brewster  and  William  Jepson 
mortgaged  property  in  Leyden  in  1620.  This  tided 
them  over  the  occasion,  and  six  months  later  they 
were  able  to  pay  off  the  mortage.1  The  Leyden  friends 
were  keen  on  buying  shipping,  and  purchased  a  little 
vessel  of  some  sixty  tons,  named  the  Speedwell,  intend- 
ing to  use  her  for  trading  purposes  on  the  New  England 
coast .  Reynolds  was  sent  over  from  London  to  navigate 
her  to  Southampton.  The  preparations  in  England 
were  made  under  considerable  difficulty.  In  order  to 
act  fairly  by  those  Planters  who  were  joining  the  ven- 
ture in  England,  one  from  their  number,  Christopher 
Martin  2  by  name,  was  appointed  to  act  as  agent  with 
Carver  and  Cushman.  They  did  not  find  him  easy 
to  work  with.  He  went  his  own  way,  with  little 
regard  to  their  advice,  which  led  Cushman  to  say  of 
him,  "  he  that  is  in  a  Society  and  yet  regards  not 
counsel  may  better  be  a  king  than  a  consort." 

The  main  preparations  were  made  at  Southampton. 
It  does  not  appear  why  that  port  was  chosen.     My  own 

1  Information  from  Dr.  Rendel  Harris. 

a  Martin  belonged  to  a  church  at  Billericay,  Essex,  and  was  summoned 
before  the  Archidiaconal  Court  for  allowing  his  son  to  answer  "  that  his 
father  gave  him  his  name."  He  fled  to  Leyden  and  joined  Robinson's  Church. 
He  died  January  8,  1621,  on  the  Mayflower.  Transactions  of  Congregational 
Historical  Society,  vol.  vii.  p.  243. 

236 


SEEKING   DIRECTION  237 

conjecture  is  that  they  regarded  it  as  less  dangerous 
for  the  religious  refugees  than  London.  They  would 
be  less  likely  to  suffer  arrest  there,  and  be  less  under 
the  eye  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities.  With  Carver 
at  Southampton,  Cushman  and  Weston  hiring  shipping 
and  getting  stores  in  London,  Martin  collecting  pro- 
visions in  Kent  and  the  Leyden  contingent  equipping 
the  Speedwell  at  Delftshaven,  there  was  too  little 
room  for  concerted  action  and  too  much  room  for 
misunderstanding . 

When,  by  the  report  of  one  of  their  messengers  from 
England,  it  seemed  that  the  way  was  at  last  clearing 
for  the  realization  of  the  plan  so  long  cherished  in 
their  minds,  Robinson  called  his  flock  together  to  hold 
a  solemn  "  Meeting  and  keep  a  Day  of  Humiliation, 
to  seek  the  Lord  for  his  direction."  He  took  for  his 
text  the  words — 

"  And  David's  men  said  unto  him,  See,  we  be  afraid  here  in 
Judah :  how  much  more  if  we  come  to  Keilah  against  the  host 
of  the  Philistines?  Then  David  asked  counsel  of  the  Lord 
again  "  (1  Sam.  xxih.  3,  4). 

"  From  which  text,"  says  Bradford,  "  he  taught 
many  things  very  aptly,  and  befitting  their  present 
occasion  and  condition,  strengthening  them  against 
their  fears  and  perplexities  and  encouraging  them  in 
their  resolutions." 

We  may  be  sure  that  Robinson  laid  stress  upon 
the  ideal  side  of  their  venture,  which  was  ever  upper- 
most in  his  mind. 

After  this  religious  service — 

"  they  concluded  both  what  number  and  what  persons 
should  prepare  themselves  to  go  with  the  first,  for  all  that 
were  willing  to  have  gone  could  not  get  ready  ...  in  so 
short  a  time,  neither,  if  all  could  have  been  ready,  had  there 
been  means  to  have  transported  them  all  together. 

"  Those  that  stayed,  being  the  greater  number,  required 
the  Pastor  to  stay  with  them ;  and,  indeed,  for  other  reasons 
he  could  not  then  well  go;  and  so  it  was  the  more  easily 
yielded  unto. 

"  The  others  then  desired  the  Elder,  Master  Brewster,  to  go 
with  them;   which  was  also  condescended  unto." 


238  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Bradford  does  not  specify  the  other  reasons  pre- 
venting John  Robinson  from  joining  the  Pilgrims. 
I  fancy  they  arose  from  hostility  to  the  Pastor's 
religious  views  on  the  part  of  some  of  the  London 
merchants  who  were  supporting  the  venture  with 
their  money.  We  shall  see  how  this  religious  prejudice 
blocked  Robinson's  plan  of  joining  Brewster  in  New 
England  a  year  or  two  later.  The  Leyden  friends  thus 
separating  agreed  that  each  part  should  be  considered 
"  an  absolute  Church  of  themselves,"  since  "  it  might 
come  to  pass  they  should  for  the  body  of  them  never 
meet  again  in  this  world."  But  they  were  to  have  a 
right  of  membership  in  either  Church,  so  that  if 
any  went  to  or  fro  to  Leyden  or  New  England  they 
would  need  no  "  dismission  or  testimonial."  Winslow 
records  a  mutual  agreement  between  them — 

"  If  the  Lord  should  frown  upon  our  proceedings,  then 
those  that  went  were  to  return  and  the  brethren  that  remained 
still  there  to  assist  and  be  helpful  to  them. 

"  But  if  God  should  be  pleased  to  favour  them  that  went, 
then  they  also  should  endeavour  to  help  over  such  as  were 
poor,  and  ancient  and  willing  to  come."  1 

The  pledge  recorded  by  Bradford  shows  the  same 
spirit  of  comradeship  and  the  same  desire  to  help — 

"  It  was  promised  to  those  that  went  first,  by  the  body  of 
the  rest,  that  if  the  Lord  gave  them  life,  and  means,  and  oppor- 
tunity, they  would  come  to  them  as  soon  as  they  could"  2 

Nor  were  these  idle  words,  as  the  sequel  abundantly 
shows. 

When  the  news  reached  Robinson  that  the  good  ship 
Mayflower  had  been  hired,  and  would  go  round  from 
London  to  Southampton  to  await  the  colonists  from 
Leyden,  the  preparations  for  departure  were  soon 
completed — 

'*  So,  being  ready  to  depart,  they  had  a  day  of  Solemn 
Humiliation  :  their  Pastor  taking  his  text  from  Ezra  viii.  21 : 
4  And  there,  at  the  river  by  Ahava,  I  proclaimed  a  Fast  that 
we  might  humble  ourselves  before  our  God ;  and  seek  of  him 

1  Hypocrisy  Vnmasked,  p.  90.  2  History,  f.  73. 


PARTING   SCENES  239 

a  right  way  for  us,  and  for  our  children,  and  for  all  our  sub- 
stance.' Upon  which  [passage]  he  spent  a  good  part  of  the 
day  very  profitably  and  suitable  to  their  present  condition. 
The  rest  of  the  time  was  spent  in  pouring  out  prayers  to  the 
Lord  with  great  fervency,  mixed  with  abundance  of  tears. 
And  the  time  being  come  that  they  must  depart,  they  were 
accompanied  with  most  of  their  brethren  out  of  the  City  unto 
a  town  sundry  miles  off,  called  Delftshaven,  where  the  ship 
[the  Speedwell]  lay  ready  to  receive  them.  So  they  left  that 
goodly  and  pleasant  city,  which  had  been  their  resting-place 
near  twelve  years,  but  they  knew  they  were  Pilgrims,  and 
looked  not  much  on  these  things,  but  lift  up  their  eyes  to  the 
heavens,  their  dearest  country,  and  quieted  their  spirits." 

These  are  the  words  of  William  Bradford.  On  his 
companion,  Edward  Winslow,  also,  the  events  of  that 
time  made  an  ineffaceable  impression.  The  parting 
service,  the  farewell  feast,  the  scenes  at  the  departure 
on  the  quay  and  on  the  boat  were  all  charged  with 
strong  emotion — 

"  They  that  stayed  at  Leyden,"  he  says,  "  feasted  us  that 
were  to  go  at  our  Pastor's  house,  being  large,  where  we  refreshed 
ourselves  after  our  tears  with  singing  of  Psalms,  making  joyful 
melody  in  our  hearts  as  well  as  with  the  voice,  there  being 
many  of  the  Congregation  very  expert  in  music ;  and  indeed, 
it  was  the  sweetest  melody  that  ever  mine  ears  heard." 

It  was  Winslow  also  who  set  down  in  after  years, 
perhaps  from  notes  taken  at  the  time,  his  recollections 
of  Robinson's  farewell  address — 

"The  wholesome  Counsel  Master  Robinson 

gave  that  part  of  the  church  whereof 

he  was  Pastor  at  their  departure 

from  him  to  begin  the  great  work 

of  Plantation  in 

New  England 

"  Amongst  other  wholesome  instructions  and  exhorta- 
tions he  used  these  expressions,  or  to  the  same  purpose — 

'We  were  now  ere  long  to  part  asunder;  and  the  Lord 
knoweth  whether  ever  he  should  live  to  see  our  faces  again. 
But  whether  the  Lord  had  appointed  it  or  not ;  he  charged 
us,  before  God  and  his  blessed  angels,  to  follow  him  no  further 
than  he  followed  Christ  :   and  if  God  should  reveal  anything 


240  JOHN   ROBINSON 

to  us  by  any  other  instrument  of  his,  to  be  as  ready  to  receive 
it,  as  ever  we  were  to  receive  any  truth  by  his  Ministry.  For 
he  was  very  confident  the  Lord  had  more  truth  and  light  yet 
to  break  forth  out  of  his  holy  Word. 

44  He  took  occasion  also  miserably  to  bewail  the  state  and 
condition  of  the  Reformed  Churches,  who  were  come  to  a 
period  in  religion ;  and  would  go  no  further  than  the  Instru- 
ments of  their  Reformation.  As,  for  example,  the  Lutherans  : 
they  could  not  be  drawn  to  go  beyond  what  Luther  saw,  for 
whatever  part  of  God's  will  He  had  further  imparted  and 
revealed  to  Calvin,  they  will  rather  die  than  embrace  it.  '  And 
so  also,'  saith  he,  •  you  see  the  Calvinists.  They  stick  where 
he  left  them,  a  misery  much  to  be  lamented. 

4 1  r<  For  though  they  were  precious  shining  lights  in  their  Times, 
yet  God  had  not  revealed  his  whole  will  to  them ;  and  were 
they  now  living,'  saith  he,  '  they  would  be  as  ready  and 
willing  to  embrace  further  light,  as  that  they  had  received.' 

"Here,  also,  he  put  us  in  mind  of  our  Church  Covenant; 
at  least  that  part  of  it  whereby  '  we  promise  and  covenant 
with  God  and  one  with  another  to  receive  whatsoever  light 
or  truth  shall  be  made  known  to  us  from  his  written  Word ;  ? 
but  withal  exhorted  us  to  take  heed  what  we  received  for 
truth ;  and  well  to  examine  and  compare  and  weigh  it  with 
other  Scriptures  of  truth  before  we  received  it.  4  For,'  saith 
he,  4  it  is  not  possible  the  Christian  World  should  come  so 
lately  out  of  such  thick  antichristian  darkness;  and  that 
full  perfection  of  knowledge  should  break  forth  at  once.' 

44  Another  thing  he  commended  to  us  was,  that  we  should 
use  all  means  to  avoid  and  shake  off  the  name  of  4  Brownist,' 
being  a  mere  nickname  and  brand  to  make  religion  odious 
and  the  Professors  of  it,  to  the  Christian  world. 

44  4  And  to  that  end,'  said  he, 4  I  should  be  glad  if  some  godly 
Minister  would  go  over  with  you  before  my  coming.  For,' 
said  he,  4  there  will  be  no  difference  between  the  unconform- 
able Ministers  and  you,  when  they  come  to  the  practice  of 
the  Ordinances  [of  religion]  out  of  the  kingdom.' 

44  And  so  [our  Pastor]  advised  us,  by  all  means,  to  endeavour 
to  close  with  the  godly  party  of  the  Kingdom  of  England  [the 
Puritans];  and  rather  to  study  union  than  division,  viz. 
How  near  we  might  possibly,  without  sin,  close  with  them; 
than,  in  the  least  measure,  to  affect  division  or  separation 
from  them.  4  And  be  not  loath  to  take  another  Pastor  or 
Teacher,'  saith  he,  4  for  that  Flock  that  hath  two  Shepherds 
is  not  endangered,  but  secured  by  it.' 

44  Many  other  things  there  were  of  great  and  weighty 
consequence  which  he  commended  to  us.     But  these  things 


HIS   FAREWELL   ADDRESS  241 

I  thought  good  to  relate  at  the  request  of  some  well-willers 
to  the  peace  and  good  agreement  of  the  godly — so  distracted 
at  present  about  the  settling  of  Church  Government  in  the 
Kingdom  of  England — that  so  both  sides  may  truly  see  what 
this  poor  despised  Church  of  Christ  now  at  New  Plymouth  in 
New  England,  but  formerly  at  Leyden  in  Holland,  was  and  is — 
how  far  they  were  and  still  are,  from  separation  from  the 
Churches  of  Christ,  especially  those  that  are  Reformed." 

We  have  to  bear  in  mind,  when  reading  this  summary 
of  Robinson's  farewell  address,  that  Winslow  does 
not  profess  to  give  the  Pastor's  actual  words.  It  is 
evident  also  that  he  desires  to  minimize  the  differences 
between  the  Pilgrim  Church  and  the  Puritan  members 
of  the  Church  of  England,  and  to  emphasize  the  points 
of  agreement.  But  I  think,  allowing  for  this,  he 
gives  us  in  this  report  a  good  representation  of  the 
spirit  of  Robinson's  teaching  and  of  his  general  out- 
look. Though  the  Covenant  of  their  Church  had  a 
definite  reference  to  the  Bible,  or  the  "  Word  of  God," 
as  the  ultimate  source  of  religious  truth  and  light, 
yet  it  was  free  from  finality.  It  left  the  way  of 
advance  open.  It  left  room  for  fresh  interpretations 
and  new  applications  of  the  Divine  Word.  Robinson 
was  not  without  a  consciousness  of  the  freshness  of 
their  religious  venture,  and  was  too  clear-sighted  to 
imagine  that  the  Reformers  had  attained  to  the 
whole  truth  of  religion  at  a  bound.  Those  who  have 
read  Robinson's  Works  with  attention  will  notice 
several  points  of  connexion  with  his  thought  in  the 
summary  which  Winslow  gives  of  his  memorable 
farewell  address. 

In  the  very  year  before  this  occasion,  Robinson 
had  issued  in  Latin  A  Just  and  Necessary  Apology, 
or  defence  of  his  Church  against  slanderous  reports 
raised  against  it  by  opponents.  Those  false  reports 
had  blocked  the  negotiations  for  permission  to  cross 
to  Virginia,  with  allowance  to  exercise  their  religion 
according  to  their  convictions.  It  seemed  needful 
to  rebut  the  charges  laid  against  them.  In  this 
book  Robinson  lays  stress  upon  the  points  of  agree- 


242  JOHN   ROBINSON 

merit  with  the  forward  members  of  the  Anglican 
Church  and  with  the  published  Confession  of  the 
"  Belgic  Reformed  Churches,"  while  frankly  setting 
out  some  of  the  points  of  difference  in  practice.  He 
tells  us  that  some  of  those  in  England,  "  reputed  the 
chief  masters  and  patrons  both  of  religion  and  truth," 
had  framed  against  him  and  his  Church  "  a  solemn 
accusation  to  them  in  special  authority."  Robinson 
here  refers  to  the  charges  made  against  them  in  the 
Privy  Council,  to  meet  which  he  and  Brewster  sent 
the  two  written  "  Papers  "  to  Sir  John  Wolstenholme 
by  Sabine  Staresmore  already  referred  to. 
The  accusation  he  tells  us  was — 

"  First — that  we  (lewd  Brownists)  do  refuse  and  reject  one 
of  the  sacraments. 

44  Secondly — that  we  have  amongst  us  no  ecclesiastical 
ministry,  but  do  give  liberty  to  every  mechanical  person  to 
preach  publicly  in  the  church. 

44  Thirdly — that  we  are  in  error  about  the  very  Trinity. 

44  Fourthly  and  lastly — that  being  become  so  odious  to  the 
magistrates  here,  as  that  we  are  by  violence  to  be  driven  the 
country,  we  are  now  constrained  to  seek  some  other  and  far 
part  of  the  world  to  settle  in."  * 

In  the  "  Apology  "  designed  to  clear  himself  and 
his  Church  from  these  misreports  Robinson  says,  "  Such 
is  our  accord  in  the  case  of  religion  with  the  Dutch 
Reformed  Churches  as  that  we  are  ready  to  subscribe 
to  all  and  every  article  of  faith  in  the  same  Church  as 
they  are  laid  down  in  the  Harmony  of  Confessions  of 
Faith,  published  in  their  name,"  with  one  slight  modi- 
fication in  respect  to  the  Apocryphal  Books. 

Again,  in  the  last  chapter  of  this  Just  Apology,  in 
treating  directly  of  their  "  secession  and  separation  " 
from  the  Church  of  England,  "  a  great  matter  of 
exception  against  us  and  the  same  the  fountain  well- 
nigh  of  all  our  calamity,"  Robinson  says — 

44  Our  faith  is  not  negative,  as  papists  used  to  object  to  the 
evangelical  churches;  nor  which  consists  in  the  condemning 
of  others,  and  wiping  their  names  out  of  the  bead-roll  of 

1   Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  8. 


HIS   APOLOGIA  243 

churches,  but  in  the  edifying  of  ourselves ;  neither  require 
we  of  any  of  ours  in  the  confession  of  their  faith,  that  they 
either  renounce,  or,  in  one  word,  contest  with  the  Church  of 
England,  whatsoever  the  world  clamours  of  us  this  way.  .  .  . 
If  by  the  church  be  understood  the  Catholic  Church  dispersed 
upon  the  face  of  the  whole  earth,  we  do  willingly  acknowledge 
that  a  singular  part  thereof ,  and  the  same  visible  and  conspicu- 
ous, is  to  be  found  in  the  land  [of  England]  and  with  it  do 
profess  and  practise,  what  in  us  lays,  communion  in  all 
things,  in  themselves  lawful  and  done  in  right  order. 

"  If  in  anything  we  err,  advertise  us  brotherly,  with  desire 
of  our  information,  and  not,  as  our  countrymen's  manner 
for  the  most  part  is,  with  a  mind  of  reproaching  us  or  grati- 
fying of  others ;  and  whom  thou  findest  in  error,  thou  shalt 
not  leave  in  obstinacy,  nor  as  having  a  mind  prone  to  schism."  * 

The  spirit  and  tenor  of  such  statements,  in  which 
Robinson  seeks  to  draw  as  near  as  possible  to 
godly  men  in  other  Churches,  are  quite  in  line 
with  Winslow's  recollections  of  the  farewell  address 
delivered  in  the  following  year. 

One  point  in  Winslow's  report  of  Robinson's  fare- 
well words  of  advice  to  the  departing  Pilgrims  is  sup- 
ported by  an  incidental  remark  in  one  of  Cushman's 
letters.  I  refer  to  the  passage  in  which  Robinson 
recommends  them  to  choose  a  second  pastor  or 
teacher  to  accompany  them.  His  own  going  was 
opposed.  If  one  of  the  Puritan  clergy  would  consent 
to  go  with  them  it  might  conciliate  opponents  and 
disarm  the  hostility  which  was  manifested  against 
them  on  religious  grounds.  Arrived  in  New  England, 
far  from  the  episcopal  eye,  Robinson  was  confident 
that  such  a  minister  would  fall  in  with  the  method  and 
practice  of  his  own  Church. 

Now  in  Cushman's  letter  of  June  10,  1620,  to  John 
Carver,  we  find  this  passage — 

"  For  Master  Crabe  of  whom  you  write  he  hath  promised 
to  go  with  us  :  yet  I  tell  you,  I  shall  not  be  without  fear  till  I 
see  him  shipped;  for  he  is  much  opposed.  Yet  I  hope  he 
will  not  fail." 

1  Works,  vol.  iii.  pp.  63,  78. 


244  JOHN  ROBINSON 

Bradford  notes  in  the  margin  of  his  History  against 
this  name  :  "  He  was  a  Minister."  His  sailing  with 
them  was  evidently  contemplated,  but  the  opposition 
to  his  going,  as  Cushman  feared,  proved  to  be  too 
strong,  and  he  was  prevented. 

Note  on  the  "  Mayflower  " 

The  Mayflower  was  a  staunch  little  square-rigged 
vessel  (Bradford  casually  mentions  her  "  topsail  halli- 
ards "),  double-decked,  broad  in  the  beam  and  tubby, 
with  upper  works  rising  rather  high  at  the  stern. 
It  was  an  obligation  on  the  passengers  to  construct 
their  own  cabins  between  decks.  Her  tonnage  is 
variously  given  as  "  about  sixtylast  "  =  120  tons, 
"140  tuns,"  and  "  about  nine  score  in  burden  "  = 
180  tons.  She  was  partly  owned  x  by  her  Master, 
Christopher  Jones,  and  seems  to  have  been  registered 
at  Harwich,  where  the  Jones  family  were  settled  as 
merchants.  Christopher  Jones  was  a  good  seaman. 
He  was  not  a  raw  hand  at  the  job.  As  early  as  1606 
we  find  him  making  a  voyage  in  command  of  the 
Jason  to  Bordeaux.  Later  on  he  was  engaged  in 
the  Greenland  whale-fishery.  He  had  confidence  in 
his  vessel.  When  the  "  Pilgrims  "  were  a  bit  daunted 
by  the  Atlantic  storms  he  told  them  "  he  knew  the 
ship  to  be  firm  and  strong  under  water."  Jones  was 
a  good  shot  and  a  kindly  man.  Going  ashore  from 
the  Mayflower,  on  Friday,  February  9,  1621,  he 
"  killed  five  geese,  which  he  friendly  distributed 
among  the  sick  people."  When  the  "  Pilgrims'  " 
own  stock  of  beer  ran  out,  on  Christmas  Day,  of  all 
days,  and  they  began  "  to  drink  water  aboard," 
Bradford  says,  "  at  night  the  Master  caused  us  to 
have  some  beer.  And  so  on  board  we  had  divers 
times,  now  and  then,  some  beer  :  but  on  shore  none 
at  all."  Jones  helped  the  Planters  in  their  work  of 
exploration,  and  allowed  them  to  use  the  Mayflower 
as  their  rendezvous  till  their  humble  dwellings  were 
made    ready    on    shore.     They    held    their    Sunday 

1  Roland  G.  Usher  thinks  she  belonged  to  Thomas  Goffe,  one  of  the 
Adventurers.  But  it  was  the  Mayflower  of  1629  in  which  Goffe  was 
interested.     Even  if  she  were  the  same  ship,  he  had  no  share  in  her  in  1620. 


LOG   OF  THE   'MAYFLOWER5        245 

services  on  board  till  Sunday,  January  21,  1621, 
when,  they  say,  "  we  kept  our  Meeting  on  land." 
The  colonists  named  the  first  considerable  stream 
they  found  after  the  Captain,  and  it  bears  his  name, 
"  Jones  River,"  to  this  day. 

Of  the  crew  carried  by  the  Mayflower  we  hear  of 
Robert  Coppin,  "  our  pilot,"  and  John  Clarke  a 
second  pilot.  These  two  ranked  as  "master's  mates." 
I  think  the  third  mate  was  "  Master  Williamson," 
who  accompanied  Miles  Standish,  March  22,  1621, 
to  meet  the  Indian  "  King  "  "at  the  brook,"  on  the 
first  approach  of  the  Indians  to  the  infant  colony. 

We  may  construct  a  rough  log  of  the  Mayflower 
for  her  memorable  voyage  as  follows — 

"  1620.     June  or  July.     Mayflower  chartered. 
,,         July  19.     Arrived  at  Southampton. 
„         July  26.     Joined  there  by  the  Speedwell. 
„         Aug.  5.      Sailed  from  Southampton. 
„         Aug.  13.     Put  into  Dartmouth. 
„         Aug.  23.     Left  Dartmouth. 
„         Sept.  6.      Sailed  from  Plymouth.     Wind  E.N.E. 
„         Nov.  9.      Made  Cape   Cod  at   daybreak.     Shape 

courseS.  S.W.  for  the  Hudson,  but  owing  to  shoals 

and  contrary  winds  put  about  at  night. 
„         Nov.  11.     Dropped  anchor  in  Cape  Cod  Bay. 
„         Nov.  15-27,  Dec.  5.     Exploring  parties  sent  out. 
„         Dec.  8.     Friday,  at  nightfall  an  exploring  party 

landed  on  an  island  in  Plymouth  bay.     It  was 

named  after  John  Clarke,  and  is  still  known  as 

Clark's  Island. 
„         Dec.  11.     Landing  of  the  exploring  party  on  the 

mainland  at  Plymouth. 
„         Dec.  14.     Exploring  party  returns  to  the  Mayflower. 
„         Dec.  15.     Weighed  anchor  at  Cape  Cod  and  made 

an    abortive    attempt   to    get    into    Plymouth 

Bay.     Wind  N.W.     Course  West. 
„         Dec.  16.     Mayflower  dropped  anchor  in  Plymouth 

Bay,  New  England,  and  there  wintered. 
"  1621.     April  5.     Sailed  for  Old  England. 

„         May  5  or   6.     Arrived    in    London.     Refit   and 

sail  for  Rochelle. 
„         Oct.  19.  Discharging  cargo  of  Bay  Salt  in  London." 

Christopher  Jones  did  not  long  survive  this  voyage. 
He  died  the  next  summer,  and  on  August  26,  1622, 


246  JOHN   ROBINSON 

letters  of  administration  for  his  estate  were  granted 
to  his  widow,  Joan  Jones. 

The  ship's  surgeon  on  the  Mayflower  was  one  Giles 
Heale,  who,  with  John  Carver  and  "  Christopher 
Joanes,"  witnessed  the  nuncupative  will  of  William 
Mullins  of  Dorking,  one  of  the  Pilgrims  who  died  on 
board  in  the  sickness  of  that  first  winter.  The  May- 
flower was  in  poor  trim  when  she  lay  at  Rotherhithe  in 
1624,  and  was  valued,  with  her  "  one  suit  of  worn 
sails  "  and  her  fittings,  at  £138  8s.  Whether  she  was 
made  seaworthy  again  and  was  the  same  Mayflower 
which  carried  other  colonists  to  New  England,  does  not 
certainly  appear.1  On  her  voyage  in  1620  she  carried  a 
Master  Gunner  and  some  good  ordnance,  designed  for 
the  defence  of  the  Planters.  One  of  her  crew  died  on 
the  outward  voyage.  In  addition  to  her  ordinary  ship's 
company  and  the  Pilgrim  passengers  the  Mayflower 
carried  five  hired  men,  one  of  whom  was  John  Alden, 
"  hired  for  a  cooper  at  Southampton  ...  a  hopeful 
young  man."  He  elected  to  stay  in  the  colony,  and 
married  Priscilla  Mullins.  The  other  four  were  sailors, 
John  Allerton,  "  reputed  one  of  the  company,"  and 
Thomas  English,  engaged  to  be  the  Master  of  their 
shallop  at  New  Plymouth  for  coasting  and  fishing 
(these  two  died  in  the  first  sickness),  William 
Trevore  and  one  Ellis,  both  of  whom  were  "  hired 
to  stay  a  year  in  the  country,"  but  returned  when 
their  time  was  out.  Trevore  pitched  some  fine  yarns 
about  New  England  when  he  got  back  to  London. 
His  reports  stimulated  interest  in  the  colonization 
of  those  parts.  These  four  extra  seamen  wrould  be 
a  help  in  working  the  Mayflower  on  her  passage  out. 

Wherever  the  Englishman  goes  there  goes  his  dog, 
and  the  Mayflower  had  dogs  aboard.  There  is  no 
mention  of  goats  or  swine  or  poultry.  It  is  possible 
that  a  couple  of  goats  were  carried,  as  the  Planters 
had  a  herd  of  goats  in  1623,  when  Bradford  and 
Allerton    wrote     from    Plymouth    that     goats    "  will 

1  Dr.  Rendel  Harris  thinks  she  was  the  same — Last  of  the  Mayflower, 
1920,  p.  48. 


INTANGIBLE   CARGO  247 

here  thrive  very  well  .  .  .  and  live  at  no  charge 
ether  wenter  or  sommer  .  .  .  also  they  are  much 
more  easily  transported  .  .  .  then  other  kattle,  yet 
tow  of  those  which  came  last  dyed  by  the  way." 
But  I  fancy  these  were  not  on  the  Mayflower,  as  the 
colonists  had  their  minds  intent  upon  fishing  at  the 
outset.  Not  till  the  spring  of  1624  had  the  Planters 
any  neat  cattle.  Then  Edward  Winslow  took  back 
with  him  three  heifers  and  a  bull,  and  Bradford's 
anticipation  that  "  it  might  be  a  good  benefite  after 
some  encrease  that  they  might  be  able  to  spare  some 
to  others  that  should  have  thoughts  this  way,"  x 
was  amply  verified.  The  trade  in  cattle  was  a  main 
source  of  wealth  to  Plymouth  Plantation  in  after  days. 
Of  course  the  greatest  of  the  assets  carried  on  the 
Mayflower  were  not  the  stores  for  the  Plantation, 
but  the  intangible  cargo.  The  Planters  went  out 
with  wives  and  children.  They  went  to  found  homes, 
not  to  seek  fortunes.  There  were  Pilgrim  Mothers 
in  the  company  skilled  in  all  the  arts  of  housewifery. 
These  English  folk  carried  their  language,  their  laws, 
their  traditions,  and  their  native  capacity  for  orderly 
administration  with  them.  They  were  deeply  re- 
ligious, and  their  convictions  in  matters  of  religion 
had  been  tempered  to  a  fine  edge  by  the  experiences 
through  which  they  had  passed  and  by  the  wise 
guidance  of  John  Robinson,  their  pastor.  Nor  must 
we  forget  the  broadening  effect  which  ten  years' 
residence  in  Leyden  had  wrought  upon  the  civic  and 
political  ideals  of  their  leaders.  Narrow  in  some 
respects  they  were,  it  is  true,  when  judged  from  the 
modern  standpoint.  They  were  severely  Biblical. 
They  had  their  share  of  cranky  people.  But  for 
their  time  they  had  a  remarkable  breadth  of  view. 
They  sought  liberty,  indeed,  for  themselves  first,  but 
they  already  had  their  faces  set  in  the  direction  which 
would  lead  them  in  time  to  grant  that  liberty  to  others. 

1  Letter  of  Bradford  and  Allerton,  September  8,  1623,  in  Public  Record 
Office.  For  information  as  to  the  Mayflower  see  an  article  by  R.  G.  Marsden 
in  the  English  Historical  Review,  October  1904. 


CHAPTER  XXII 

THE  SAILING ROBINSON'S  LETTER  OF  ADVICE ROBERT 

CUSHMAN'S    LETTER THE    "  MAYFLOWER'S  "    VOYAGE 

The  time  of  parting  from  the  Leyden  friends  at 
length  arrived.  It  was  with  a  wrench  that  they 
said  farewell  at  the  waterside  in  Delftshaven.  With 
tears  and  choking  voices,  and  many  "  lively  and 
true  expressions  of  dear  and  unfeigned  love,"  they 
separated.  Some  of  the  members  of  Ainsworth's 
Church  at  Amsterdam  had  also  come  over  to  wish 
them  Godspeed,  and  sundry  Dutch  strangers,  who 
stood  on  the  quay  as  spectators,  were  deeply  moved 
by  the  scene. 

"  The  tide,"  says  Bradford,  "  which  stays  for  no  man, 
calling  them  away  that  were  thus  loth  to  depart,  their 
Reverend  Pastor  falling  down  on  his  knees,  and  they  all 
with  him,  with  watery  cheeks,  commended  them  with  most 
fervent  prayers  to  the  Lord  and  his  blessing.  And  then, 
with  mutual  embraces  and  many  tears,  they  took  their 
leaves  one  of  another,  which  proved  to  be  the  last  leave 
to  many  of  them." 

Bradford  notes  in  the  margin  of  his  History  that 
the  date  of  the  sailing  of  the  Speedwell  was  "  about 
22nd  of  July."  This  was  a  Saturday,  and  with  a 
favouring  wind  they  made  a  quick  passage  to  South- 
ampton, "  where  they  found  the  bigger  ship  come 
from  London,  lying  ready,  with  all  the  rest  of  their 
Company."  Thomas  Prince  tells  us  the  Mayflower 
"  had  been  waiting  there  with  Master  Cushman  seven 
days."     Cushman,  then,  for  his  part,  was  up  to  time. 

Further  delays  now  followed.     For  one  thing,  the 

248 


AT   SOUTHAMPTON  249 

Speedwell  was  not  in  fit  trim  for  the  Atlantic  voyage, 
and  had  to  be  overhauled:  for  another,  it  was  im- 
portant to  come  to  some  definite  understanding  with 
the  general  body  of  Adventurers  about  the  Con- 
ditions on  which  the  Planters  or  Colonists  joined  in 
the  venture,  and  this  involved  more  discussion.  They 
evidently  expected  the  leading  Adventurers  would 
come  down  to  Southampton  to  attend  a  joint  meeting 
to  settle  the  terms.  Apparently  only  Thomas  Weston 
turned  up,  and  he  came  not  to  discuss,  but  to  get 
their  signatures  to  the  altered  Conditions.  I  take 
it  that  Robinson  had  advised  them  on  no  account 
to  consent  to  the  new  terms,  for  they  refused  to 
sign,  and  told  Weston — 

"  He  knew  right  well  that  these  were  not  according  to 
the  first  Agreement.  Neither  could  they  yield  to  them 
without  the  consent  of  the  rest  that  were  behind,  and,  in- 
deed, they  had  special  charge  when  they  came  away,  from 
the  Chief  of  those  that  were  behind,  not  to  do  it.  At  which 
he  was  much  offended,  and  told  them,  c  they  must  then 
look  to  stand  on  their  own  legs,'  so  he  returned  in  displeasure." 

The  Pilgrim  company  wrote  a  letter  from  South- 
ampton to  the  "  Merchants  and  Adventurers,"  ex- 
plaining the  position  of  affairs.  They  did  not  wish 
to  be  thought  unreasonable — 

August  3rd,  anno  1620. 

"  Beloved  Friends, 

44  Sorry  we  are  that  there  should  be  occasion  of 
writing  at  all  unto  you,  partly  because  we  ever  expected 
to  see  the  most  of  you  here,  but  especially  because  there 
should  any  difference  at  all  be  conceived  between  us.  But 
seeing  it  falleth  out  that  we  cannot  confer  together,  we 
think  it  meet,  though  briefly,  to  show  you  the  just  cause 
and  reason  of  our  differing  from  those  Articles  last  made  by 
Robert  Cushman,  without  our  consideration  or  knowledge. 
And  though  he  might  propound  good  ends  to  himself  [in  so 
doing]  yet  it  no  way  justifies  his  doing  it. 

"  Our  main  difference  is  in  the  Fifth  and  Ninth  Articles 
concerning  the  dividing,  or  holding,  of  house  and  lands, 
the  enjoying  whereof,  some  of  yourselves  well   know,   was 


250  JOHN   ROBINSON 

one  special  motive  amongst  many  others  to  provoke  us  to 
go.  This  was  thought  so  reasonable,  that  when  the  greatest 
of  you  in  adventure  [Thomas  Weston],  whom  we  have  much 
cause  to  respect,  when  he  propounded  Conditions  to  us  [at 
Leyden]  freely  of  his  own  accord,  he  set  this  down  for  one. 
A  copy  whereof  we  have  sent  unto  you,  with  some  additions 
then  added  by  us,  which  being  liked  on  both  sides,  and  a 
day  set  for  the  payment  of  monies,  those  of  Holland  paid  in 
theirs. 

"  After  that,  Robert  Cushman,  Master  [John]  Peirce,  and 
Master  Martin  brought  them  into  a  better  form,  and  writ 
them  in  a  book  now  extant  and  upon  Robert's  showing 
them  [i.  e.  on  Robert  Cushman  showing  them  to  Mullins] 
and  delivering  Master  [William]  Mullins  a  copy  thereof 
under  his  hand,  which  we  have,  he  paid  in  his  money. 

"  And  we  of  Holland  had  never  seen  other  before  our 
coming  to  Hampton  but  only  as  one  got,  for  himself,  a 
private  copy  of  them.  Upon  sight  whereof,  we  manifested 
utter  dislike,  but  had  put  off  [sold]  our  estates,  and  were 
ready  to  come;  and  therefore  it  was  too  late  to  reject  the 
voyage.  Judge,  therefore,  we  beseech  you,  indifferently 
[impartially]  of  things ;  and  if  a  fault  have  been  committed, 
lay  it  where  it  is,  and  not  upon  us,  who  have  more  cause  to 
stand  for  the  one  [set  of  Conditions]  than  you  have  for  the 
other  [altered  Conditions]. 

"We  never  gave  Robert  Cushman  commission  to  make 
any  one  Article  for  us,  but  only  sent  him  to  receive  monies 
upon  Articles  before  agreed  on,  and  to  further  the  pro- 
visions [preparations]  till  John  Carver  came,  and  to  assist 
him  in  it. 

"  Yet,  since  you  conceive  yourselves  wronged  as  well  as 
we,  we  thought  meet  to  add  a  branch  to  the  end  of  our 
Ninth  Article,  as  will  almost  heal  that  wound  of  itself,  which 
you  conceive  to  be  in  it. 

"  But  that  it  may  appear  to  all  men  that  we  are  not  lovers 
of  ourselves  only,  but  desire  also  the  good  and  enriching 
of  [you]  our  friends,  who  have  adventured  your  monies  with 
our  persons ;  we  have  added  our  [  ?  one]  last  Article  to  the 
rest,  promising  you  again  by  letters  in  behalf  of  the  whole 
Company — 

"  That  if  large  profits  should  not  arise  within  the  Seven 
Years,  that  we  will  continue  together  longer  with  you, 
if  the  Lord  give  a  blessing. 

This,  we  hope,  is  sufficient  to  satisfy  any  in  this  case, 
especially  friends,  since  we  are  assured  that  if  the  whole 


PARTING   COUNSEL  251 

charge  were  divided  into  four  parts  [the  Adventurers  or 
Shareholders],  of  three  of  them  would  not  stand  upon  it 
[the  alteration  in  the  Conditions],  neither  do  regard  it,  etc. 

"  We  are  in  such  a  strait  at  present  as  we  are  forced  to 
sell  away  £60  of  our  provisions  to  clear  the  haven,  and  withal 
put  ourselves  upon  great  extremities,  scarce  having  any 
butter,  no  oil,  not  a  sole  to  mend  a  shoe,  nor  every  man  a 
sword  to  his  side,  wanting  many  muskets,  much  armour, 
etc.  And  yet  we  are  willing  to  expose  ourselves  to  such 
imminent  dangers  as  are  like  to  ensue,  and  trust  to  the  good 
providence  of  God  rather  than  his  name  and  truth  should 
be  evil  spoken  of,  for  us. 

"  Thus  saluting  all  of  you  in  love,  and  beseeching  the 
Lord  to  give  a  blessing  to  our  endeavour,  and  keep  all  our 
hearts  in  the  bonds  of  peace  and  love,  we  take  leave,  and 
rest, 

"Yours,  etc." 

This  letter  was  "  subscribed  with  many  names  of 
the  Chief  est  of  the  Company." 


Robinson's  Parting  Counsel 

After  they  had  at  length  despatched  all  their 
business  and  were  ready  to  leave  Southampton,  the 
company  was  called  together  to  listen  to  a  letter 
from  John  Robinson,  giving  them  helpful  advice  as 
to  the  manner  and  spirit  it  would  befit  them  to  show 
in  their  great  adventure.  They  were  to  display  a 
loving  forbearance ;  they  were  to  avoid  taking  offence 
at  trifles,  and  were  to  subordinate  their  own  interests 
to  the  general  good  of  the  society  to  which  they 
belonged.  Robinson  refers  to  this  "  large  letter  "  in 
a  short  private  communication  to  his  brother-in-law, 
John  Carver,  which  may  first  be  read — 

"  My  dear  Brother, 

"  I  received  enclosed  your  last  letter  and  note  of 
information,  which  I  shall  carefully  keep  and  make  use  of, 
as  there  shall  be  occasion.  I  have  a  true  feeling  of  your 
perplexity  of  mind  and  toil  of  body,  but  I  hope  that  you, 
having  always  been  able  so  plentifully  to  administer  comfort 
unto  others  in  their  trials  are  so  well  furnished  for  yourself, 


252  JOHN   ROBINSON 

as  that  far  greater  difficulties  than  you  have  yet  undergone 
(though  I  conceive  them  to  be  great  enough)  cannot  oppress 
you,  though  they  press  you  as  the  apostle  speaketh.  4  The 
spirit  of  a  man  (sustained  by  the  Spirit  of  God)  will  sustain 
his  infirmities '  (Prov.  xviii.  14).  I  doubt  not  so  will  yours, 
and  the  better  much,  when  you  shall  enjoy  the  presence  and 
help  of  so  many  godly  and  wise  brethren  for  the  bearing  of 
part  of  your  burden ;  who  also  will  not  admit  into  their 
hearts  the  least  thought  of  suspicion  of  any  the  least  negli- 
gence, at  least,  presumption,  to  have  been  in  you,  whatsoever 
they  think  of  others. 

"  Now,  what  shall  I  say,  or  write  unto  you,  and  your  good 
wife,  my  loving  sister  ?  Even  only  this,  I  desire,  and  always 
shall,  mercy  and  blessing  unto  you  from  the  Lord  as  unto 
my  own  soul,  and  assure  yourself  that  my  heart  is  with  you 
and  that  I  will  not  foreslow  my  bodily  coming  at  the  first 
opportunity. 

"  I  have  written  a  large  letter  to  the  whole,  and  am  sorry 
I  shall  not  rather  speak  than  write  to  them,  and  the  more 
considering  the  want  of  a  preacher,  which  I  shall  also  make 
some  spur  to  my  hastening  towards  you. 

"  I  do  ever  commend  my  best  affection  unto  you,  which, 
if  I  thought  you  made  any  doubt  of,  I  would  express  in  more 
and  the  same  more  ample  and  full  words. 

"  And  the  Lord,  in  whom  you  trust,  and  whom  you  serve, 
ever  in  this  business  and  journey,  guide  you  with  his  hand, 
protect  you  with  his  wing,  and  show  you  and  us  his  salva- 
tion in  the  end,  and  bring  us  in  the  meanwhile  together  in 
the  place  desired  (if  such  be  his  good  will),  for  his  Christ's 
sake.     Amen. 

"  Yours, 

"  John  Robinson. 
"July  27,  1620."  * 

Of  the  "  large  letter "  we  have  three  versions, 
one  printed  in  what  is  known  as  Mourfs  Relation  in 
1622,  one  given  in  Bradford's  History  and  a  third 
in  Nathaniel  Morton's  New  England's  Memorial,  based 
on  Bradford.  The  first  gives  the  best  text.  Doubtless 
it  would  be  read  to  the  assembled  company  by 
William  Brewster.     It  shows  us  incidentally  that  the 

1  I  take  this  date  to  be  new  style.  If  this  is  so  the  letter  was  probably 
written  in  view  of  the  departure  of  the  Speedivell  and  sent  by  her.  Catherine 
Carver  was  very  likely  already  in  England  with  her  husband. 


LETTER   OF   ADVICE  253 

form  of  government  under  which  they  were  to  order 
themselves  had  been  carefully  discussed.  The  demo- 
cratic principles  familiar  in  their  Church  order  were 
to  be  applied  to  their  civil  government,  and  the  voice 
of  the  majority  was  to  regulate  their  public  affairs. 
They  were  to  initiate  a  bold  experiment  for  which 
their  close  association  in  Church  life  had  prepared 
them.  The  introduction  of  a  contingent  from  London 
and  Essex  into  the  society,  however,  called  for  all  the 
more  care  in  ordering  their  estate,  so  that  the  new 
elements  might  be  safely  and  securely  absorbed  into 
the  general  body.  In  Mourtfs  Relation  the  author- 
ship of  this  letter  is  not  stated.  Initials  only,  "  I.  R.," 
are  given.  The  prejudice  against  Robinson  on  the 
part  of  bigoted  religionists  was  too  strong  to  be 
stirred  up  without  good  warrant. 

"  Certain   useful  Advertisements  sent  in  a    Letter 

written  by  a  discreet  Friend  unto  the  Planters 

in  New  England,  at  their  first  setting  sail  from 

Southampton,  who  earnestly  desireth  the 

Prosperity  of  that,  their  new, 

Plantation 

44  Loving  and  Christian  Friends, 

44  I  do  heartily,  and  in  the  Lord,  salute  you  all :  as 
being  they  with  whom  I  am  present  in  my  best  affection, 
and  most  earnest  longings  after  you,  though  I  be  constrained, 
for  a  while,  to  be  bodily  absent  from  you.  I  say,  con- 
strained :  God  knowing  how  willingly  much  rather  than 
otherwise,  I  would  have  borne  my  part  with  you  in  this  first 
brunt,  were  I  not,  by  strong  necessity,  held  back  for  the 
present.  Make  account  of  me  in  the  mean  while,  as  of  a 
man  divided  in  myself,  with  great  pain,  and  as,  natural 
bonds  set  aside,  having  my  better  part  with  you. 

44  And  though  I  doubt  not  but,  in  your  godly  wisdoms, 
you  both  foresee,  and  resolve  upon,  that  which  concerneth 
your  present  state  and  condition,  both  severally  and  jointly ; 
yet  have  I  thought  [it]  but  my  duty,  to  add  some  further 
spur  of  provocation  unto  them  who  run  already,  if  not 
because  you  need  it,  yet  because  I  owe  it  in  love  and  duty. 

44  [1]  And  first,  as  we  are  daily  to  renew  our  repentance 
with  our  God,  special,  for  our  sins  known,  and  general,  for 
our  unknown  trespasses :  so  doth  the  Lord  call  us,  in  a  singular 


254  JOHN  ROBINSON 

manner,  upon  occasions  of  such  difficulty  and  danger  as  lieth 
upon  you,  to  a  both  more  narrow  search,  and  careful  refor- 
mation, of  our  ways  in  his  sight,  lest  he  (calling  to  remem- 
brance our  sins  forgotten  by  us,  or  unrepented  of)  take 
advantage  against  us;  and,  in  judgment,  leave  us  for  the 
same  to  be  swallowed  up  in  one  danger  or  other.  Whereas, 
on  the  contrary,  sin  being  taken  away  by  earnest  repentance, 
and  pardon  thereof  from  the  Lord  sealed  up  unto  a  man's 
conscience  by  his  Spirit,  great  shall  be  his  security  and  peace 
in  all  dangers,  sweet  his  comforts  in  all  distresses,  with  happy 
deliverance  from  all  evil,  whether  in  life  or  in  death. 

44  [2]  Now  next  after  this  heavenly  peace  with  God  and 
our  own  consciences,  we  are  carefully  to  provide  for  peace 
with  all  men,  what  in  us  lieth,  especially  with  our  associates : 
and,  for  that  end,  watchfulness  must  be  had,  that  we  neither 
at  all  in  ourselves  do  give,  no,  nor  easily  take  offence  being 
given  by  others.  Woe  be  unto  the  World  for  offences  ! 
For  though  it  be  necessary  (considering  the  malice  of  Satan, 
and  man's  corruption)  that  offences  come;  yet  woe  unto 
the  man,  or  woman  either,  by  whom  the  offence  cometh  ! 
said  Christ  (Matt,  xviii.  7).  And  if  offences,  in  the  un- 
seasonable use  of  things  in  themselves  indifferent,  be  more 
to  be  feared  than  death  itself,  as  the  Apostle  teacheth  (1  Cor. 
ix.  15),  how  much  more  in  things  simply  evil,  in  which  neither 
honour  of  God,  nor  love  of  man,  is  thought  worthy  to  be 
regarded. 

44  Neither  yet  is  it  sufficient  that  we  keep  ourselves,  by  the 
grace  of  God,  from  giving  offence;  except  withal,  we  be 
armed  against  the  taking  of  them,  when  they  are  given  by 
others.  For  how  unperfect  and  lame  is  the  work  of  grace 
in  that  person  who  wants  charity  to  cover  a  multitude  of 
offences,  as  the  Scriptures  speak. 

44  Neither  are  you  to  be  exhorted  to  this  grace,  only  upon 
the  common  grounds  of  Christianity,  which  are,  That  persons 
ready  to  take  offence,  either  want  charity  to  cover  offences, 
or  wisdom  duly  to  weigh  human  frailty ;  or  lastly,  are  gross, 
though  close,  hypocrites,  as  Christ  our  Lord  teacheth  (Matt, 
vii.  1,  2,  3).  As  indeed,  in  mine  own  experience,  few  or 
none  have  been  found,  which  sooner  give  offence,  than  such 
as  easily  take  it ;  neither  have  they  ever  proved  sound  and 
profitable  members  in  societies,  which  have  nourished  in 
themselves  that  touchy  humour. 

44  [3]  But,  besides  these,  there  are  divers  special  motives 
provoking  you,  above  others,  to  great  care  and  conscience 
this  way. 

44  As,   first,   you   are,   many   of   you,   strangers   as  to  the 


A   BODY  POLITIC  255 

persons  so  to  the  infirmities  one  of  another,  and  so  stand 
in  need  of  more  watchfulness  this  way,  lest  when  such  things 
fall  out  in  men  and  women  as  you  suspected  not,  you  be 
inordinately  affected  with  them,  which  doth  require  at  your 
hands  much  wisdom  and  charity  for  the  covering  and 
preventing  of  incident  offences  that  way. 

"  And,  lastly,  your  intended  course  of  Civil  Community 
will  minister  continual  occasion  of  offence,  and  will  be  as 
fuel  for  that  fire,  except  you  diligently  quench  it  with  brotherly 
forbearance.  And  if  taking  offence  causelessly,  or  easily,  at 
men's  doings  be  so  carefully  to  be  avoided,  how  much  more 
heed  is  to  be  taken  that  we  take  not  offence  at  God  himself, 
which  yet  we  certainly  do,  so  oft  as  we  do  murmur  at  his 
Providence  in  our  crosses,  or  bear  impatiently  such  afflictions 
as  wherewith  he  pleaseth  to  visit  us.  Store  we  up  therefore 
patience  against  the  evil  day  !  without  which,  we  take  offence 
at  the  Lord  himself  in  his  holy  and  just  works. 

"  [4]  A  fourth  thing  there  is  carefully  to  be  provided  for, 
to  wit,  That  with  common  employments,  you  join  common 
affections  truly  bent  upon  the  general  good,  avoiding  (as  a 
deadly  plague  of  your  both  common  and  special  comfort) 
all  retiredness  of  mind  for  proper  [i.  e.  for  one's  own 
personal]  advantage,  and  all  [persons]  singularly  affected 
any  manner  of  way.  Let  every  man  repress  in  himself,  and 
the  whole  body,  in  each  person  (as  so  many  rebels  against 
the  common  good)  all  private  respects  of  men's  selves  not 
sorting  with  the  general  conveniency !  And  as  men  are 
careful  not  to  have  a  new  house  shaken  with  any  violence 
before  it  be  well  settled,  and  the  parts  firmly  knit,  so  be 
you,  I  beseech  you,  brethren,  much  more  careful  that  the 
House  of  God,  which  you  are,  and  are  to  be,  be  not  shaken 
with  unnecessary  novelties,  or  other  oppositions,  at  the  first 
settling  thereof. 

"  [5]  Lastly,  whereas  you  are  to  become  a  Body  Politic, 
using  amongst  yourselves  Civil  Government,  and  are  not 
furnished  with  any  persons  of  special  eminency  above  the  rest  to 
be  chosen  by  you  into  Office  of  Government,  let  your  wisdom 
and  godliness  appear,  not  only  in  choosing  such  persons  as  do 
entirely  love,  and  will  diligently  promote,  the  common  good ; 
but  also  in  yielding  unto  them  all  due  honour  and  obedience 
in  their  lawful  administrations.  Not  beholding  in  them  the 
ordinariness  of  their  persons,  but  God's  ordinance  for  your 
good,  nor  being  like  unto  the  foolish  multitude,  who  more  honour 
the  gay  coat  than  either  the  virtuous  mind  of  the  man,  or 
glorious  ordinance  of  the  Lord. 

"  But  you  know  better  things,  and  that  the  Image  of  the 


256  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Lord's  power  and  authority,  which  the  Magistrate  beareth, 
is  honourable  in  how  mean  persons  soever.  And  this  duty 
you  both  may  the  more  willingly,  and  ought  the  more  con- 
scionably  to  perform,  because  you  are,  at  least  for  the  present, 
to  have  only  them  for  your  ordinary  Governors  which  your- 
selves shall  make  choice  of  for  that  work. 

"  [Conclusion]  Sundry  other  things  of  importance  I  could 
put  you  in  mind  of,  and  of  those  before  mentioned  in  more 
words,  but  I  will  not  so  far  wrong  your  godly  minds,  as  to 
think  you  heedless  of  these  things,  there  being  also  divers 
among  you  so  well  able  to  admonish  both  themselves  and 
others,  of  what  concern eth  them. 

"  These  few  things,  therefore,  and  the  same  in  few  words, 
I  do  earnestly  commend  unto  your  care  and  conscience, 
joining  therewith  my  daily  incessant  prayers  unto  the  Lord, 
that  he  (who  hath  made  the  heavens  and  the  earth,  the  sea 
and  all  rivers  of  water,  and  whose  Providence  is  over  all  his 
works,  especially  over  all  his  dear  children  for  good)  would 
so  guide  and  guard  you  in  your  ways  (as  inwardly  by  his 
Spirit,  so  outwardly  by  the  hand  of  his  power)  as  that  both 
you,  and  we  also  for  and  with  you,  may  have  after  matter  of 
praising  his  name,  all  the  days  of  your,  and  our,  lives. 

"  Fare  you  well  in  him  in  whom  you  trust,  and  in  whom  I 
rest ! 

"  An  unfeigned  well- wilier  of  your  happy  success  in  this 
hopeful  voyage, 

"  I[ohn]  R[obinson]." 

This  letter  "  had  good  acceptation  with  all  and 
after  fruit  with  many."  It  is  not  too  much  to  say 
that  some  part  of  Bradford's  own  charitableness  in 
judgment  and  equable  temper  in  the  face  of  many 
provocations  was  due  to  the  influence  of  John  Robin- 
son upon  his  character,  exerted  through  such  teaching 
as  this  letter  embodies.  The  need  and  pertinence  of 
the  advice  here  given  is  made  manifest  by  the  letter 
of  Robert  Cushman  from  Dartmouth  quoted  below. 

The  Pilgrims  had  occasion  at  once  to  exercise  the 
power  of  election  to  which  Robinson  refers.  They 
"  chose  a  Governor  and  two  or  three  Assistants  for 
each  ship  to  order  the  people  by  the  way  and  see  to 
the  disposing  of  the  provisions  and  such-like  affairs." 

At  last  they  weighed  anchor  and  dropped  down 


AT   DARTMOUTH  257 

Southampton  Water  to  the  Channel,  "  about  the  5th 
of  August."  But  they  had  not  got  far  on  their  voyage 
before  Reynolds,  Master  of  the  Speedwell,  reported 
that  she  was  so  leaky  that  he  durst  not  face  the 
open  sea  with  her  till  she  was  mended.  Christopher 
Jones,  the  Master  of  the  Mayflower,  was  consulted, 
and  it  was  resolved  to  put  into  Dartmouth.  Here 
the  Speedwell  was  "  thoroughly  searched  from  stem 
to  stern,"  and  some  leaks  repaired.  All  this  meant 
loss  of  time,  further  expense  to  the  Pilgrims,  and 
loss  of  a  favourable  wind.  While  the  repairs  were 
in  execution  at  Dartmouth,  Cushman  wrote  a  long 
letter  to  Edward  Southworth  in  London.  He  felt 
impelled  to  pour  out  an  account  of  their  troubles  to 
some  sympathetic  ear.  It  was  a  grief  to  Cushman 
that  they  started  on  their  venture  under  a  cloud  of 
misunderstanding  and  ill-feeling  between  Weston  and 
other  of  the  Adventurers  and  themselves.  The  poor 
man  was  ill  and  disheartened.  Here  is  his  vivid 
letter — 

"  To  his  loving  friend,  Ed.  S.,  at  Henige  House,  in  the 
Duke  Place,  these — 

"  Loving  Friend, 

"  My  most  kind  remembrance  to  you,  and  your 
wife,1  with  loving  E.  M.,2  etc.,  whom  in  this  world  I  never 
look  to  see  again.  For,  besides  the  eminent  dangers  of  this 
voyage,  which  are  no  less  than  deadly,  an  infirmity  of  body 
hath  seized  me,  which  will  not  in  all  likelihood  leave  me  till 
death.     What  to  call  it,  I  know  not.     But  it  is  a  bundle  of 

1  Southworth  married  Alice  Carpenter  on  May  28,  1613,  at  Leyden.  He 
was  now  living  at  Heneage  House  in  Duke's  Place,  Aldgate  Ward,  London. 
The  house  had  belonged  to  the  Abbots  of  "Bury  St.  Edmunds,  and  had  passed 
from  them  to  Thomas  Heneage.  It  had  a  special  advantage  for  Separatists, 
for  it  stood  in  the  parish  of  the  Priory  of  Holy  Trinity.  This  religious  house 
was  dissolved  in  1531  and  granted  to  Sir  Thomas  Audley,  through  whose 
daughter  it  came  to  Thomas,  Duke  of  Norfolk.  Hence  the  title  Duke's 
Place.  Those  dwelling  there,  says  Stow,  "  became  utterly  destitute  of  any 
parish  church,"  so  the  Separatists  in  that  parish  escaped  indictment  under 
the  Act  enforcing  attendance  at  one's  parish  church.  A  new  church,  built 
on  the  site  of  the  old  Priory,  was  consecrated  January  2,  1622,  by  George 
Abbot,  assisted  by  Sir  Henry  Martin,  the  Bishop's  Vicar-General  in  Spirituals. 

2  I  think  these  initials  refer  to  Experience  Mitchell. 

s 


258  JOHN   ROBINSON 

lead,  as  it  were,  crushing  my  heart  more  and  more  these 
fourteen  days,  as  that,  although  I  do  the  actions  of  a  living 
man,  yet  I  am  but  as  dead.  But  the  will  of  God  be 
done  ! 

44  Our  pinnace  will  not  cease  leaking,  else,  I  think,  we  had 
been  half  way  at  Virginia.  Our  voyage  hither  hath  been  so 
full  of  crosses  as  ourselves  have  been  of  crookedness.  We 
put  in  here  to  trim  her,  and  I  think,  as  others  also,  if  we  had 
stayed  at  sea  but  three  or  four  hours  more  she  would  have 
sunk  right  down.  And  though  she  was  twice  trimmed  at 
Hampton,  yet  now  she  is  as  open  and  leaky  as  a  sieve,  and 
there  was  a  board,  two  feet  long,  a  man  might  have  pulled 
off  with  his  fingers,  where  the  water  came  in  as  at  a  mole 
hole. 

44  We  lay  at  Hampton  seven  days  in  fair  weather,  waiting 
for  her,  and  now  we  lie  here  waiting  for  her  in  as  fair  a  wind 
as  can  blow,  and  so  have  done  these  four  days,  and  are  like 
to  lie  four  more,1  and  by  that  time  the  wind  will  happily 
[haply]  turn,  as  it  did  at  Hampton.  Our  victuals  will  be 
half  eaten  up,  I  think,  before  we  go  from  the  coast  of  England, 
and  if  our  voyage  last  long,  we  shall  not  have  a  month's 
victuals  when  we  come  in  the  country. 

44  Near  £700  hath  been  bestowed  at  Hampton  upon  what 
I  know  not.  Master  Martin 2  saith,  He  neither  can,  nor 
will  give  any  account  of  it.  And  if  he  be  called  upon  for 
accounts,  he  crieth  out  of  unthankfulness  for  his  pains  and 
care,  that  we  are  suspicious  of  him,  and  flings  away,  and 
will  end  nothing.  Also  he  so  insulteth  over  our  poor  people 
with  such  scorn  and  contempt,  as  if  they  were  not  good 
enough  to  wipe  his  shoes.  It  would  break  your  heart  to 
see  his  dealing,  and  the  mourning  of  our  people.  They 
complain  to  me,  and  alas,  I  can  do  nothing  for  them.  If 
I  speak  to  him,  he  flies  in  my  face  as  mutinous,  and  saith, 
4  No  complaints  shall  be  heard  or  received  but  by  himself,' 
and  saith,  4  They  are  froward  and  waspish,  discontented 
people,  and  I  do  ill  to  hear  them.' 

44  There  are  others  that  would  lose  all  they  have  put  in, 
or  make  satisfaction  for  what  they  have  had,  that  they 
might  depart ;  but  he  will  not  hear  them,  nor  suffer  them  to 
go  ashore  lest  they  should  run  away. 

1  Four  days  more  would  bring  them  to  August  21.  Captain  John  Smith, 
in  New  England's  Trials,  says,  "  They  left  the  coast  of  England  on  August  23." 

2  Bradford,  on  inserting  this  letter  into  his  History,  gives  this  note  on 
Martin  :  "He  was  Governor  in  the  bigger  ship  and  Master  Cushman  Assist- 
ant." As  Cushman  had  remitted  the  money  "  adventured  "  in  London  to 
Martin  at  Southampton  he  wanted  an  account. 


CUSHMAN'S   LETTER  259 

"  The  sailors  also  are  so  offended  at  his  ignorant  boldness 
in  meddling  and  controlling  in  things  he  knows  not  what 
belongs  to,  as  that  some  threaten  to  mischief  him.  Others 
say  they  will  leave  the  ship,  and  go  their  way.  But  at  the 
best,  this  cometh  of  it,  that  he  makes  himself  a  scorn  and 
laughing-stock  unto  them. 

"  As  for  Master  Weston,  except  grace  do  greatly  sway 
with  him,  he  will  hate  us  ten  times  more  than  ever  he  loved 
us,  for  not  confirming  the  Conditions.  But  now  since  some 
pinches  have  taken  them,  they  [i.  e.  the  opponents  of  the 
altered  Conditions]  begin  to  reveal  the  truth  and  say,  Master 
Robinson  was  in  the  fault,1  who  charged  them  never  to 
consent  to  those  Conditions  nor  choose  me  into  Office;  but, 
indeed,  appointed  them  to  choose  them  they  did  choose. 
But  he  and  they  will  rue  too  late.  They  may  now  see, 
and  all  be  ashamed  when  it  is  too  late,  that  they  were  so 
ignorant,  yea,  and  so  inordinate  in  their  courses.  I  am 
sorry,  as  they  were  resolved  not  to  seal  those  Conditions, 
I  was  not  so  resolute  at  Hampton  [as]  to  have  left  the  whole 
business,  except  they  would  seal  them.  And  better  the 
voyage  to  have  broken  off  then,  than  to  have  brought  such 
misery  to  ourselves,  dishonour  to  God,  and  detriment  to 
our  loving  friends,  as  now  it  is  like  to  do. 

"  Four  or  five  of  the  Chief  of  them  which  came  from 
Leyden,  came  resolved  never  to  go  on  those  Conditions. 
And  Master  Martin,  he  said,  '  He  never  received  no  money 
on  those  Conditions.  He  was  not  beholden  to  the  Merchants 
for  a  pin.  They  were  bloodsuckers,'  and  I  know  not  what. 
Simple  man  !  He,  indeed,  never  made  any  Conditions  with 
the  Merchants,  nor  ever  spake  with  them.  But  did  all  that 
money  2  fly  to  Hampton  or  was  it  his  own  ? 

"  [Firstly] — Who  will  go  and  lay  out  money  so  rashly 
and  lavishly  as  he  did,  and  never  know  how  he  comes  by  it, 
or  on  what  conditions  ? 

"  Secondly — I  told  him  of  the  alteration  long  ago,  and  he 
was  content. 

"  But  now  he  domineers,  and  said,  I  had  betrayed  them 
into  the  hands  of  slaves  !  He  is  not  beholden  to  them  ! 
He  can  set  out  two  ships  himself  to  a  voyage !  When, 
good    man  !    he    hath    but   £50    in    [i.  e.    invested    in    this 

1  Bradford  adds  a  note  here  :  ''I  think  he  was  deceived  in  these  things." 
Robinson  was  clearly  opposed  to  the  altered  Conditions,  but  he  would  hardly 
nominate  in  Leyden  those  to  be  elected  into  office  on  shipboard  at  South- 
ampton. 

2  The  £700  invested  by  the  London  merchants  and  remitted  by  Cushman 
to  Martin  and  Carver. 


260  JOHN   ROBINSON 

venture],  and  if  he  should  give  up  his  accounts,  he  would 
not  have  a  penny  left  him,1  as  I  am  persuaded,  etc. 

"  Friend,  if  ever  we  make  a  Plantation  God  works  a 
miracle !  specially  considering  how  scant  we  shall  be  of 
victuals,  and,  most  of  all,  ununited  amongst  ourselves  and 
devoid  of  good  tutors  and  regiment.  Violence  will  break 
all.  Where  is  the  meek  and  humble  spirit  of  Moses?  and 
of  Nehemiah,  who  re-edified  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  the 
State  of  Israel  ?  Is  not  the  sound  of  Rehoboam's  brags 
daily  heard  amongst  us?  Have  not  the  philosophers  and 
all  wise  men  observed  that,  even  in  settled  Common  Wealths, 
violent  Governors  bring,  either  themselves  or  people,  or  both, 
to  ruin  ?  How  much  more  in  the  raising  of  Common  Wealths, 
when  the  mortar  is  yet  scarce  tempered  that  should  bind  the 
walls  ? 

"  If  I  should  write  to  you  of  all  things  which  promiscuously 
forerun  our  ruin,  I  should  overcharge  my  weak  head  and 
grieve  your  tender  heart :  only  this  I  pray  you,  Prepare  for 
evil  tidings  of  us,  every  day  !  But  pray  for  us  instantly  ! 
It  may  be  the  Lord  will  be  yet  intreated,  one  way  or  other, 
to  make  for  us.  I  see  not,  in  reason,  how  we  shall  escape, 
even  the  gasping  of  hunger-starved  persons,  but  God  can  do 
much,  and  his  will  be  done  ! 

"It  is  better  for  me  to  die,  than  now  for  me  to  bear  it, 
which  I  do  daily,  and  expect  it  hourly,  having  received  the 
sentence  of  death,  both  within  me  and  without  me.  Poor 
William  Ring  and  myself  do  strive  who  shall  be  meat  first 
for  the  fishes ;  but  we  look  for  a  glorious  resurrection,  know- 
ing Christ  Jesus  after  the  flesh  no  more,  but  looking  unto  the 
joy  that  is  before  us,  we  will  endure  all  these  things  and 
account  them  light  in  comparison  of  that  joy  we  hope  for. 

"  Remember  me  in  all  love  to  our  friends  as  if  I  named 
them,  whose  prayers  I  desire  earnestly  and  wish  again  to 
see,  but  not  till  I  can,  with  more  comfort,  look  them  in  the 
face.  The  Lord  give  us  that  true  comfort  which  none  can 
take  from  us  ! 

u  I  had  a  desire  to  make  a  brief  Relation  of  our  estate  to 
some  friend.  I  doubt  not  but  your  wisdom  will  teach  you 
seasonably  to  utter  things,  as  hereafter  you  shall  be  called 
to  it.  That  which  I  have  written  is  true,  and  many  things 
more,  which  I  have  foreborne.     I  write  it  as  upon  my  life 

1  Bradford  notes  here  in  the  margin,  "  This  was  found  true  afterward." 
In  A  Relation  .  .  .  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  English  Plantation  .  .  .  at  Plymouth, 
1622,  we  read  :  "  Saturday,  January  6  [1621],  Master  Martin  was  very  sick, 
and  to  our  judgment  no  hope  of  life,  so  Master  Carver  was  sent  for  to  come 
aboard  to  speak  with  him,  about  his  Accounts." 


AT   PLYMOUTH  261 

and  last  confession  in  England.  What  is  of  use  to  be  spoken 
of  presently,  you  may  speak  of  it,  and  what  is  fit  to  conceal, 
conceal !  Pass  by  my  weak  manner  !  for  my  head  is  weak, 
and  my  body  feeble.  The  Lord  make  me  strong  in  him, 
and  keep  both  you  and  yours  ! 

"  Your  loving  friend, 

"  Robert  Cushman. 
"  Dartmouth, 

"Augusta,  1620." 

The  repairs  at  Dartmouth  being  finished,  they  again 
put  to  sea,  and  the  two  vessels  kept  together  well  out 
into  the  Atlantic ;  but  again  the  Speedwell  proved  leaky 
— "  they  could  scarce  free  her  with  much  pumping." 
Jones  and  Reynolds,  after  consultation,  resolved  that 
both  ships  should  "  bear  up  back  again  and  put  into 
Plymouth."  The  fact  that  the  Mayflower,  having  got 
thus  far,  did  not  proceed  with  her  voyage,  but  turned 
back  with  the  Speedwell,  indicates  that  the  latter  was 
in  a  dangerous  condition,  and  that  it  was  desirable  to 
stand  by  her  to  render  help  in  case  of  need.  The 
root  of  the  trouble  seems  to  have  been  that  the 
Speedwell  was  not  in  fit  trim  for  the  Atlantic  voyage. 
She  was  overmasted,  and  when  her  canvas  was 
spread  the  strain  on  the  hull  was  too  great  and 
opened  her  timbers.  After  she  was  sold  and  put 
back  into  her  former  trim  she  made  many  profitable 
voyages  in  safety.  It  is  also  alleged  that  Reynolds 
and  his  crew  were  none  too  eager  to  face  the  voyage, 
as  they  were  hired  to  stay  with  the  Planters  in 
New  England  for  a  year. 

The  two  little  ships  made  Plymouth  Sound  without 
mishap  and  came  up  into  Sutton  Pool,  where  the 
Speedwell  was  searched,  but  no  special  leak  could  be 
found.  It  was  concluded  she  was  not  equal  to  the 
voyage,  and  accordingly  it  was  resolved  to  send  her 
back  to  London  with  those  least  willing  and  least  fit 
"  to  bear  the  brunt  of  this  hard  adventure."  Robert 
Cushman  and  William  Ring  were  amongst  those  who 
returned.  "  Thus,  like  Gideon's  army,  this  small 
number  was  divided,  as  if  the  Lord,  by  this  work  of 


262  JOHN   ROBINSON 

his  providence,  thought  these  few  too  many  for  the 
great  work  he  had  to  do."  Such  of  the  stores  as 
could  be  stowed  in  the  May-flower  were  transferred 
to  her,  together  with  some  of  the  passengers  from 
the  Speedwell.  The  Mayflower  thus  had  one  hundred 
and  two  souls,  men,  women  and  children,  belonging 
to  this  "Pilgrim  company,"  crowded  between  her 
decks,  besides  the  Master,  Christopher  Jones;  the 
ship's  surgeon,  Giles  Heale;  the  two  pilots,  and  the 
crew.  She  was  dangerously  crowded,  and  it  was  a 
mercy  that  sickness  did  not  break  out  on  board. 
So  far  as  we  know  only  one  of  the  crew  died  on  the 
voyage,  and  one  of  the  Pilgrim  company,  William 
Butten,  a  man-servant,  died  as  they  drew  "  near  the 
coast."  To  Elizabeth  Hopkins,  wife  of  Stephen 
Hopkins,  was  born  a  son  on  the  Mayflower,  to  whom 
the  name  Oceanus  was  given. 

I  am  confident  that  Jones  and  his  pilots  would 
take  the  opportunity  of  their  enforced  visit  to  the 
port  of  Plymouth  to  make  inquiry  of  the  seamen  and 
ship-masters  there  about  the  coast  and  harbours  of 
the  New  England  shore  for  which  they  were  bound. 
Captain  Dermer  had  returned  to  Plymouth,  in  Devon, 
from  the  very  district  where  the  Mayflower  was  shortly 
to  make  her  landfall,  but  a  few  months  before  this  time. 
It  is  not  impossible  that  Carver,  a  quiet,  undemon- 
strative, but  far-seeing  man,  who  could  keep  his  own 
counsel,  gained  some  information  from  friends  in 
Plymouth  about  the  locality  visited  by  Dermer,  where 
the  Pilgrims  eventually  seated  themselves.  If  the 
Hudson  River  district,  at  which  they  aimed,  should 
prove  impracticable  this  other  region  might  afford 
them  a  home. 

The  Second,  or  Plymouth  Virginia  Company,  to 
which  some  of  the  leading  men  in  Plymouth,  Devon, 
belonged,  was  interested  in  these  more  northerly 
parts  of  the  American  coast,  and  the  question  of  the 
most  fitting  destination  for  the  Pilgrims  was  bound 
to  be  discussed  amongst  them.  One  man  in  Plymouth, 
we  may  be  sure,  was  interested  in  the  Mayflower  and 


MEMORIAL    STONE    ON    THE    BARBICAN    JETTY    AT 
PLYMOUTH,    DEVON. 


TABLET    COMMEMORATING    THE   SAILING    OF   THE 
FROM    PLYMOUTH. 


MAYFLOWER 


LAND   AHEAD  263 

her  venture,  and  that  was  David  Thomson,  a  Scot 
by  birth,  but  domiciled  in  Plymouth.  He  married 
Amy  as  Colle  at  St.  Andrew's,  Plymouth,  July  18, 
1613.  He  secured  a  grant,  November  16,  1622,  of 
6000  acres  in  New  England,  and  a  month  later  con- 
tracted with  the  Plymouth  merchants,  Abraham  Col- 
mer,  Nicholas  Sherwill  and  Leonard  Pomeroy,  for 
the  transport  of  himself  and  five  of  his  men  on  the 
Jonathan  and  the  Providence  to  New  England.  He 
settled  at  the  mouth  of  the  Piscataqua  River.  Abra- 
ham Jennens,1  of  Plymouth,  was  also  interested  in 
the  New  England  trade  and  seated  a  plantation  at 
Monhegan  Isle  in  1622.  Did  these  friends  talk  matters 
over  with  Carver  and  Brewster? 

At  last,  according  to  their  own  relation,  on — 

"  Wednesday,  the  sixth  of  September,  the  wind  coming 
East-North-East,  a  fine  small  gale,  we  loosed  from  Plymouth, 
having  been  kindly  entertained  and  courteously  used  by 
divers  friends  there  dwelling,  and,  after  many  difficulties  in 
boisterous  storms,  at  length,  by  God's  providence,  upon  the 
9th  of  November  following,  by  break  of  the  day,  we  espied 
land,  which  we  deemed  to  be  Cape  Cod,  and  so  afterward  it 
proved." 

They  thus  made  their  landfall  far  to  the  north  of  the 
territory  over  which  the  First,  or  London  Virginia  Com- 
pany, had  jurisdiction,  and  for  which  their  "patent" 
was  drawn.  They  accordingly  tacked  and  put  to 
the  southward,  "  to  find  some  place  about  Hudson's 
River  for  their  habitation."  But  the  Mayflower  soon 
got  into  dangerous  waters  off  Monamoy  Point,  and 
it  was  resolved  to  bear  up  again  for  the  Cape.  If  the 
map  of  the  New  England  coast  drawn  by  Captain 
John  Smith  is  consulted,  it  will  be  seen  that  the 
eastern  shore  of  the  Cape  Cod  peninsula  below  its 
northern  point  is  not  charted.  These  were  strange 
waters,  and  Jones  prudently  put  about  and  got  the 
Mayflower   round   the   Cape   into   the   snug   harbour 

1  Apparently  his  son,  Gulielmus  Jennens,  Anglus,  Plimutensis,  matriculated 
at  Leyden  University  November  1,  1*628. 


264  JOHN   ROBINSON 

encircled  by  its  hook-like  terminal  promontory.  Smith 
had  marked  this  bay  upon  his  map  as  "  Milford 
hauen  " ;  it  is  now  known  as  Provincetown  Harbour. 
The  eyes  of  the  Pilgrims  were  refreshed  with  the 
sight  of  land ;  there  would  be  eagerness  to  get  ashore ; 
the  season  of  the  year  was  late ;  it  was  needful  to  act 
at  once  if  any  shelter  against  the  winter  was  to  be 
provided,  but  the  coast  upon  which  they  now  rested 
their  eyes  was  in  territory  covered  by  the  charter  of" 
the  Second,  or  Plymouth  Virginia  Company,  to  which 
their  "  patent "  gave  them  no  rights.  Moreover, 
there  were  indications  that  some  of  the  party  were 
"  not  well  affected  to  unity."  They  "  gave  some 
appearance  of  faction."  To  be  boxed  up  together  on 
shipboard  for  a  long  voyage  is  a  bit  trying,  even  for 
saints.  What  was  to  be  done?  With  the  English- 
man's usual  genius  for  ordered  self-government,  and 
with  the  words  of  Robinson,  "  you  are  to  become  a 
Body  Politic,  using  amongst  yourselves  Civil  Govern- 
ment," still  fresh  in  their  memory,  they  met  in  the 
cabin  of  the  M ay  flower  and  entered  into  a  memorable 
compact.  They  were  equal  now  to  the  work  of 
erecting  a  Commonwealth  as  they  had  been  equal  to 
the  task  of  building  themselves  by  covenant,  in  1606, 
into  a  Church  of  Christ — 

"  It  was  thought  good  there  should  be  an  Association  and 
Agreement  that  we  should  combine  together  in  one  body, 
and  to  submit  to  such  Government  and  Governors  as  we 
should,  by  common  consent,  agree  to  make  and  choose." 

So  the  following  document  was  drawn  up  and 
signed — 

"  In  the  name  of  God,  Amen.  We,  whose  names  are  under- 
written, the  loyal  subjects  of  our  dread  Sovereign  Lord  King 
James,  by  the  grace  of  God,  of  Great  Britain,  France,  and 
Ireland  King,  Defender  of  the  Faith,  etc. 

"  Having  undertaken  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  advance- 
ment of  the  Christian  faith,  and  honour  of  our  King  and 
country  a  Voyage  to  plant  the  first  Colony  in  the  northern 
parts  of  Virginia  do,  by  these  presents,  solemnly  and  mutually, 


THE  'MAYFLOWER'  COVENANT  265 

in  the  presence  of  God  and  one  of  another,  covenant  and  com- 
bine ourselves  together  into  a  Civil  Body  Politic  for  our 
better  ordering  and  preservation,  and  furtherance  of  the 
ends  aforesaid,  and  by  virtue  hereof  to  enact,  constitute, 
and  frame  such  just  and  equal  laws,  ordinances,  acts,  con- 
stitutions, offices,  from  time  to  time,  as  shall  be  thought 
most  meet  and  convenient  for  the  general  good  of  the  Colony, 
unto  which  we  promise  all  due  submission  and  obedience. 

"  In  witness  whereof,  we  have  hereunder  subscribed  our 
names.  Cape  Cod,  11th  of  November,  in  the  year  of  the 
reign  of  our  Sovereign  Lord  King  James,  of  England,  France, 
and  Ireland,  18  and  of  Scotland  54.     Anno  Domini  1620. 

"  John  Carver  John  Turner 

William  Bradford  Francis  Eaton 

Edward  Winslow  James  Chilton 

William  Brewster  John  Craxton 

Isaac  Allerton  John  Billington 

Miles  Standish  Moses  Fletcher 

John  Alden  John  Goodman 

Samuel  Fuller  Degory  Priest 

Christopher  Martin  Thomas  Williams 

William  Mullins  Gilbert  Winslow 

William  White  Edmund  Margeson 

Richard  Warren  Peter  Brown 

John  Howland  Richard  Britteridge 

Stephen  Hopkins  George  Soule 

Edward  Tilly  Richard  Clarke 

John  Tilly  Richard  Gardiner 

Francis  Cooke  John  Allerton 

Thomas  Rogers  Thomas  English 

Thomas  Tinker  Edward  Dotey 

John  Ridgdale  Edward  Leister." 
Edward  Fuller 

The  signatures  of  heads  of  families  were  evidently 
deemed  sufficient  to  cover  sons  and  men-servants. 
The  question  of  woman's  part  in  civil  government 
had  not  yet  risen  above  the  horizon  of  politics.  The 
women  were  covered  by  their  husbands'  names. 

The  drawing  up  and  signing  of  this  Compact  must 
not  be  taken  as  an  indication  that  these  pioneers 
sought  to  dissociate  themselves  from  the  English 
State.     Far  from  it.     They   desired  the   support   of 


266  JOHN   ROBINSON 

England  in  their  loneliness.  As  soon  as  the  May- 
flower arrived  at  London  again,  in  May  1621,  and 
reported  as  to  the  situation  of  the  new  Plantation, 
steps  were  taken  to  regularize  the  position  of  the 
Planters  with  regard  to  the  English  Government. 
The  "  grant  "  or  "  patent  "  taken  from  the  London 
Virginia  Company,  with  which  they  sailed,  was  of  no 
use,  so  application  was  made  to  the  authority  having 
jurisdiction  over  the  territory  where  they  had  seated 
themselves. 

The  position  was   somewhat  complicated  here  in 
England    also,    because    the    Second,    or    Plymouth 
Virginia  Company  had  been  superseded,   soon  after 
the  Mayflower  left  the  shores  of  England,  by  a  "  Coun- 
cil for  New  England,"  constituted  on  November  3, 
1620.     To  this   Council,   therefore,   the  London  Ad- 
venturers   interested    in    the    Pilgrim    Colony    had 
to  apply  for  a   "  patent  "   to  give  their  Plantation 
a    colourable    legal    standing.      On    June    1    such    a 
"  patent "    was   granted   by   the   "  Council   for   New 
England  "  to  "  John  Peirce  and  his  Associates,"  in 
behalf  of  the  Adventurers  and  Planters.     This  docu- 
ment was  sent  off  by  the  little  ship  Fortune,  which 
carried   Robert   Cushman   and  a   further  small  con- 
tingent of  Ley  den  friends  to  join  the  new  colony. 
She  called  at  Plymouth  on  her  way  down  Channel, 
and  made  a  good  passage,  arriving  at  New  Plymouth 
on    November    9,    1621.     This    "  patent "    gave    the 
colonists  some  sort  of  legal  title  and  recognition  by 
the   English   State.     It   secured   them   from  the   in- 
trusion of  interlopers,  prevented  other  patentees  from 
getting  authority  over  them  or  dispossessing  them, 
and  gave  them  a  ground  of  appeal  to  the  English 
Government   in   case   they   were   interfered   with   by 
Frenchmen,    Spaniards    or    Dutchmen.      They    were 
still  amenable  to  English  law,  and  they  themselves 
had  the  right  of  turning  to  the  Courts  of  the  Mother- 
land for  protection  and  redress  of  injuries. 


CHAPTER  XXIII 

ROBINSON    AND    THE    PLYMOUTH    PLANTATION 

It  does  not  come  within  the  scope  of  our  study  of  the 
life  and  influence  of  John  Robinson  to  deal  in  detail 
with  the  struggles  and  hardships  of  the  Pilgrim 
Fathers  in  laying  the  foundations  of  their  new  colony. 
For  that  story  the  remarkable  History  of  Plimouth 
Plantation,  by  William  Bradford,  one  of  the  classic 
narratives  in  our  tongue,  should  be  consulted.  Suffice 
it  to  say  that  after  exploration  the  Pilgrims  eventually 
fixed  on  Patuxet,  or  New  Plymouth,1  as  the  site  of  their 
settlement.  They  had  no  time  to  provide  adequate 
protection  against  the  rigours  of  the  New  England 
winter,  and  though  the  season  was  really  a  mild  one 
as  winters  go  in  that  region,  yet,  owing  to  sickness  and 
exposure,  no  less  than  forty-seven  of  the  colonists 
had  died  before  the  Mayflower  left  for  the  Homeland 
on  April  5,  1621.  Fortunately,  the  real  leaders  in  the 
venture  for  the  most  part  survived. 

We  can  imagine  the  anxiety  with  which  Robinson 
and  the  Leyden  friends  would  await  news  of  their 
brethren.  With  Robert  Cushman  it  would  be  almost 
like  hoping  against  hope  to  hear  of  their  safety,  and 
when  the  Mayflower  got  back  into  port  he  would  send 
the  letters  she  brought  post-haste  to  Leyden. 

Wlien  the  Fortune  sailed  Cushman  went  with  her 
and  carried  the  following  letter,  addressed  by  Robinson 
to  the  portion  of  his  flock  in  distant  Plymouth.     It 

1  The  name  Plimouth  appears  on  the  map  of  "  New  England  observed  and 
described  by  Captayn  John  Smith  "  in  1614,  for  this  spot,  and  the  Pilgrims 
retained  it,  noting  the  coincidence  that  Plymouth  was  the  last  port  they  left 
in  Old  England. 

267 


268  JOHN  ROBINSON 

is  one  of  the  three  letters  that  have  survived  from 
the  "  mail "  she  carried.  Robinson  was  anxious  to 
join  his  friends  in  the  New  World,  but,  like  the  good 
pastor  he  was,  he  felt  responsible  for  the  wives  and 
children  left  behind  at  Leyden  under  his  spiritual 
oversight.  He  recognized  that  the  first  contingent 
of  his  little  army  had  won  a  victory  over  adverse 
circumstances,  and,  like  a  brave  leader,  he  does  not 
mourn  unduly  over  losses,  but  comforts  his  brethren. 
He  exhorts  them  to  peace  and  unity.  We  do  not 
know  what  the  "  token  "  of  love  sent  by  the  Leyden 
friends  was — perhaps  a  parcel  of  cloth  or  goods  to  meet 
the  Pilgrims5  special  needs. 

To  the  Church  of  God  in  Plymouth,  New  England 

"  Much-beloved  Brethren, 

"  Neither  the  distance  of  place  nor  distinction  of  body, 
can  at  all  either  dissolve  or  weaken  that  bond  of  true  Christian 
affection  in  which  the  Lord  by  his  Spirit  hath  tied  us  together. 
My  continual  prayers  are  to  the  Lord  for  you;  my  most 
earnest  desire  is  unto  you ;  from  whom  I  will  not  longer  keep 
(if  God  will)  than  means  can  be  procured  to  bring  with  me 
the  wives  and  children  of  divers  of  you  and  the  rest  of  your 
brethren,  whom  I  could  not  leave  behind  me  without  great 
injury  both  to  you  and  them,  and  offence  to  God  and  all 
men. 

"  The  death  of  so  many,  our  dear  friends  and  brethren, 
oh  !  how  grievous  hath  it  been  to  you  to  bear,  and  to  us 
to  take  knowledge  of;  which,  if  it  could  be  mended  with 
lamenting,  could  not  sufficiently  be  bewailed ;  but  we  must 
go  unto  them,  and  they  shall  not  return  unto  us.  And  how 
many,  even  of  us,  God  hath  taken  away  here,  and  in  England, 
since  your  departure  you  may  elsewhere  take  knowledge. 
But  the  same  God  has  tempered  judgment  with  mercy,  as 
otherwise,  so  in  sparing  the  rest,  especially  those  by  whose 
godly  and  wise  government  you  may  be,  and  (I  know)  are 
so  much  helped.  In  a  battle  it  is  not  looked  for  but  that 
divers  should  die;  it  is  thought  well  for  a  side  if  it  get  the 
victory,  though  with  the  loss  of  divers,  if  not  too  many,  or 
too  great.  God,  I  hope,  hath  given  you  the  victory,  after 
many  difficulties,  for  yourselves  and  others ;  though  I  doubt 
not  but  many  do  and  will  remain  for  you  and  us  all  to  strive 
with. 


DEATH   OF   CARVER  269 

44  Brethren,  I  hope  I  need  not  exhort  you  to  obedience 
unto  those  whom  God  hath  set  over  you  in  church  and 
commonwealth,  and  to  the  Lord  in  them.  It  is  a  Christian's 
honour  to  give  honour  according  to  men's  places;  and  his 
liberty  to  serve  God  in  faith,  and  his  brethren  in  love,  orderly, 
and  with  a  willing  and  free  heart. 

"  God  forbid  !  I  should  need  to  exhort  you  to  peace,  which 
is  the  bond  of  perfection,  and  by  which  all  good  is  tied 
together,  and  without  which  it  is  scattered.  Have  peace 
with  God  first,  by  faith  in  his  promises,  good  conscience  kept 
in  all  things,  and  oft  renewed  by  repentance,  and  so,  one  with 
another,  for  his  sake  who  is,  though  three,  one;  and  for 
Christ's  sake,  who  is  one,  and  as  you  are  called  by  one  Spirit 
to  one  hope. 

44  And  the  God  of  peace  and  grace  and  all  goodness  be  with 
you,  in  all  the  fruits  thereof  plenteously  upon  your  heads  now, 
and  for  ever.     All  your  brethren  here  remember  you  with 
great  love;    a  general  token  whereof  they  have  sent  you. 
44  Yours  ever  in  the  Lord 

44  Jn°  Robinson. 

"Leyden,  Holland,  June  30,  Anno  1621." 

When  this  letter  was  written  the  Leyden  friends 
were  not  aware  of  the  death  of  John  Carver,  the  first 
"  Governor  "  of  the  new  Plantation.  The  colonists 
re-elected  him  to  that  office  as  "  a  man  well  approved 
amongst  us,"  1  on  March  23,  1621,  some  thirteen  days 
before  the  Mayflower  sailed  for  home.  But  a  few 
weeks  later  he  came  in  from  working  on  the  land 
complaining  of  his  head,  lay  down,  lost  consciousness, 
and  died  in  a  few  days.  It  was  a  grievous  loss  to  the 
little  colony.  Carver's  skill  in  husbandry  and  farm 
management,  gained  by  his  experience  in  earlier  days 
at  Sturton,  would  have  been  of  great  value  to  the 
Planters.  A  few  weeks  later,  in  June  1621,  his  widow, 
Catherine,  the  sister  of  Bridget  Robinson  the  Pilgrim 
Pastor's  wife,  also  died.  They  were  not  long  divided. 
The  records  of  the  Church  at  Plymouth,  in  referring 
to  Carver,  say — 

44  This  worthy  gentleman  was  one  of  singular  piety,  and 
rare  for  humility,  which  appeared,  as  otherwise,  so  by  his 

1  A  Relation  or  Journal .  .  .  of  the  English  Plantation  .  .  .  at  Plymouth,  1622. 


270  JOHN   ROBINSON 

great  condescendency,  whenas  this  miserable  people  were  in 
great  sickness,  he  shunned  not  to  do  very  mean  services 
for  them — yea,  the  meanest  of  them.  He  bare  a  share  like- 
wise of  their  labor  in  his  own  person  according  as  their  great 
necessity  required.  Who,  being  one  also  of  a  considerable 
estate,  spent  the  main  part  of  it  in  this  enterprise,  and  from 
first  to  last  approved  himself  not  only  as  their  agent  in  the 
first  transacting  of  things,  but  also  all  along  to  the  period  of 
his  life,  to  be  a  pious,  faithful,  and  very  beneficial  instrument. 
He  deceased  in  the  month  of  April  in  the  year  1621,  and  is  now 
reaping  the  fruit  of  his  labor  with  the  Lord." 

While  the  Fortune  lay  at  New  Plymouth  Cushman 
exercised  his  gifts  on  one  Sunday  in  their  meeting 
by  preaching  a  sermon  "  On  the  Sin  and  Danger  of 
Self-love,"  based  on  the  text,  "  Let  no  man  seek  his 
own,  but  every  man  another's  wealth."  The  subject 
was  pertinent  to  the  main  object  of  Cushman's  visit. 
He  was  the  one  man  amongst  them  who  was  sincerely 
convinced  that  the  communistic  principle  of  ordering 
their  society  would  be  best  for  all  concerned  if  given 
a  fair  trial.  Unfortunately,  Weston  and  other  of  the 
Adventurers  in  London  made  use  of  Cushman's  strong 
convictions  on  this  point  to  further  their  own  prospects 
of  personal  gain.  He  was  commissioned  to  get  the 
assent  of  the  colonists  to  the  altered  Conditions 
which  they  declined  to  sign  at  Southampton.  In  this 
he  was  successful.  The  great  need  in  which  the 
colonists  stood  of  further  supplies  compelled  them 
to  assent  to  those  hard  terms  in  the  hope  and  expecta- 
tion of  the  good-will  and  continued  support  of  the 
company  of  Adventurers  and  merchants  in  London. 

The  Fortune  was  loaded  up  with  such  goods  as  the 
colonists  had  managed  to  get  ready  for  shipment,  in 
spite  of  their  hardships — clapboard,  or  rough-sawn 
timber,  and  some  hogsheads  of  beaver  skins.  She 
sailed  for  home  about  December  11,  1621,  carrying 
letters  and  a  Relation  of  the  Planters'  proceedings, 
written  by  Bradford.  As  she  drew  near  to  the  mouth 
of  the  Channel  a  French  man-of-war,  captained  by 
Fontenau  de  Pennart,  a  Breton,  took  her  as  a  prize. 
She  and  her  company,  thirteen  souls  all  told,  were 


BARS   TO   REUNION  271 

detained  thirteen  days  and  then  released,  and  with 
loss  of  some  of  their  lading  and  personal  belongings 
they  got  back  to  London  on  February  14,  1622.  Thus 
Robinson  would  get  further  news  of  the  distant 
section  of  his  flock  in  New  England. 

In  Weston's  letter  to  Carver,  sent  by  the  Fortune, 
dated  London,  July  6,  1621,  he  said,  "  I  pray 
you  write  instantly  for  Mr.  Robinson  to  come  to 
you."  1 

But  Robinson's  intention  of  joining  them,  with  the 
rest  of  the  Leyden  Church,  was  frustrated,  and  mainly 
for  two  reasons. 

First — on  account  of  poverty.  The  Pilgrim  company 
were  not  rich  in  this  world's  goods.  They  had  not 
sufficient  capital  of  their  own  to  pay  for  the  equip- 
ment and  transportation  of  their  Church  as  one  body. 
Nor  had  they  enough  whole-hearted  supporters  in 
England  with  sufficient  means  to  set  them  out.  The 
fact  that  they  had  received  support  for  the  initial 
venture  from  sundry  London  merchants  not  of  their 
religious  fellowship  was  already  involving  them  in 
difficulty.  To  some  extent  it  put  the  Pilgrims  in  the 
power  of  these  unsympathetic  strangers. 

Secondly — hostility  to  Robinson's  convictions  in 
regard  to  Church  government  and  order  was  a  great 
barrier  in  the  way  of  his  removal.  There  was  an 
extraordinary  and  unreasonable  prejudice  against 
his  religious  movement  on  account  of  its  affinity  with 
"  Brownism,"  which  had  been  made  odious  to  the 
public  mind  by  ridiculous  slanders.  Brownism  was 
the  whipping-stock  alike  of  Puritans  and  Prelatists. 
God  forbid  that  respectable  London  merchants  should 
do  anything  to  further  it — at  a  less  rate  than  twenty 
per  cent.  ! 

Weston  himself,  who  had  promised  to  stand  by  the 
new  colony,  early  contemplated  breaking  away,  and 
for  his  greater  gain  starting  a  colony  of  his  own.  A 
letter  of  his,  dated  April  10,  1622,  sent  to  New  Ply- 
mouth by  a  fishing-vessel  called  the  Sparrow,  which 

1  Bradford,  MS.  History,  fol.  67. 


272  JOHN   ROBINSON 

he  and  Beauchamp,  a  "  Salter,"  had  bought  and  fitted 
out,  reveals  something  of  the  feeling  in  London — 

"  Most  of  them  [$.  e.  the  Adventurers]  are  against  ye 
sending  of  them  of  Leyden,  for  whose  cause  this  bussines  was 
first  begun e,  and  some  of  ye  most  religious  (as  mr;  Greene  by 
name)  excepts  against  them,  so  y*  my  advice  is  (you  may 
follow  it,  if  you  please)  that  you  forthwith  break  of  [f]  your 
joynte  stock,  which  you  have  warente  to  doe  both  in  law  and 
conscience,  for  ye  most  parte  of  ye  adventurers  haue  given 
way  unto  it  by  a  former  letter." l 

When  the  Charity  and  the  Swan,  the  vessels  fitted 
out  by  Weston  for  his  own  new  colony,  arrived  at 
New  Plymouth,  June  1622,  they  brought  a  letter  sent 
privately  by  Cushman  to  Bradford,  putting  him  on 
his  guard  against  Weston  and  his  people,  but  speaking 
hopefully  of  the  prospect  of  their  Leyden  friends 
joining  them. 

"  Our  friends  at  Leyden  are  well,  and  will  come  to  you  as 
many  as  can  this  time.  I  hope  all  will  turn  to  the  best; 
wherefore  I  pray  you  be  not  discouraged,  but  gather  up 
yourself  to  go  through  these  difficulties  cheerfully  and  with 
courage  in  that  place  wherein  God  hath  set  you,  until  the  day 
of  refreshing  come.  And  the  Lord  God  of  sea  and  land  bring 
us  comfortably  together  again,  if  it  may  stand  with  his 
glory." 

These  hopes  of  Cushman  were  not  realized  in  1622, 
but  the  next  year  a  further  contingent  from  Leyden 
went  out,  though  Robinson's  way  was  still  barred. 

1  Bradford,  MS.  History,  fol.  75. 


CHAPTER  XXIV 

opposition  to  robinson's  migration — his  concern 
for  the  indians his  last  letters 

Preparations  were  in  hand  in  the  spring  of  1623 
for  sending  reinforcements  and  supplies  to  the  infant 
colony.  A  letter  was  sent  to  the  Planters,  dated 
April  9,  1623,  stating,  "  We  have  agreed  with  2 
merchants  for  a  ship  of  140  tunes  called  ye  Anne 
which  is  to  be  ready  ye  last  of  this  month  to  bring 
60  passengers  and  60  tune  of  goods."  The  Anne 
arrived  at  Plymouth  "  about  the  later  end  of  July 
and  the  James  a  fourthnight  after." *  The  Little 
James,  a  fine  new  pinnace,  was  to  remain  in  the 
colony  for  fishing  and  trade.  By  the  Anne  came  a 
letter  in  which  excuse  is  made  for  the  absence  of 
Robinson  from  the  party. 

"  We  have  in  this  ship  sent  shuch  women  as  were  willing 
and  ready  to  goe  to  their  husbands  and  freinds,  with  their 
children,  etc.  We  would  not  have  you  discontent  e,  because 
we  have  not  sent  you  more  of  your  old  freinds,  and  in  spetiall 
(J.  R.)  him,  on  whom  you  most  depend,  farr  be  it  from  us  to 
neclecte  you,  or  contemne  him.  But  as  ye  Intente  was  at 
first,  so  ye  evente  at  last  shall  shew  it  that  we  will  deal  fairly, 
and  squarly  answer  your  expectations  to  the  full."  2 

The  initials  J.  R.  placed  by  Bradford  in  the  margin 
indicate  the  pastor  of  their  Church.  Among  those 
who  went  out  in  the  Anne  and  the  Little  James  were 
George  Morton  and  his  family;  Alice,  the  widow  of 
Edward  South  worth,   who  shortly  after  arrival  was 

1  MS.  letter  of  Bradford  and  Allerton,  dated  September  8,  1623,  discovered 
by  Mr.  R.  G.  Marsden  in  Public  Record  Office. 

2  Bradford,  MS.  History,  fol.  101. 

T  273 


274  JOHN   ROBINSON 

married  to  William  Bradford,  and  Experience  Mitchell, 
together  with  two  of  William  Brewster's  daughters, 
"  Patience  "  and  "  Fear  "  by  name.  William  Hilton, 
Robert  Hickes,  Thomas  Flavell  and  William  Palmer, 
who  had  crossed  in  the  Fortune,  were  now  joined  by 
their  wives.  Bridget  Fuller,  wife  of  the  good  deacon 
who  sailed  in  the  Mayflower,  and  Barbara,  who  became 
the  second  wife  of  Miles  Standish,  were  also  of  this 
company,  so  there  must  have  been  a  joyful  reunion 
on  the  landing  from  the  Anne  and  the  Little  James, 
Bradford  arranged  with  William  Pierce,  the  master 
of  the  Anne,  "  to  lade  him  back  for  a  .  150  .  pounds,"  * 
and  with  her  he  sent  "  one  of  our  honest  freinds 
Edward  Winslow  by  name  .  .  .  unto  whom  we 
refferr  you  in  all  partickulars  .  .  .  expecting  his 
returne  by  the  first  fishing-shipes."  In  the  letter 
from  Bradford  and  Allerton,  dated  "  Plimouth,  Sep- 
tember 8,  1623"  (two  days  before  the  Anne  sailed), 
they  say — 

"  For  our  friends  in  Holland  we  much  desired  their  company 
and  have  long  expected  the  same.  If  we  had  had  them  in  the 
stead  of  some  others  we  are  persuaded  things  would  have  been 
better  than  they  are  with  us,  for  honest  men  will  ever  do  their 
best  endeavour,  whilst  others  (though  they  be  more  able  of 
body)  will  scarce  by  any  means  be  brought  to  [do  so].  But 
we  know  many  of  them  [at  Leyden]  to  be  better  able,  either 
for  labour  or  counsel  than  ourselves.  And  indeed  if  they 
should  not  come  to  us  we  would  not  stay  [her]e,  if  we  might 
gain  never  so  much  wealth.  But  we  are  glad  to  take  know- 
ledge of  what  you  would  write  touch[ing]  them,  and  like  well 
of  your  purpose  not  to  make  the  general  body  bigger,  save 
only  to  furnish  them  with  useful  members  for  special 
faculties. 

"  Touching  those  Articles  of  Agreement,  we  have  taken 
ourselves  bound  by  them  unto  you,  and  you  unto  us.  Being 
by  Mr-  Weston  much  pressed  thereunto  we  gave  Mr.  Cochman 
[i.  e.  Robert  Cushman]  full  commission  to  conclude  and  con- 
firm the  same  with  you.  For  anything  further  thereabout 
we  refer  you  to  our  Messenger  [Winslow];  though  in  any 
bond  made  or  to  be  made  between  you  and  us  we  take  our 
friends  at  Leyden  to  be  comprehended  in  the  same,  and  as 

1  MS.  letter  in  the  Public  Record  Office. 


HIS   MIGRATION   OPPOSED  275 

much  interested  as  our  selves;  and  their  consents  to  be 
accordingly  had.  For  though  we  be  come  first  to  this  place, 
yet  they  are  as  principal  in  the  action  and  they  and  we  to  be 
considered  as  one  body."  x 

The  return  of  the  M  ay flower,  the  Fortune  and  the 
Anne  to  London  undoubtedly  quickened  interest  in 
the  colonization  of  New  England,  and  the  news  from 
the  Pilgrim  colony  led  many  to  turn  their  eyes  in  that 
direction.  There  was  something  like  a  scramble  to 
secure  grants  and  patents  for  the  more  desirable  sites 
for  settlement.  But  with  the  increased  popular  inter- 
est, the  opposition  to  Robinson  amongst  the  Puritan 
and  Anglican  section  of  the  Company  of  London 
Adventurers  for  Plymouth  Plantation  seems  to  have 
sensibly  hardened. 

Some  of  those  who  had  gone  over  in  the  Anne — 
notably  a  little  group  of  settlers  under  John  Oldham 
— had  gone  on  their  own  footing,  as  "  particulars,"  to 
use  Bradford's  phrase,  that  is  to  say,  they  were 
not  incorporated  in  the  "  general  "  company  on  the 
accepted  conditions  for  a  seven-years'  co-partnership. 
They  were  received  in  a  friendly  manner  and  allotted 
lands,  but  sent  home  complaints,  and  some  returned 
in  discontent.  They  said,  amongst  other  things,  that 
in  the  Plymouth  colony  there  was  "  wante  of  both  the 
Sacrements."      To  this  the  colonists  justly  replied — 

"  The  more  is  our  greife  that  our  pastor  is  kept  from  us, 
by  whom  we  might  Injoye  them,  for  we  used  to  haue  the 
Lord's  supper  every  saboth,  and  baptisme  as  often  as  ther 
was  occasion  of  children  to  baptize."  2 

The  opposition  to  Robinson  is  referred  to  in  a  letter 
from  himself  to  William  Brewster,  written  when 
Winslow  was  preparing  to  return  from  England  to 
the  colony.  In  it  his  judgment  on  the  question  of 
the  Sacraments  is  given.     It  was  his  settled  conviction 

1  MS.  letter  of  Bradford  and  Allerton,  1623,  in  Public  Record  Office, 
London. 

2  Bradford's  MS.,  History,  fol.  112. 


276  JOHN   ROBINSON 

that  they  pertained  to  the  ministerial  office  alone. 
Here  is  the  letter — 

"  Loving  and  dear  Friend  and  Brother, 

1 '  That  which  I  most  desire  of  God  in  regard  of  you,  namely 
the  continuance  of  your  life  and  health  and  the  safe  coming 
of  those  sent  unto  you,  that  I  most  gladly  hear  of  and  praise 
God  for  the  same.  And  I  hope  Mrs-  Brewster's  weak  and 
decayed  state  of  body  will  have  some  repairing  by  the  coming 
of  her  daughters  and  the  provisions  in  this  and  other  ships 
sent,  which  I  hear  are  made  for  you ;  which  makes  us  with 
the  more  patience  bear  our  languishing  state,  and  the  deferring 
of  our  desired  transportation,  which  I  call  desired,  rather  than 
hoped  for,  whatsoever  you  are  borne  in  hand  with  by  others. 

"  For,  first,  there  is  no  hope  at  all  that  I  know  nor  can 
conceive  of,  of  any  new  stock  to  be  raised  for  that  end ;  so 
that  all  must  depend  upon  returns  from  you,  in  which  are  so 
many  uncertainties,  as  that  nothing  with  any  certainty  can 
thence  be  concluded. 

"  Besides,  howsoever,  for  the  present  the  Adventurers 
allege  nothing  but  want  of  money,  which  is  an  invincible 
difficulty ;  yet  if  that  be  taken  away  by  you,  others  without 
doubt  will  be  found. 

"  For  the  better  clearing  of  this,  we  must  dispose  the 
Adventurers  into  three  parts;  and  of  them  some  five  or  six 
(as  I  conceive)  are  absolutely  bent  for  us  above  others.  Other 
five  or  six  are  our  bitter  professed  adversaries.  The  rest, 
being  the  body,  I  conceive  to  be  honestly  minded  and  lovingly 
also  towards  us  ;  yet  such  as  have  others,  namely  the  forward 
preachers  nearer  unto  them  than  us,  and  whose  course  so 
far  as  there  is  any  difference  they  would  advance,  rather 
than  ours. 

"  Now  what  a  hank  these  men  [i.  e.  the  forward  Puritan 
preachers]  have  over  the  professors  you  know,  and  I  persuade 
myself  that  for  me,  they,  of  all  others  are  unwilling  I  should 
be  transported,  especially  such  as  have  an  eye  that  way 
themselves,  as  thinking,  if  I  come  there,  their  market  will  be 
marred  in  many  regards.  And  for  these  adversaries,  if  they 
have  but  half  the  wit  to  their  malice,  they  will  stop  my  course 
when  they  see  it  intended,  for  which  this  delaying  serveth 
them  very  opportunely.  And  as  one  restie  jade  can  hinder, 
by  hanging  back,  more  than  two  or  three  can  (or  will,  at  least 
if  they  be  not  very  free)  draw  forward,  so  will  it  be  in  this 
case. 

"  A  notable  experiment  of  this  they  gave  in  your  messenger's 
presence,  constraining  the  Company  to  promise  that  none  of 


JOHN   LYFORD  277 

the  money  now  gathered  should  be  expended  or  employed 
to  the  help  of  any  of  us  [in  Leyden]  toward  you  [in  New 
England]. 

"  Now,  touching  the  question  propounded  by  you,  I  judge 
it  not  lawful  for  you  ;  being  a  ruling  elder  (Rom.  xii.  7-8  and 
1  Tim.  v.  17)  as  opposed  to  the  elders  that  teach  and  labor  in 
word  and  doctrine  to  which  [office]  the  sacraments  are 
annexed — to  administer  them,  nor  convenient  if  it  were 
lawful. 

4  Whether  any  learned  man  will  come  unto  you  or  not,  I 
know  not.  If  any  do  come  you  must  consilium  capere  in 
arena. 

tc  Be  you  most  heartily  saluted,  and  your  wife  with  you. 
both  from  me  and  mine.  Your  God  and  ours,  and  the  God 
of  all  his,  bring  us  together  if  it  be  his  will,  and  keep  us  in 
the  meanwhile  and  always  to  his  glory,  and  make  us  service- 
able to  his  majesty  and  faithful  to  the  end.     Amen." 

James  Sherley *  wrote  to  the  colonists  on  January  25, 
1623-4— 

"  We  have  some  amongst  vs  which  undoubtedly  aime  more 
at  their  owne  private  ends,  and  ye  thwarting  and  opposing  of 
some  hear,  and  other  worthy  Instruments  of  God's  glory 
elswher,  then  at  ye  general  good  and  furtherance  of  this  noble 
and  laudable  action."  2 

In  transcribing  the  letter  into  his  History  Bradford 
explains  who  was  the  "  Worthy  Instrument  "  thus 
thwarted,  by  adding  the  note  "  he  means  mr  Robinson." 

The  Puritan  element  amongst  the  London  Adven- 
turers succeeded  in  blocking  the  way  for  Robinson 
and  in  securing  the  transportation  of  a  more  pliant 
minister  to  the  colony — one  John  Lyford.  He  struck 
Cushman  as  being  "  none  of  the  most  eminent  and 
rare,"  and  he  says — 

"  About  choosing  him  into  office  use  your  own  liberty  and 
discretion.     He  knows  he  is  no  officer  among  you,  though 

1  The  name  is  frequently  given  as  Shirley,  but  he  himself  used  the  form 
Sherley.  He  was  a  goldsmith,  and  carried  on  a  profitable  business  at  the 
sign  of  "The  Golden  Horseshoe"  on  London  Bridge.  His  town  house  was 
near  by,  in  "  Crooked  Lane,"  a  thoroughfare  still  bearing  that  name.  Later 
on  we  have  a  glimpse  of  him  in  his  house  at  "  Clapham,"  to  which  he  with- 
drew when  the  plague  was  hot,  and  there  busied  himself  with  the  accounts 
of  this  Colonial  venture. 

2  Bradford's  MS.,  History,  fol.  110. 


278  JOHN   ROBINSON 

perhaps  custom  and  universality  may  make  him  forget  him- 
self. Mr.  Winslow  and  myself  gave  way  to  his  going  to  give 
content  to  some  here;  and  we  see  no  hurt  in  it,  but  only 
his  great  charge  of  children." 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  John  Lyford  *  was  one  of  those 
unctuous  hypocrites  who  are  too  often  found  battening 
upon  fervent  religious  movements.  A  sensual,  un- 
principled rogue,  he  was  a  disgrace  to  his  profession. 
When  aboard  the  Charity  at  Gravesend  in  readiness 
to  sail,  and  while  Winslow  was  busied  about  final 
preparations,  Lyford's  eye  caught  sight  of  two  letters 
in  the  cabin.  He  slyly  broke  the  seals  of  both,  took 
copies  and  sealed  them  up  again.  One  was  a  letter 
from  Winslow  addressed  to  Robinson  at  Leyden, 
telling  him  how  their  affairs  stood  in  England  on  the 
eve  of  his  return  to  New  Plymouth.  Lyford  little 
thought  that  by  the  same  trick  played  upon  himself 
a  few  months  later  in  warrantable  circumstances,  his 
own  roguery  would  be  exposed.  On  arrival  at  the 
colony,  Lyford  soon  entered  into  intrigue  with  the 
discontented  "  particulars,"  who  urged  that  "  mr* 
Robinson  and  his  company  may  not  goe  ouer,  to  our 
plantation,  unless  he  and  they  will  reconcile  them- 
selves to  our  church  by  a  recantation  under  their 
hands,  etc."  2 

Lyford  sent  home  letters  by  the  return  of  the  ship 
Charity  from  New  England  in  which  he  advised  his 
partisans  and  backers  in  London — 

"  that  ye  Leyden  company  (M>-  Robinson  and  ye  rest)  must 
still  be  kepte  back,  or  els  all  will  be  spoyled.  And  least  any 
of  them  should  be  taken  in  priuatly  somewher  on  ye  coast  of 
England  (as  it  was  feared  might  be  done)  they  must  chaing 

1  So  far  as  I  know,  Lyford  has  not  been  identified.  I  fancy  he  was  the 
John  Lyforde  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  admitted  B.A.  December  16, 
1597,  licensed  M.A.  June  26,  1602,  and  that  the  correspondent  in  England 
to  whom  he  wrote  his  disparaging  account  of  the  Pilgrim  Church  at  Plymouth 
was  John  Pemberton  from  county  Durham,  who  matriculated  March  8, 
1604-5,  at  Broadgate's  Hall,  Oxford.  Cf.  Clarke's  Register  of  the  University 
of  Oxford,  vol.  ii.  pp.  206,  etc. 

2  Bradford's  MS,  History,  fol.  134, 


CONCERN   FOR  NATIVES  279 

the  mr  of  ye  ship  (mr-  William  peirce)  and  put  another  allso 
in  Winslow's  stead  for  marchante  or  els  it  would  not  be 
prevented." 

Though  the  effort  to  impose  "  the  French  Discip- 
line "  or  "  Presbyterianism "  or  a  modified  "  An- 
glicanism "  upon  the  Church  of  the  infant  colony 
failed,  the  opposition  to  Robinson  and  his  democratic 
principles  of  Church  government  was  sufficiently 
strong  to  prevent  his  ever  joining  his  friends  and  his 
flock  in  New  England. 

Robinson's  Concern  for  the  Indians 

Robinson's  missionary  spirit  and  concern  for  the 
natives  of  America  were  evinced  in  one  of  the  last  of 
his  letters  that  have  come  down  to  us.  It  will  be 
remembered  that  Thomas  Weston  made  an  attempt 
to  plant  a  colony  at  Wessagusset.  His  men  were  of 
the  wrong  stamp  for  colonizing,  and  soon  got  into 
difficulties  with  the  Indians.  This  led  to  a  general 
conspiracy  against  the  English  settlers,  both  at 
Wessagusset  and  at  Plymouth.  Through  the  friend- 
liness of  their  ally  "  Massacoyte,"  the  Plymouth 
Planters  were  warned.  Let  Bradford  tell  what 
followed — 

"  We  went  to  reskew  the  lives  of  our  countrie-men,  whom 
we  thought  (both  by  nature  and  conscience)  we  were  bound 
to  deliver,  as  also  to  take  vengeance  of  them  [the  Indians} 
for  their  villanie  entended  and  determened  against  us,  which 
never  did  them  harme,  weaiting  only  for  opertunite  to  execute 
the  same.  But  by  the  good  providence  of  god  they  were 
taken  in  their  owne  snare,  and-ther  wickednes  came  upon  their 
own  pate ;  we  kild  seven  of  the  cheif e  of  them,  and  the  head 
of  one  of  them  stands  still  on  our  forte  for  a  terror  unto 
others."  1 

News  of  this  affray  was  brought  over  by  Winslow, 
and  it  caused  Robinson  much  uneasiness.  His  letter 
of  remonstrance  does  credit  to  his  heart  and  shows  his 

i  MS,  letter  from  Bradford,  September  8,  1623, 


280  JOHN   ROBINSON 

humane  feeling.  Had  he  been  on  the  spot  he  might 
have  realized  more  fully  the  peril  in  which  the  Pilgrim 
Colony  then  stood.  Yet  we  may  be  sure  his  moderating 
word  would  not  be  without  good  effect  in  the  councils 
of  the  infant  state. 

"  My  Loving  and  Much-beloved  Friend,  whom  God  hath 
hitherto  preserved,  preserve  and  keep  you  still  to  his  glory 
and  the  good  of  many ;  that  his  blessing  may  make  your  godly 
and  wise  endeavours  answerable  to  the  valuation  which  they 
[the  colonists]  there  [in  New  England]  set  upon  the  same. 

"  Of  your  love  to  and  care  for  us  here  we  never  doubted; 
so  we  are  glad  to  take  knowledge  of  it  in  that  fullness  we  do. 
Our  love  and  care  to  and  for  you  is  mutual ;  though  our  hopes 
of  coming  unto  you  be  small  and  weaker  than  ever.  But  of 
this  at  large  in  Mr-  Brewster's  letter  with  whom  you — and 
he  with  you  mutually — I  know,  communicate  your  letters, 
as  I  desire  you  may  do  these. 

"  Concerning  the  killing  of  those  poor  Indians  of  which  we 
heard  at  first  by  report,  and  since  by  more  certain  relation, 
oh  !  how  happy  a  thing  had  it  been  if  you  had  converted 
some  before  you  had  killed  any  !  Besides  where  blood  is 
once  begun  to  be  shed,  it  is  seldom  stanched  of  a  long  time 
after.  You  will  say  they  deserved  it.  I  grant  it :  but  upon 
what  provocations  and  invitements  by  those  heathenish 
Christians  !  [i.  e,  by  the  crew  of  Planters  sent  out  by  Weston], 
Besides,  you  being  no  magistrates  over  them,  were  to  con- 
sider not  what  they  deserved,  but  what  you  were  by  necessity 
constrained  to  inflict.  Necessity  of  this,  especially  of  killing 
so  many  (and  many  more  it  seems  they  would  if  they  could) 
I  see  not.  Methinks  one  or  two  principals  should  have  been 
full  enough,  according  to  that  approved  rule  '  The  punish- 
ment to  the  few,  and  the  fear  to  the  many.'  Upon  this 
occasion  let  me  be  bold  to  exhort  you  seriously  to  consider  the 
disposition  of  your  Captain  [Miles  Standish]  whom  I  love, 
and  am  persuaded  the  Lord  in  great  mercy  and  for  much  good 
hath  sent  you  him,  if  you  use  him  aright.  He  is  a  man  humble 
and  meek  among  you  and  toward  all,  in  ordinary  course  : 
but  now,  if  this  be  merely  from  a  human  spirit  [if  there  is  no 
divine  quality  about  his  humility]  there  is  cause  to  fear  that, 
by  occasion  especially  of  provocation,  there  may  be  wanting 
that  tenderness  of  the  life  of  man,  made  after  God's  image, 
which  is  meet.  It  is  also  a  thing  more  glorious  in  men's 
eyes  than  pleasing  in  God's  or  convenient  for  Christians,  to 
be  a  terror  to  poor  barbarous  people,  and,  indeed,  I  am  afraid 


SALUTATIONS  281 

lest,  by  these  occasions,  others  should  be  drawn  to  affect  a 
kind  of  ruffling  course  in  the  world. 

"  I  doubt  not  but  you  will  take  in  good  part  these  things 
which  I  write,  and,  as  there  is  cause,  make  use  of  them.  It 
were  to  us  more  comfortable  and  convenient  that  we  com- 
municated our  mutual  helps  in  presence,  but  seeing  that 
cannot  be  done,  we  shall  always  long  after  you  and  love  you, 
and  wait  God's  appointed  time. 

"  The  Adventurers,  it  seems,  have  neither  money,  nor  any 
great  mind  of  us  [at  Leyden]  for  the  most  part.  They  deny 
it  to  be  any  part  of  the  covenants  between  us  that  they  should 
transport  us ;  neither  do  I  look  for  any  further  help  from  them, 
till  means  come  from  you.  We  here  are  strangers  in  effect, 
to  the  whole  course ;  and  so  both  we  and  you  (save  as  your 
own  wisdom  and  worth  have  interested  you  further)  of 
principals,  [as  was  first]  intended  in  this  business,  are  [now 
become]  scarce  accessories. 

"  My  wife,  with  me  re-salutes  you  and  yours.  Unto  him 
who  is  the  same  to  his  in  all  places,  and  near  to  them  who  are 
far  from  one  another  I  commend  you  and  all  with  you. 

[Leyden] 

"December  19,  1623."  [John  Robinson.] 


CHAPTER  XXV 

robinson's    household    at    leyden — later    con- 
troversies  ROGER  WHITE 

We  must  turn  away  from  the  fascinating  story  of 
the  activities  of  that  portion  of  Robinson's  Church 
now  planted  in  New  England  to  deal  with  the  pub- 
lications of  Robinson  himself  in  his  last  years,  and  the 
history  of  the  Leyden  section  of  his  religious  society. 

The  last  five  years  of  Robinson's  life  must  have 
been  busy  years  both  for  him  and  for  his  good  wife 
Bridget.  They  brought  both  sorrows  and  joys.  The 
eldest  girl  Ann  (named  after  her  grandmother  at 
Sturton),  now  grown  to  woman's  estate,  married  Jan 
Schetter  of  Utrecht  before  1622,  but  was  left  a  widow 
by  the  autumn  of  1625.  John,  the  eldest  son,  was 
quickly  growing  to  manhood.  His  father  designed 
him  for  the  ministry,  and  would  doubtless  give  a 
personal  oversight  to  his  studies. 

What  Church,  however,  was  open  to  the  son  of 
the  Separatist  pastor?  It  appears  that  Robinson 
favoured  his  preparation  for  the  ministry  of  the 
Dutch  Reformed  Church  rather  than  for  the  pulpits 
of  those  English  congregations  in  Holland  which 
still  kept  in  touch  with  the  Episcopal  Anglican 
Church.  The  other  alternative  was  that  fresh 
churches  might  be  built  up  in  America,  on  the  prin- 
ciples which  Robinson  laid  down.  To  one  or  another 
of  such  churches  young  John  Robinson  might  be 
joined  as  a  member,  then  be  called  to  exercise  his 
gifts  in  prophesying,  and  finally  be  ordained  either  as 
a  pastor  or  teacher.  That  is  the  interpretation  I  give 
to  the  following  document,  discovered  by  Dr,  Dexter 

282 


EDUCATION   OF   HIS   SON  283 

among  the  papers  of  the  English  Reformed  Church 
at  Amsterdam,  and  thus  translated — 

"  I,  the  undersigned,  hereby  certify  that  Dfomine]  Rub- 
bensonus,  pastor  of  the  English  Church  here  which  is  called 
the  Brownists',  has  at  divers  times  conversed  with  me  con- 
cerning the  separation  between  their  congregation  and  the 
other  English  congregations  in  this  country,  and  that  he  has 
at  divers  times  testified  that  he  was  disposed  to  do  his  utmost 
to  remove  this  schism ;  that  he  was  also  averse  to  educating 
his  son  for  the  work  of  the  ministry  in  such  congregations 
[English  Puritan  congregations],  but  much  preferred  to  have 
him  exercise  his  ministry  in  the  Dutch  Churches;  that  to 
this  end,  by  the  help  of  Domine  Teellinck  and  myself,  he  had 
also  begun  to  move  some  good  people  in  Middelburg  to 
provide  some  decent  support  for  his  son's  studies  for  a  few 
years ;  that  he,  moreover,  at  divers  times  assured  me  that  he 
found  in  his  congregation  so  many  difficulties  in  connexion 
with  this  [Query,  the  proposed  education  of  his  son  for  the 
ministry  in  the  Dutch  Church]  that  he,  with  a  good  part  of  his 
congregation,  was  resolved  to  remove  to  the  West  Indies,  where 
he  doubted  not  he  should  be  able  to  accomplish  his  desires. 

"  This  has  passed  between  us  at  divers  times. 

"  Given  at  Leyden,  May  25,  1628. 

"  Antonius  Walaeus. 
(Professor  of  Theology  in  the  University). 

44  That  which  is  above  testified  concerning  the  union  of 
the  English  Churches  in  this  country,  I,  the  undersigned, 
likewise  certify  that  I  have  divers  times  heard  from  the  late 
D [omine]  Robinson. 

44  At  Leyden,  May  26,  1628. 

"  Festus  Hommius,1 
(Rector  of  the  Theological  College)." 

This  document  bears  testimony  to  Robinson's 
friendly   intercourse   with  those   on    the   professorial 

1  Festus  Hommius  was  incorporated  of  the  University  of  Oxford,  June  6, 
1620 ;  perhaps  it  was  to  that  year  of  the  Mayflower's  sailing  that  the  following 
incident  is  to  be  referred — 

"  When  proposals  were  made  to  put  Dr  Ames  into  a  Professor's  Chair  at 
Leyden,  the  motion  was  stopped  by  the  English  Prelates.  Festus  Hommius 
took  the  occasion  of  a  visit  to  England  to  wait  upon  the  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury to  beg  him  not  to  obstruct  the  appointment  of  Ames,  but  he  told  him 
'  that  upon  his  own  particular  knowledge  Dr  Ames  was  no  obedient  son 
unto  his  mother,  the  Church  of  England.'  "  Quick's  1  cones  Sac.  Angl.  MSS., 
D.W.L.,  p,  33. 


284  JOHN   ROBINSON 

staff  of  the  University  and  with  the  Rev.  William 
Teelinck,  who,  it  is  well  to  remember,  was  keen  in 
championing  the  cause  of  Thomas  Brewer  in  1619 
against  the  demand  of  King  James  for  his  extradition. 

The  educational  career  of  young  John  Robinson, 
like  that  of  his  father,  covered  a  long  period.  Per- 
haps it  was  interrupted  by  his  father's  death.  It  was 
not  till  April  5,  1633,  that  "  Joannes  Robinsonus, 
Nordovico-Anglus  "  [Englishman  born  at  Norwich], 
graduated  at  Ley  den.  Research  in  the  archives  of 
the  Dutch  Church  might  throw  further  light  upon 
his  career. 

A  few  other  details  concerning  the  history  of  the 
Pilgrim  Pastor's  household  in  the  last  years  of  his 
life  have  been  recovered. 

On  February  1,  1621,  "  the  English  preacher " 
living  in  the  Pieterskerkhof,  undoubtedly  Robinson, 
buried  one  of  his  children  in  St.  Peter's.  The  town 
census  of  October  15,  1622,  gives  his  place  of  residence 
as  Zevenhuysen,  in  the  same  ward  of  the  city,  and 
mentions  his  wife  Bridget  with  the  children,  John, 
Bridget,  Isaac,  Mercy,  Fear  and  James,  with  their 
maid-servant,  Mary  Hardy.  It  was  a  good  long 
family,  but  one  of  these  children  of  "  the  English 
preacher  dwelling  by  the  Bell  Tower  "  was  buried  on 
March  27,  1623.  This  was  probably  the  little  girl 
Mercy,  of  whom  there  is  no  further  record.  In  a 
subsequent  section  we  shall  set  out  what  is  known  as 
to  the  after  career  of  the  survivors  and  connexions 
of  the  Robinson  household. 

The  pen  of  Robinson  in  these  last  years  was  partly 
engaged  on  a  controversial  work  x  entitled — 

"  A  /  DEFENCE  /  of  the  Doc  /  trine  Propovn  /  ded 
by  the  Synode  /  at  Dort  /  Against  /  Iohn  Mvrton 
and  /  his  Associates  in  a  /  Treatise  in[ti]tuled  A 
Description  /  what  God,  etc.  /  with  /  The  Refvtation 
of  /  their  Answer  to  a  Writing  touching  /  Baptism  / 
by  Iohn  Robinson  /  Printed  in  the  year  1624." 

1  Preface,  p.  ii.,  the  book,  p.  203. 


FURTHER   CONTROVERSY  285 

A  note  on  the  last  page  excuses  misprints  on  the 
ground  of  "the  Author  being  absent";  the  work 
therefore  was  not  printed  at  Leyden. 

To  understand  the  circumstances  which  called 
forth  this  work  we  must  look  back  for  a  year  or  two, 
and  take  up  once  again  the  threads  of  the  story  of 
the  group  of  English  refugees  who  gathered  round 
John  Smith.  Through  the  influence  of  that  remark- 
able man  the  main  body  of  the  Church  that  he 
gathered  abandoned  Calvinism  and  adopted  a  theology 
akin  to  that  professed  by  the  Mennonites.  They 
proclaimed  the  doctrine  of  general  redemption  as 
opposed  to  particular  redemption.  They  asserted 
that  the  efficacy  of  the  redemptive  work  of  Christ 
extended  to  all  men  and  not  to  the  elect  alone. 
Thomas  Helwys  and  John  Murton,  or  Morton, 
accepted  these  views  when  propounded  by  Smith, 
and  submitted  to  the  baptism  which  he  revived. 
They  returned  to  England  full  of  zeal  for  their  con- 
victions, and  made  London  the  centre  for  their 
propaganda.  Robinson  had  some  controversy  with 
them  in  1614,  and  in  1615,  when  issuing  their  "  Ob- 
jections answered  by  way  of  Dialogue,  wherein  is 
proved  .  .  .  that  no  man  ought  to  be  persecuted  for 
his  religion,"  they  took  the  opportunity  of  pointing 
"  at  the  principal  things  of  Mr  Robinson's  late  book 
till  further  time."  * 

Helwys  soon  died,  but  Murton  and  his  friends 
continued  their  work  by  issuing  a  book  entitled 
Truth's  Champion  in  1617,  which  upheld  the  Arminian 
scheme  of  doctrine;  and  by  publishing  in  1618  A 
Plain  and  W ell-grounded  Treatise  concerning  Baptism, 
translated  from  the  Dutch.  Robinson,  in  opposition 
to  these  old  friends,  upheld  the  practice  of  baptizing 
infants  one  or  both  of  whose  parents  were  Church 
members.  He  argued  that  baptism  by  any  one  not 
a  Minister  or  not  specially  deputed  for  the  duty  by 
the  Church  was  invalid,  and  printed  a  leaflet  setting 
forth  his  views  on  this  point.     Murton  puts  a  reference 

1  Postscript  to  Objections  Answered,  1615. 


286  JOHN   ROBINSON 

to  this  leaflet  into  the  mouth  of  an  objector  in  the 
dialogue  now  to  be  noticed — 

"  Ereunetes  (loquiter).  I  am  every  way  satisfied  in  this 
[viz.  in  the  point  that  infant  baptism  is  a  late  invention]  only 
Iohn  Robinson,  Preacher  to  the  English  at  Leyden,  hath 
printed  half  a  sheet  of  paper,  who  laboureth  to  prove  that 
none  may  baptize  but  Pastors  and  Elders  of  a  Church  (for 
other  officers  to  baptize  I  conceive  not  that  he  meaneth)  and 
consequently  that  you  [John  Murton]  and  all  your  companies 
in  England  wanting  Pastors  are  unbaptized."  1 

This  "  half  a  sheet  "  by  Robinson  received  atten- 
tion in  a  spirited  little  book  by  Murton  in  1620, 
entitled  :  "  A  Discription  (sic)  what  God  hath  Pre- 
destinated concerning  Man  in  his  creation,  transgres- 
sion, regeneration  .  .  .  as  also  an  Answere  to  John 
Robinson  touching  Baptisme." 

The  book,  greatly  daring,  applies  the  principles  of 
common  sense  and  common  affection  governing  the 
thought  and  feeling  of  the  ordinary  layman  to  the 
deep  problems  which  the  Synod  at  Dort  essayed  to 
solve.  It  is  written  in  dialogue  form,  and  livens  up 
towards  the  end,  when  it  comes  to  deal  with  the 
"  little  printed  writing  of  John  Robinson's  touching 
baptism." 

No  copy  of  Robinson's  pamphlet  has  so  far  come  to 
light,  but  we  can  gather  its  drift  from  the  references 
made  to  it  in  other  works.  It  contained  two  main 
propositions — 

(1)  "  That  there  is  no  lawful  Baptism  but  by  him  that 
hath  a  lawful  calling  to  baptize. 

(2)  "  That  only  he  hath  an  ordinary  lawful  calling  to 
baptize  who  is  called  thereto  by  the  Church." 

These  "  grounds "  Robinson  supported  by  six 
"  proofs."  He  argued  that,  as  John  Smith,  "  their 
first  baptizer,"  had  no  ordinary  lawful  calling  to 
baptize,  John  Murton  and  his  associates  were  not 
"  lawfully  baptized,  and  so,  by  the  verdict  of  their  own 

1  A  Description  what  God  hath  Predestinated,  1620,  p.  154. 


JOHN   MURTON  287 

quest,  [were]  unbaptized  persons."  This  controversy 
between  the  followers  of  Smith  and  John  Robinson  had 
shown  singular  vitality.  It  went  on  for  more  than 
a  dozen  years.  Murton's  intimate  acquaintance  with 
Robinson's  writings  enabled  him  to  turn  some  of  the 
latter's  arguments  in  favour  of  the  Separatist  posi- 
tion against  himself  on  this  point  of  infant  baptism. 
For  example,  Robinson,  in  support  of  his  separation, 
quoted1  the  opinion  of  William  Perkins — 

"If  in  Turkey,  or  America,  or  elsewhere,  the  gospel  should 
be  received  of  men,  by  the  counsel  and  persuasion  of  private 
persons  they  shall  not  need  to  send  into  Europe  for  conse- 
crated ministers,  but  they  have  power  to  choose  their  own 
ministers  from  within  themselves;  because  where  God  gives 
the  word  he  gives  the  power  also."  2 

Murton,  in  1615,  argued  in  the  same  way — 

"  Many  famous  men,  as  Mr-  Perkins  and  others,  confess 
that  if  a  Turk  should  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  truth  in 
Turkey,  he  might  preach  the  same  to  others,  and  converting 
them,  baptize  them,  though  unbaptized."  3 

Again,  in  his  Manumission,  Robinson  had  argued 
against  Ames  that  it  was  needful  to  renounce  his 
so-called  "  orders,"  received  in  the  Anglican  Church, 
and  to  be  rightly  "  ordained  "  by  the  Church  which 
called  him  to  the  pastoral  office  in  Holland.  Murton 
skilfully  framed  a  similar  argument  to  show  that 
Robinson  ought  also  to  renounce  his  baptism  received 
in  England,  and  submit  to  baptism  according  to  the 
New  Testament  order. 

In  his  reply  to  "  Murton  and  his  Associates," 
Robinson,  according  to  his  plan  in  answering  Bernard, 
followed  his  adversaries  through  the  many  subjects 
touched  on  by  the  way — 

"As  he  that  will  overtake  and  hold  a  malefactor,"  he 
says,  "  must  follow  him,  not  only  in  the  high  and  beaten  way, 
whilst  he  keeps  it,  but  in  all  the  out-leaps  also,  and  turnings 

1  Works,  vol.  ii.  chap.  3,  Justification  of  Separation,  1610,  also  Works,  vol. 
i.  p.  468. 

2  Perkins  on  Galatians,  1604,  p.  35.  3  Objections  Answered,  1615. 


288  JOHN   ROBINSON 

which  he  makes,  so,  God  assisting  me,  purpose  I,  though  it 
be  troublesome,  to  follow  and  prosecute  these  adversaries  in 
this,  and  other  their  particular  stragglings,  if  any  way  perti- 
nent to  the  general  controversy."  1 

The  effect  in  the  subsequent  discussion  of  predes- 
tination, election,  falling  away,  free-will,  and  the 
original  state  of  mankind  is  tedious.  Robinson  is  at 
too  great  pains  to  set  his  adversaries  right  in  every 
detail.  The  Synod  of  Dort,  which  had  met  at  his 
doors  with  the  benediction  of  King  James,  had 
tuned  up  the  Calvinistic  system  of  theology  to  a 
pitch  which  Calvin  himself  would  not  have  recognized, 
and  Robinson  in  general  assented  to  its  conclusions. 
To  put  the  matter  shortly,  Murton,  approaching  the 
subject  from  the  layman's  standpoint,  looked  at  the 
problems  at  issue  in  the  light  of  his  faith  in  God's 
love  and  his  own  sense  of  justice  and  liberty;  while 
Robinson,  from  the  position  of  the  trained  theologian, 
viewed  them  in  the  light  of  God's  sovereignty.  The 
difference  in  the  way  of  approach  to  these  questions 
led  to  divergent  conclusions  respecting  them. 

There  is  one  point  touched  on  in  the  latter  portion 
of  his  book  which  had  a  practical  bearing  upon  the 
position  of  affairs  in  the  section  of  Robinson's  Church 
under  the  oversight  of  Brewster  as  ruling  elder  in 
New  England.  Murton  argued  that  any  man  making 
a  convert  might,  according  to  examples  given  in  the 
New  Testament,  forthwith  baptize  him.  Now,  if 
that  position  were  conceded,  might  not  Brewster 
equally  well  baptize  such  infants  as  were  presented 
to  the  Church  in  New  Plymouth,  and  so  remove 
one  of  the  objections  brought  against  the  Plymouth 
Plantation?  From  what  Robinson  says  in  explana- 
tion of  his  position  that  only  one  lawfully  called  by 
the  Church  can  baptize,  it  is  clear  that  he  attached 
the  function  of  baptism  to  the  office  of  the  "  teaching 
elder,"  or  the  pastor,  but  he  left  a  loophole  for  the 
possible  appointment  of  his  "  ruling  Elder,"  Brewster, 
as  "  a  member  able  to  teach,"  to  perform  that  duty— 

1  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  274. 


ROGER   WHITE  289 

"  My  meaning  was  not  to  deny,  that  a  church  wanting 
pastors  may  appoint  a  member  able  to  teach  (though  out  of 
office)  to  baptize  :  for  which  much  may  be  said,  and  hath 
been  by  some  so  minded.  Which  though  I  do  not  simply 
approve  of ;  yet,  neither  did,  neither  had  I  occasion  to  deal 
there  against,  but  only  against  the  wild  course  of  these  All- 
alikes ;  of  whom  any  that  can  wrest  a  few  Scriptures  intended 
of  men  of  years  only,  against  the  baptizing  of  infants,  to  the 
corrupting  of  some  simple  man,  or  woman,  thinks  himself 
another  John  Baptist,  as  their  practice  and  profession 
manifests."  1 

Among  the  events  in  his  congregation  during  the 
last  years  of  his  life  Robinson  would  be  specially 
interested  in  the  marriage  of  his  brother-in-law, 
Roger  White,  who  was  now  beginning  "  to  make 
good "  in  Ley  den.  He  was  a  younger  brother  of 
Bridget  Robinson,  born  at  Sturton,  probably  in  1589, 
and  as  a  youth  went  over  to  Ley  den.  He  eventually 
started  business  as  a  grocer.  Not  till  he  was  thirty- 
two  years  old  did  the  way  seem  clear  for  him  to 
marry.  He  was  betrothed  at  Amsterdam  on  February 
20,  1621,  to  Elizabeth  Wales,  aged  twenty-two,  and 
married  at  Ley  den  on  the  following  March  14.  Two 
years  later  (May  5,  1623)  he  was  admitted  to  citizen- 
ship on  the  guarantee  of  Edmund  Chandler  and 
Anthony  Clement,  and  thenceforth  took  a  leading- 
part  in  the  affairs  of  the  congregation  and  the  English 
colony  in  Leyden.  He,  in  turn,  guaranteed  others 
for  admission  to  citizenship,  amongst  them  his 
brother-in-law,  Francis  Jessop,  on  May  5,  1625,  who 
was  also  a  shopkeeper  in  Leyden.  As  late  as  May  26, 
1631,  he  guaranteed  William  Jackson.  I  discovered 
a  reference  to  him  in  the  will  of  his  eldest  brother, 
Charles  White,  drawn  up  in  1633,  wherein  is  the 
bequest,  "  to  my  brother  Roger  ffower  pounds." 

1  Robinson's  Works,  vol.  i.  p.  446. 


CHAPTER  XXVI 

LETTERS    OF   THE    LEYDEN    CHURCH ROBINSON'S 

ESSAYS HIS    DEATH 

Two  letters  from  Robinson  and  his  Church  at 
Leyden  of  the  year  1624  may  be  briefly  noticed  here. 
The  earlier  of  the  two,  dated  April  5,  1624,1  was 
addressed  "  To  our  Beloved  in  the  Lord,  the  Church 
of  Christ  in  London,"  and  was  printed  in  1634  as  an 
appendix  to  Robinson's  Treatise  on  the  Lawfulness  of 
Hearing  Ministers  in  the  Church  of  England.  The 
circumstances  were  as  follows  :  In  the  old  Separatist 
Church  of  Barrowe  and  Greenwood,  which  still  kept 
up  some  sort  of  meetings  in  London,  trouble  had 
arisen  over  a  maid  who  had  attended  worship  at  the 
meetings  of  the  Independent  Church  gathered  by 
Henry  Jacob  in  London  in  1616.  The  more  rigid 
members  of  this  older  Separatist  Church  carried  things 
to  such  a  pitch  that  they  regarded  Jacob's  Church  as, 
in  effect,  idolatrous,  because  its  members  did  not 
utterly  renounce  the  Church  of  England.  The  erring 
maid  was  brought  before  the  Separatist  Church  to 
which  she  belonged  and  admonished.  She  promised 
to  give  up  going  to  the  meetings  in  Jacob's  Church, 
and  was  accordingly  retained  as  a  member  in  fellow- 
ship. The  extremists  were  not  satisfied.  St.  Paul 
had  plainly  laid  it  down  (1  Cor.  v.  11)  that  if  any 
called  a  brother  be  an  idolater  they  were  "  not  to 
keep  company  "  with  him,  "  no,  not  to  eat  "  with 
such  a  one.  The  girl  ought  to  have  been  excom- 
municated.    Feeling   on  the  matter  ran  high.     The 

1  See  above,  chap.  xiv. 
290 


EXCOMMUNICATION  291 

"  teacher  "  of  the  old  Separatist  Church,  with  some 
of  the  brethren,  renounced  communion  with  those 
who  retained  the  maid  in  fellowship  and,  though  they 
were  in  a  minority,  claimed  still  to  be  the  "  Church  " 
on  the  ground  that  they  held  the  "  truth." 

It  was  felt  that  outside  advice  might  smooth  over 
the  difficulty.  Accordingly  a  letter  was  sent  from 
the  more  moderate  section  of  the  London  Church  to 
the  sister  Churches  of  Amsterdam  and  Leyden  con- 
taining six  inquiries.  The  letter  went  first  to  the 
Amsterdam  Church,  which  was  now,  after  Ains worth's 
death,  under  the  guidance  of  Elders.  There  this 
missive  acted  with  explosive  force.  The  rigid  Lon- 
don Separatists  found  their  counterpart  in  Amsterdam. 
The  kernel  of  the  matter  was  as  to  the  standing  of  the 
Congregational  or  Independent  Church  founded  by 
Henry  Jacob.  In  the  Amsterdam  Church  Sabine 
Staresmore  and  his  wife  were  in  fellowship.  They 
had  first  been  members  of  Jacob's  Church  in  London, 
and  in  virtue  of  that  membership  had  been  received 
into  Robinson's  Church  at  Leyden,  and  thence  had 
been  commended  to  the  Amsterdam  Church.  This 
was  tantamount  to  a  recognition  of  Jacob's  congre- 
gation as  a  true  Church  of  Christ.  When  the  question 
put  by  the  Londoners  as  to  "  whether  Mr.  Staresmore 
and  his  wife  are  received  and  retained  ...  by  that 
covenant  which  they  made  with  God  in  Mr.  Jacob's 
Church,  or  whether  they  have  renounced  it  as  false 
and  made  another,"  was  brought  up  for  consideration 
at  Amsterdam  it  led  to  heated  disputes.  A  series  of 
"  interrogatories "  was  put  to  Staresmore  on  his 
position,  and  when  he  declined  to  answer  them  he 
was  censured  and  "  cast  out."  The  matter  led  to 
correspondence  between  the  Churches  at  Amsterdam 
and  Leyden. 

When  it  became  evident  that  there  was  no  possi- 
bility of  the  Churches  at  Leyden  and  Amsterdam 
returning  a  joint  reply  to  London,  as  there  was  a 
hopeless  divergence  between  them  on  the  points  at 
issue,   Robinson  wrote  this  letter  in  answer,   which 


292  JOHN  ROBINSON 

was  "  read  in  public,  and  by  the  whole  consent  of 
the  Church  was  sent  to  London."  x  It  is  too  long 
to  quote  in  full,  but  we  may  extract  from  it  the  six 
questions  upon  which  the  London  Separatists  sought 
advice. 

"  (1)  Have  we  done  well  in  retaining  the  maid  about 
whom  the  difference  was,  she  leaving  off  her  attendance 
at  the  meetings  of  Jacob's  congregation  according  to  her 
promise  ? 

"  Robinson  answered  yes.  Even  c  though  she  had  con- 
tinued her  practice  upon  occasion,  and  without  neglect  of 
the  Church  whereof  she  was  a  member,'  they  would  have 
done  well  to  retain  her. 

"  (2)  Whether  Mr.  Jacob's  congregation  be  a  true  Church 
or  no? 

"  (3)  Whether  Mr.  Staresmore  and  his  wife  are  received 
and  retained  in  the  Ley  den  and  Amsterdam  Churches  by 
that  covenant  which  they  made  with  God  in  Mr.  Jacob's 
Church  or  whether  they  have  renounced  it  as  false  and  made 
another  ? 

"  (4)  How  ought  we  to  carry  ourselves  towards  our 
4  Teacher '  and  other  brethren  renouncing  communion 
with  us? 

"  (5)  Whether  their  pretence  of  having  the  truth  be 
sufficient  to  make  them  the  '  Church  '  and  to  warrant  their 
above-mentioned  dealing,  \i.  e.  their  renunciation  of  com- 
munion with  the  majority  of  the  old  members]? 

"  (6)  Whether  women  have  voices  [i.  e.  votes]  with  men 
in  the  judgments  of  the  churches  ?  " 

To  the  last  question  Robinson  replied  that  "  if  a 
woman  may  not  so  much  as  move  a  question  in  the 
Church  for  her  instruction,  how  much  less  may  she 
give  a  voice  or  utter  a  reproof  for  censure."  John 
Smith  took  up  a  more  liberal  position  in  regard  to 
this  question.  In  his  Principles  and  Inferences  of 
1607  he  left  the  matter  open  with  a  "  Queer e"  but 
in  his  Par  alleles  of  1609  he  decided  it  in  the  affirma- 
tive, and  gave  allowance  to  women  members  to  take 
part  in  the  "  Censures  "  of  the  Church.  The  general 
tenor  of  the  letter,  however,  manifests  the  moderate 
and  sensible  temper  of  Robinson  and  his  associates. 

1  W orks,  vol..  iii.  p.  379. 


STARESMORE'S   CASE  293 

The  second  letter  of  the  year  1624,  dated  Sep- 
tember 18  from  Leyden,  is  addressed  to  the  Amster- 
dam Church,  and  deals  with  Staresmore's  case.  It 
appears  that,  after  Staresmore  had  been  censured  and 
cast  out,  some  steps  had  been  taken  to  review  the 
judgment  of  the  Church  in  the  matter,  but  this  course 
was  broken  off  on  the  ground  that  the  decision,  once 
given,  must  stand. 

Whereas  Leyden  acknowledged  the  congregation 
gathered  and  covenanted  together  under  Henry  Jacob 
as  a  true  Church,  Amsterdam  took  the  opposite  view, 
and  agreed  to  support  those  Londoners  who  desired 
the  excommunication  of  the  maid  resorting  to  its 
services.  Staresmore,  dissenting  from  this  judgment, 
greatly  daring,  had  written  a  letter  on  his  own  account 
from  Amsterdam  to  London  "  in  opposition  to  the 
Church's  agreement."  This  was  regarded  as  a  grave 
offence  and  a  mark  of  rebellion.  Robinson  supported 
Staresmore's  position,  and  in  his  letter  pleaded  for 
a  more  moderate  and  reasonable  course  to  be  taken 
by  the  brethren  at  Amsterdam.  There  is  a  note  of 
tiredness  and  disappointment  in  this  letter  at  the 
bickerings  which  marked  the  Church  "  nearliest 
united  "  unto  his  own  religious  society.  The  Separa- 
tist movement  had  more  than  a  fair  share  of  self- 
sufficient  and  impossible  saints.  Robinson  showed 
remarkable  patience  in  dealing  with  them — 

44  To  our  Beloved,  the  Elders  and  Church  at  Amsterdam, 
grace  and  peace  from  God  the  giver  thereof,  and  in 
him  our  salutations. 

44  We  received  your  letter,  brethren,  but  not  answering 
either  our  expectation  or  the  weightiness  of  the  business  in 
hand;  and  are  withal  rather  driven  to  gather  your  meaning 
out  of  it,  than  finding  the  same  in  it  expressed.  Only  we  see 
plainly  your  intent  of  imputing  special  blame  to  one  [Sabine 
Staresmore],  by  you  accounted  the  chief  adversary,  as  offer- 
ing boastingly  (as  you  say),  to  prove  that  he  doth  worship 
the  God  of  his  fathers  in  writing  a  letter  in  opposition  to  the 
church's  agreement,  and  in  4  rebellious  refusing  and  despising 
of  the  same  Church.' 


294  JOHN   ROBINSON 

"  First,  touching  the  person  intended  by  you.  It  should 
not  seem  strange  to  any,  if  he  were  most  forward,  who  was 
deepliest  interested  in  the  business;  and  that  so  far,  as  his 
church  estate  and  membership  must  necessarily  stand  or  fall 
with  that  covenant  [i.  e.  the  covenant  of  the  Church  founded 
in  London  by  Jacob  in  1616]  impugned  by  you,  as  the  branch 
with  the  root.  As  Zilpah  was  not,  nor  could  be,  rightfully 
Leah's  handmaid,  except  she  had  been  Laban's  first,  right- 
fully (Gen.  xxix.  24)  by  whose  gift  she  was  transmitted  and 
conveyed  unto  her ;  so  neither  could  he  [Staresmore]  be  truly 
a  member  there  [in  Amsterdam]  with  you  but  by  transmission, 
dismission,  or  conveyance  (call  it  as  you  will)  from  this 
church  [Leyden]  to  that,  and  so  from  that  at  London  first 
to  us  here,  by  virtue  of  that  first  covenant  there  made  by 
profession  of  faith;  which  covenant,  howsoever  by  some 
light  person  accounted  no  better  than  the  Turks  might  make, 
was  by  the  churches  both  there  [in  London]  and  here  also  [in 
Holland],  in  the  time  of  those  worthy  governors  [Jacob  and 
Ainsworth]  now  at  rest  in  the  Lord,  esteemed  truly  Christian. 

11  [Secondly]  The  party  intended  by  you  should,  by  your 
grounds,  not  have  been  cast  out,  but  left  out  of  the  church. 

"  [Thirdly]  And  for  the  things  by  you  imputed  unto  him, 
we  are  certified  by  many  eye  and  ear  witnesses  that  his 
speech  was  as  f  olloweth  :  '  As  Paul  in  his  case  when  he  was 
accused  unjustly,  said,  In  the  way  they  call  heresy,  worship 
I  the  God  of  my  fathers,  so  haply  I  in  this,  that  which  you 
call  and  have  censured  for  faction,  or  a  factious  action  tending 
to  the  breach  and  division  of  the  Church,  I  judge  to  be  nothing 
less,  but  rather  a  Christian  duty,  tending  to  love  and  not  to 
division  in  the  Church  in  the  least,  either  in  action  or  inten- 
tion. And  if  way  may  be  given  to  speak  our  minds  freely, 
without  interruption,  as  hath  been  solemnly  granted,  it  may 
and  will  so  appear,  I  doubt  not,  to  the  heart,  etc.,  etc.' 

"  And  that  this  speech  he  [Staresmore]  used  not  till  all  hope 
was  taken  away  of  any  moderate  course  of  proceeding,  or 
of  [any]  other  [way  of  satisfying  the  Church]  than  by  simple 
confession  of  the  sin  of  faction. 

"  And  surely,  brethren,  it  is  not  credible  that  he  would 
speak  of  the  worshipping  of  the  God  of  his  fathers,  or  that 
any  one  endued  with  common  sense  would  offer  to  prove 
unto  others  that  he  worshipped  God  by  that  which  he  knew 
they  esteemed  sinful  and  evil.  If  he  had  proved  that  he  had 
so  worshipped  God,  what  else  had  it  been,  but  to  have 
proved  that  he  had  worshipped  God  by  doing  evil  in  their 
conscience,  with  whom  he  had  to  do?  This  had  been  an 
offer  fit  for  him  to  make  that  meant  to  prove  himself  guilty, 


LETTER   TO   AMSTERDAM  295 

and  so  to  persuade  others  that  he  was ;  but  not  for  him  who 
means,  as  he  did,  to  avow  his  innocency  in  the  thing. 

['  Brethren,  let  us  be  mindful,  as  we  ought,  that  no  relation 
of  a  cause,  nor  plea  for  or  against  it,  can  make  either  ours  the 
better,  or  our  adversaries'  the  worse,  in  the  eyes  of  the 
Supreme  Judge  both  of  our  persons  and  judgments  and  all 
other  our  actions. 

"  And  whereas  the  course,  well  begun  and  tending  to 
pacification,  was  (as  we  understand)  interrupted  and  broken 
off  upon  a  ground  [or  reason]  taken  from  the  course  of  not 
calling  again  into  question  civil  judgments  once  passed  by 
the  Judge  according  to  right ;  let  it  not  be  grievous  unto  you 
if  we  a  little  warn  you  of  that  dangerous  foundation,  upon 
which,  it  seems,  you  too  much  build  your  manner  of  pro- 
ceeding in  the  church.  And  to  let  pass  that  it  were  more  for 
the  true  peace  of  the  Judges  of  the  world  with  God  (though 
some  diminution  of  their  credits  in  the  eyes  of  vain  men)  if 
they  not  only  revised,  but  often,  upon  better  information  or 
advice,  even  reversed  their  former  sentences.  We  pray  you 
call  to  mind  how  grievous  it  was  unto  the  body  of  you  [fol- 
lowers of  Ainsworth]  and  dangerous  in  itself,  when  some  of 
place  [Francis  Johnson  and  his  Elders]  amongst  you,  a  few 
years  since,  would  pattern  the  government  of  the  church 
now,  by  the  government  of  the  elders  in  Israel,  which  is  in 
truth  to  transform  a  service  into  a  lordship. 

"  More  specially  for  the  matter  in  hand.  When  the  civil 
Judge  hath  passed  sentence,  and  that  execution  is  done 
accordingly,  and  that  every  one  hath  his  due,  there  is  an 
end  of  the  matter;  but  in  spiritual  judgments  there  is  a 
further  thing  which  the  Magistrate  meddles  not  with — the 
repentance  of  the  censured  to  follow  in  time  by  God's  blessing. 
The  end  of  excommunication  is  not  that  the  person  might 
be  excommunicated,  but  that  repentance  might  follow;  for 
the  furthering  whereof  many  things  may  and  ought  to  be 
done  in  Christian  discretion  by  the  church  towards  the  ex- 
communicated, as  being,  as  it  were,  the  church's  prisoner 
(1  Cor.  v.  5),  by  which  he  and  his  sins  are  bound  upon  earth, 
as  our  Lord  teacheth  (Matt,  xviii.  18).  And  a  larger  extent 
of  discretion  this  way,  few  cases  in  an  age  can  persuade  to, 
than  this  in  hand,  considering  both  the  ground  and  carriage 
of  the  thing,  and  the  number  of  the  persons  opposite,  and 
with  these  the  interest  of  all  other  churches  in  the  business. 

And  now  understanding,  brethren,  that  competent  satis- 
faction for  the  manner  of  the  carriage  hath  been  tendered  by 
the  parties  censured,  for  the  matter  (to  be  reduced,  as  we 
conceive,  to  these  two  heads  following)  we  can  do  no  less,  in 


296  JOHN   ROBINSON 

honour  of  the  truth,  discharge  of  our  own  consciences  before 
God,  and  due  respect  unto  them  in  their  distressed  state, 
than  to  signify  and  profess. 

"  1.  That  in  a  matter  of  mere  counsel  and  advice,  more 
than  which  neither  the  church  of  London  required  nor  you 
could  afford  them,  any  particular  persons  advised  with  and 
having  their  reasons  of  difference  from  the  church's  per- 
suasion, may,  and,  in  cases  of  weight,  such  as  this  was, 
ought  by  speech  or  writing  as  there  is  occasion,  signify  that 
their  different  judgment  and  advice  to  them  whom  it  con- 
cerns, provided  the  same  be  done  in  good  manner  and  with 
due  respect  to  the  church.  Solomon  saith  (Prov.  xi.  14), 
that  '  in  the  multitude  of  counsellors  there  is  safety ' ;  and 
every  man's  common  sense  teacheth,  that  he  who  propounds 
a  thing  to  others  for  counsel,  should  hear  every  man's 
opinion,  and  the  reason  thereof  for  his  help  and  direction. 
To  deny  this  is  to  deprive  him  of  liberty  that  should  give 
counsel,  and  him  of  help  that  should  receive  it.  The  church 
was  not  in  this  case  to  use  authority,  but  to  show  reason. 

"  2.  That,  seeing  both  Moses  in  the  law  (Deut.  xix.  15), 
and  Christ  in  the  gospel  (Matt,  xviii.  15-17)  ordains  that 
every  matter  should  be  established  by  two  or  three  witnesses, 
and  that,  in  that  order  the  church  should  be  told  or  com- 
plained to  of  a  brother ;  for  the  officer  to  traduce  or  complain 
of  a  brother  to  the  church,  without  witness  of  an  offence 
done,  and  to  proceed  with  him  by  questions  and  inter- 
rogatories, tending  to  his  prejudice,  and  for  the  church  to 
censure  him  for  refusing  to  answer  such  interrogatories  so 
ministered,  is  both  against  Moses  and  Christ,  and  the  law  of 
nature  itself  (Acts  xxiv.  8,  13;  and  xxv.  15,  16),  which 
taught  the  wise  of  the  heathen  not  to  proceed  in  judgment 
with  any  but  by  way  of  accusation  and  proof  of  evil  against 
him.  And  these  persuasions  of  the  things  and  defence  of  our 
own  and  all  other  Christians',  yea,  of  all  men's  lawful  liberty, 
we  are  willing  and  able,  by  the  grace  of  God,  to  justify  against 
all  gainsay ers. 

"  And  now,  brethren,  what  shall  we  say  more  unto  you? 
Our  and  all  other  churches'  advice  you  reject,  in  confidence 
of  your  own  unerring  judgment  and  proceeding  in  this 
matter. 

"  In  your  letter  you  mention  the  great  weakness  of  the 
church.  Oh,  that  you  would  indeed  manifest  such  persuasion 
of  yourselves !  Then  would  you  not  proceed  with  that 
confidence  in  a  matter  and  manner  before  unheard  of  in 
the  churches;  then  would  you  both  be  glad  of  and  desire 
the  advice  and  counsel  of  others,  able  and  willing,  in  the 


SOUND   ADVICE  297 

fear  of  the  Almighty  and  in  a  good  conscience,  to  afford 
you  the  best  help  they  can ;  and  not  so  carry  things  as  if 
the  Word  of  God  either  came  from  you  or  unto  you  alone. 
And  for  the  church  here,  which  is  nearliest  united  unto 
you,  what  other  use  have  you  had  of  us,  since  the  death  of 
your  wise  and  modest  governors,  in  all  your  differences 
and  troubles,  save  to  help  to  bear  part  of  that  scandal  and 
opprobry  wherewith,  specially  in  the  public  carriage  of 
matters,  you  have  laden  the  ordinances  of  God  and  pro- 
fessors of  the  same  in  the  eyes  of  all,  within  and  without. 
But  in  vain  we  speak  unto  you,  whose  ears  prejudice  hath 
stopped.  We  purpose  not  henceforth  to  trouble  you  any 
more  in  this  kind;  but  taking  part  on  occasion  in  the  good 
things  amongst  you,  and  professing  ourselves  innocent  of 
the  things  amiss,  will  bewail  your  state,  which  is  indeed  to 
be  bewailed,  and  commend  it,  as  we  do,  to  the  Lord  for 
bettering.  His  grace  be  with  you  always  more  and  more. 
"  Your  loving  brethren, 

"  The  Pastor  and  Church  at  Leyden, 

"  John  Robinson. 
"Leyden,  September  18,  1624." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  there  was  issued  from 
the  Pilgrim  Press  of  Brewster  at  Leyden  in  1619  a 
Defence  or  "  Apologia  "  of  Robinson's  Church  and  its 
opinions,  in  Latin,  compiled  by  Robinson  himself. 
This  book  gave  a  useful  account  of  the  position  taken 
up  by  his  congregation.  It  was  felt  that  an  English 
edition  would  be  helpful  in  spreading  the  light  and 
removing  prejudices.  Robinson  accordingly  pre- 
pared a  translation  for  the  press,  and  this  was  issued 
in  1625  with  the  title  "  A  /  Iust  and  Necessarie  / 
Apologie  /  of  Certain  Christians  /  no  lesse  con- 
tumeliously  then  commonly  called  /  Brownists  or 
Barrowists  /  By  MR  Iohn  Robinson,  Pastor  of  the 
Eng/lish  Church  at  Leyden,  first  published  in  Latin 
in  his  and  the  /  Churches  name  over  which  he  was 
set,  after  translated  into  /  English  by  himself,  and 
now  republished  for  the  /  speciall  and  common  good 
of  our  /  own  Countrimen // Psal.  41.  2/0  Blessed  is 
he  that  prudently  attendeth  to  the  poore  weakling  // 
Printed  in  the  yeare  of  our  Lord  /  M.DC.XXV." 

The  work  runs  to  seventy-two  pages.     It  is  printed 


298  JOHN   ROBINSON 

in  good,  clear  type,  similar  to  that  used  by  Brewer  and 
Brewster  in  earlier  days.  My  own  conjecture  is  that 
Brewer  had  recovered  possession  of  the  type  im- 
pounded in  the  University  of  Leyden  at  the  instance 
of  the  English  Ambassador,  and  now,  in  conjunction 
with  the  members  of  his  congregation,  procured  the 
publication  of  this  work  as  a  pious  duty  immediately 
after  Robinson's  death. 

Robinson  was  probably  engaged  in  seeing  through 
the  press  his  volume  of  Essays  when  he  was  seized 
with  his  last  illness.  The  volume  seems  to  me  to 
have  had  his  careful  oversight  for  the  most  part,  and 
has  a  brief  preface  from  his  own  hand.  Whether  he 
lived  to  see  a  completed  volume  is  doubtful.  His 
name  is  printed  as  "  Robbinson  "  on  the  title  page 
of  the  first  edition  and  in  the  signature  to  the  preface 
— the  latest  portions  to  be  set  up,  which  looks  as 
though  they  had  not  been  submitted  for  his  revi- 
sion. The  title  of  the  first  edition  runs  as  follows  : 
"  Observati/ons  Divine  /  and  Morall  /  for  the 
furthering  /  of  knowledg,  and  vertue  /  By  John 
Robbinson  /  Prov.  9.  9.  /  Give  Instruction  to  a  wise 
man,  and  he  will  be  yet  /  wiser  :  teach  a  just  man  and 
he  will  en  /  crease  in  learning  /  Printed  in  the  year 
M.DC.XXV."  The  volume  is  a  quarto  of  324  pages, 
with  a  preface  of  four  pages,  and  at  the  end  is  "  The 
table  Conteyning  the  Contents  of  everie  Chapter," 
two  pages.  This  volume  was  frequently  re-issued. 
Its  solid  merit  and  its  practical  treatment  of  a  variety 
of  subjects  of  perennial  interest  commended  it  to  a 
wide  public.  The  fact  that  it  contained  a  large 
amount  of  valuable  sermon  matter  was  not  without 
influence  on  its  circulation.  A  second  issue  appeared 
in  1625,  another  came  out  in  1628,  with  an  expanded 
title  based  on  Robinson's  preface,  "  New  Essayes  or 
Observations  Divine  and  Morall  collected  out  of  the 
Holy  Scriptures,  Ancient  and  Modern  Writers,  both 
divine  and  human;  as  also  out  of  the  great  volume 
of  men's  manners  tending  to  the  furtherance  of 
knowledge    and    virtue."     It    appeared    again    in    a 


ESSAYS  299 

volume  of  smaller  page  in  1638,  styling  itself  "  The 
second  edition."  Again  in  1642  and  in  1654  as 
"  Essayes  and  Observations  Theologicall  and  Morall, 
by  a  Student  in  Theologie,"  without  Robinson's 
name.  The  labour  lovingly  spent  on  these  essays 
was  not  labour  in  vain,  though  the  author  did  not 
live  to  see  the  fruits  of  his  work.  They  testify  to 
Robinson's  wide  reading,  his  unflagging  industry, 
and  his  care  in  noting  anything  which  had  a  bearing 
upon  those  points  in  life  and  manners  in  which  he 
was  specially  concerned.  His  preface  shows  that  in 
this  line  of  work  he  took  real  pleasure  and  delight. 
It  would  be  a  relief  to  turn  from  the  field  of 
controversy  to  this  labour  which  he  loved.  Here  is 
his  preface — 

"  In  framing  these  mine  Observations,  Christian  Reader, 
I  have  had,  as  is  meet,  first  and  most  regard  to  the  Holy 
Scriptures ;  in  which  respect  I  call  them  divine  :  next,  to 
the  memorable  sayings  of  wise  and  learned  men,  which  I 
have  read  or  heard,  and  carefully  stored  up  as  a  precious 
treasure  for  mine  own  and  others'  benefit ;  and  lastly,  to 
the  great  volume  of  men's  manners,  which  I  have  diligently 
observed  and  from  them  gathered  no  small  part  thereof ; 
having  also  had,  in  the  days  of  my  pilgrimage,  special  oppor- 
tunity of  conversing  with  persons  of  divers  nations,  estates 
and  dispositions  in  great  variety.  The  names  of  the  authors, 
specially  known,  out  of  whom  I  gathered  anything,  I  have, 
for  the  most  part  expressed  :  partly  to  give  them  their  due ; 
and  partly,  that  the  authority  of  their  persons  might  procure 
freer  passage  for  their  worthy  and  wise  sayings,  with  others ; 
and  make  the  deeper  impression  of  them  in  the  reader's 
heart. 

"  In  the  method  I  have  been  neither  curious  nor  altogether 
negligent,  as  the  reader  may  observe.  Now,  as  this  kind  of 
study  and  meditation  hath  been  unto  me  full  sweet  and 
delightful,  and  that  wherein  I  have  often  refreshed  my  soul 
and  spirit,  amidst  many  sad  and  sorrowful  thoughts  unto 
which  God  hath  called  me,  so,  if  it  may  find  answerable  accept- 
ance with  the  Christian  Reader,  and  a  blessing  from  the 
Lord,  it  is  that  which  I  humbly  crave,  specially  at  his  hands, 
who  both  ministereth  seed  to  the  sower,  and  fruit  to  the 
reaper.     Amen. 

"  John  Robinson." 


300  JOHN   ROBINSON 

The  essays,  sixty -two  in  number,  range  over  a  wide 
field,  from  the  opening  one  on  "  Man's  Knowledge  of 
God,"  to  that  on  "  Death,"  which  closes  the  book. 
Such  topics  as  "Labour,"  "Sobriety,"  "Prayer," 
"Flattery,"  "Conscience,"  "Anger,"  "Modesty," 
"  Marriage,"  "  Envy,"  "  Peace,"  receive  special  and 
separate  treatment.  Robinson  is  fond  of  balancing 
qualities  one  against  another,  or  dealing  with  a  pair 
of  either  related  or  opposed  subjects,  e.  g.  "  Truth  and 
Falsehood,"  "Wisdom  and  Folly,"  "Speech  and 
Silence,"  "  Authority  and  Reason,"  "  Contempt  and 
Contumely,"  "  Books  and  Writings,"  "  Knowledge 
and  Ignorance."  This  gave  him  the  opportunity  of 
elucidating  his  subject  by  way  of  contrast,  of  which  he 
took  full  advantage.  The  essays  vary  considerably 
in  length;  on  such  topics  as  "Religion,  and  the 
Differences  and  Disputations  thereabout,"  and  "  The 
Holy  Scriptures,"  Robinson  has  a  good  deal  to  say, 
while  of  such  subjects  as  "  Health  and  Physic," 
"  Zeal,"  "  Rewards  and  Punishments,"  he  completes 
his  study  in  a  page  or  two. 

In  his  essays,  while  giving  many  references  to  books 
and  authors,  Robinson  makes  but  few  references  to 
persons.  Twice  he  quotes  sayings  of  Lord  Willoughby, 
whom  I  take  to  be  Robert  Bertie,  Lord  Willoughby, 
born  in  1582,  who  went  up  to  Corpus  Christi  College, 
and  must  have  been  well  known  to  Robinson.  His 
allusion  to  "  the  wily  fox  who  being  once  caught  hath 
his  skin  plucked  over  his  ears,  wherewith  every  fool 
will  have  his  cap  furred,"  remained  in  Robinson's 
memory,  and  was  used  in  illustration  of  the  downfall 
waiting  on  craftiness.  We  may  note  that  John  Jegon 
sent  a  letter *  to  Robert,  Lord  Willoughby,  October  9, 
1601,  dated  from  Corpus  Christi  College,  condoling 
with  him  on  the  death  of  his  father,  and  referring  to 
Robert  himself  as  one  who  "  lived  so  longe  with  me 
in  such  excellent  moderation." 

The  essay  on  "  Riches  and  Poverty  "  has  an  incidental 
allusion  to  Robinson's  University  days  in  these  terms — 

1  MSS.  of  the  Earl  of  Ancaster,  Hist.  MSS.  Corn.,  1907,  p.  351. 


ESSAYS  301 

"  A  friend  of  mine  in  the  University  was  wont  to  tell  me 
merrily  and  wittily,  that  surely  there  was  something  in  this 
money  more  and  better  than  he  and  I  saw;  seeing  such  a 
great,  wise  and  learned  man,  whom  he  would  name,  loved  it 
so  well ;  and  such  another,  as  wise  and  learned  as  he,  as  well 
as  he;  and  so  a  third,  and  a  fourth.  He  knew  well  enough 
it  was  not  any  good  in  it,  which  we  saw  not ;  but  lust  and 
filthy  covetousness  in  them,  whose  learning  and  wisdom 
should  have  taught  them  to  despise  and  hate  such  base- 
mindedness."  l 

In  another  place  Robinson  makes  a  casual  reference 
to  the  "  many  dangers  and  calamities  "  to  which  in 
his  "  afflicted  state  "  he  had  been  exposed,  counting 
it  in  one  way  a  mercy  that  he  had  not  had  many 
bosom  friends  to  be  thrown  into  "  excessive  sorrow  " 
by  the  "  misery  "  that  had  befallen  him.  But  in 
general  the  allusions  to  his  own  condition  are  indirect 
and  indefinite.  We  have  a  shrewd  contrast  between 
the  esteem  in  which  labour  was  held  in  England  and 
Holland  respectively  in  the  following  passage,  but  the 
places  are  not  named — 

"  This  difference  I  have  observed  .  .  .  that  whereas  in 
plentiful  countries,  such  as  our  own,  it  is  half  a  shame  to 
labour  :  in  such  others,  wherein  art  and  industry  must  supply 
nature's  defects,  as  in  the  country  where  I  have  last  lived, 
it  is  a  shame  for  a  man  not  to  work  and  exercise  himself  in 
some  one  or  other  lawful  vocation."  2 

Here  and  there  Robinson's  humour  and  sense  of 
fun  peeps  out,  and  here  and  there  we  come  upon 
proverbial  sayings  which  have  the  tang  of  the  soil  in 
them,  e,  g.  "  He  that  makes  a  bridge  of  his  own  shadow, 
cannot  but  fall  into  the  water."  "  Living  springs 
send  out  streams  of  water,  dead  pits  must  have  all 
that  they  afford  drawn  out  with  buckets."  "  He  that 
hath  but  half  an  eye,  is  a  king  amongst  them  that 
are  blind."  Make  a  friend  of  a  man  after  you  have 
"  eaten  a  bushel  of  salt  together."  But  the  essays 
are  most  noteworthy  for  their  plain  good  sense  and 
the  firm  ethical  note  which  is  struck  throughout  them. 

1   Works,  vol.  i.  p.  122.  2  Ibid.,  p.  114. 


302  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Robinson's  Death  and  Funeral 

These  gleanings  from  his  ministry  and  meditation 
were  garnered  by  Robinson  just  in  time  for  posterity. 
To  his  friends  he  seemed  in  quite  his  usual  health,  but 
probably  he  himself  had  an  instinctive  feeling  that  his 
time  was  short.  He  died  on  March  1, 1625.  We  have 
a  touching  account  of  his  last  days  by  Roger  White  of 
Leyden,  in  the  following  letter — 

To  his  loving  Friend  Mr.  William  Bradford,  Governor  of 
Plymouth,  in  New  England,  these  be,  etc. 

"  Loving  and  kind  Friends,  etc., 

"  I  know  not  whether  ever  this  will  come  to  your 
hands,  or  miscarry,  as  other  of  my  letters  have  done;  yet 
in  regard  of  the  Lord's  dealings  with  us  here,  I  have  had  a 
great  desire  to  write  unto  you,  knowing  your  desire  to  bear  a 
part  with  us,  both  in  our  joys  and  sorrows,  as  we  do  with 
you. 

"  These,  therefore,  are  to  give  you  to  understand  that  it 
hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  take  out  of  this  vale  of  tears,  your 
and  our  loving  and  faithful  pastor,  and  my  dear  and  reverend 
brother  Mr.  John  Robinson,  who  was  sick  some  eight  days, 
beginning  first  to  be  sick  on  a  Saturday  morning;  yet  the 
next  day,  being  the  Lord's  day,  he  taught  us  twice,  and  the 
week  after,  grew  every  day  weaker  than  other,  yet  felt  no 
pain,  but  weakness  all  the  time  of  his  sickness.  The  physic 
he  took  wrought  kindly  in  man's  judgment,  yet  he  grew  every 
day  weaker  than  other,  feeling  little  or  no  pain,  yet  sensible 
to  the  very  last.  He  fell  sick  the  twenty-second  of  February, 
and  departed  this  life  on  the  first  of  March.  He  had  a  con- 
tinual inward  ague,  but  I  thank  the  Lord  was  free  of  the 
plague,  so  that  all  his  friends  could  come  freely  to  him ;  and 
if  either  prayers,  tears,  or  means  would  have  saved  his  life  he 
had  not  gone  hence. 

"  But  he  having  faithfully  finished  his  course,  and  per- 
formed his  work,  which  the  Lord  had  appointed  him  here  to 
perform,  he  now  rests  with  the  Lord  in  eternal  happiness; 
we  wanting  him,  and  all  church  governors,  not  having  one  at 
present  that  is  a  governing  officer  among  us. 

"  Now  for  ourselves  here  left  (I  mean  the  whole  church) 
we  still,  by  the  mercy  of  God,  continue  and  hold  close  together 
in  peace  and  quietness,  and  so  I  hope  we  shall  do,  though  we 
be  very  weak,  wishing  (if  such  were  the  will  of  God)   that 


HIS   DEATH   AND   BURIAL  303 

you  and  we  were  again  together  in  one,  either  there  or  here ; 
but  seeing  it  is  the  will  of  the  Lord,  thus  to  dispose  of  things, 
we  must  labour  with  patience  to  rest  contented,  till  it  please 
the  Lord  otherwise  to  dispose  of  things. 

"  For  news  at  present  here,  [there]  is  not  much  worth  the 
writing ;  only,  as  in  England  we  have  lost  our  old  King  James, 
who  departed  this  life  about  a  month  ago,  so  here  we  have 
lost  Grave  Maurice  the  old  prince  here,  who  both  departed 
this  life  since  my  brother  Robinson.  And  as  in  England 
we  have  a  new  king,  Charles,  of  whom  there  is  great  hope  of 
good,  so  here  likewise  we  have  made  Prince  Hendrick,  general 
in  his  brother's  place,  who  is  now  with  the  Grave  of  Mans- 
field with  a  great  army,  close  by  the  enemy,  to  free  Breda,  if 
it  be  possible,  which  the  enemy  hath  besieged  now  some  nine 
or  ten  months,  but  how  it  will  fall  out  at  last  is  yet  uncertain. 
The  Lord  give  good  success,  if  it  be  his  will.  The  king  is 
making  ready  about  one  hundred  sail  of  ships ;  the  end  is  not 
yet  certain,  but  they  will  be  ready  to  go  to  sea  very  shortly. 
The  king  himself  goes  to  see  them  once  in  fourteen  days. 

"And  thus  fearing  lest  this  will  not  come  to  your  hands, 
hoping  as  soon  as  I  hear  of  a  convenient  messenger,  to  write 
more  at  large  and  to  send  you  a  letter  which  my  brother 
Robinson  sent  to  London,  to  have  gone  to  some  of  you,  but 
coming  too  late,  was  brought  back  again.  And  so  for  this 
time  I  cease  further  to  trouble  you  and  rest 
"  Your  assured  loving  friend, 

"  Roger  White. 

'«  Leyden,  April  28,  1625." 

Robinson  was  buried  on  March  4  in  St.  Peter's 
Church,  as  the  record  discovered  by  Mr.  Sumner  in  the 
register  of  burials  discloses — 

"  4  Maart  Jan  Roelends  Predicant  van  de  Engelsche 
Gemeente  by  het  Kloekhuijs — begraven  in  de 
Pieters  Kerk." 

That  is,  "  John  Roelends  [Robinson]  Preacher  of 
the  English  Congregation  by  the  Belfry — buried  in 
Peter's  Church." 

We  have  it  on  the  authority  of  Edward  Winslow 
that — 

"  The  University  and  ministers  of  the  city  accompanied 
him  to  his  grave  with  all  their  accustomed  solemnities,  bewail- 


304  JOHN  ROBINSON 

ing  the  great  loss  that  not  only  that  particular  church  had 
whereof  he  was  pastor,  but  some  of  the  chief  of  them  sadly 
affirmed  that  all  the  churches  of  Christ  sustained  a  loss  by 
the  death  of  that  worthy  instrument  of  the  Gospel." 

Making  some  allowances  for  the  natural  tendency  to 
give  as  impressive  and  dignified  an  account  as  possible 
of  the  obsequies  of  his  beloved  minister,  we  may,  I 
think,  take  Winslow's  account  as  substantially  correct. 
It  was  a  laudable  custom  to  pay  a  tribute  of  respect 
for  the  memory  of  friends  by  attendance  at  the 
funeral,  and  in  all  likelihood  some  of  Robinson's 
acquaintances  in  the  University  and  amongst  the 
ministers  of  the  city  were  present  at  his  burial.  The 
fact  that  the  low  fee  x  of  nine  florins  only,  was  paid 
on  the  following  Monday,  in  discharge  of  the  cost  of 
opening  and  hiring  the  grave  for  his  interment,  has 
been  taken  as  pointing  to  a  ceremony  of  quite  a 
different  type  from  that  suggested  by  Winslow's 
words.  No  doubt  simplicity  and  absence  of  needless 
expense  would  be  in  keeping  with  Robinson's  own 
feeling,  but  Dexter  has  pointed  out  that  nine  florins 
was  the  usual  fee  for  funerals  at  the  accustomed  time, 
i.  e.  before  half-past  one,  and  that  in  the  case  of  such 
a  distinguished  preacher  as  Arminius  the  fee  paid 
was  only  six  florins.  It  would  not  trouble  Robinson 
or  his  friends  that  the  hired  grave  in  which  his  body 
was  laid  would  be  used  again  and  again  for  burials  in 
successive  periods ;  "  the  dust  returns  to  dust,  and 
the  spirit  unto  God  who  gave  it." 

From  Governor  William  Bradford's  Dialogue,  or  the 
Sum  of  a  Conference  between  some  Young  Men  born  in 
New  England  and  sundry  Ancient  Men  that  came  out 
of  Holland  and  Old  England,  compiled  in  1648,  and 
subsequently  transcribed  into  the  records  of  the 
Plymouth  Church  by  Nathaniel  Morton,  we  have  a 
pen-picture  of  Robinson's  character  as  viewed  by  a 
devoted  disciple  in  the  light  of  a  long  experience  of 
men  and  manners — 

1  [1625]     \  Openen  en  huer  van  Jan  Robens. 
10  Mart.  J  Engels  predekant — 9  florins. 


CHARACTER   OF   ROBINSON  305 

"  Mr.  John  Robinson,"  he  says,  "  was  pastor  of  that  famous 
Church  of  Leyden,  in  Holland;  a  man  not  easily  to  be  paral- 
leled for  all  things,  whose  singular  virtues  we  shall  not  take 
upon  us  here  to  describe.  Neither  need  we,  for  they  so  well 
are  known  both  by  friends  and  enemies.  As  he  was  a  man 
learned  and  of  solid  judgment  and  of  a  quick  and  sharp  wit, 
so  was  he  also  of  a  tender  conscience  and  very  sincere  in  all 
his  ways,  a  hater  of  hypocrisy  and  dissimulation,  and  would 
be  very  plain  with  his  best  friends.  He  was  very  courteous, 
affable  and  sociable  in  his  conversation,  and  towards  his 
own  people  especially. 

■'  He  was  an  acute  and  expert  disputant,  very  quick  and 
ready,  and  had  much  bickering  with  the  Arminians,  who  stood 
more  in  fear  of  him  than  any  of  the  University. 

"  He  was  never  satisfied  in  himself  until  he  had  searched 
any  cause  or  argument  he  had  to  deal  in  thoroughly  and  to 
the  bottom ;  and  we  have  heard  him  sometimes  say  to  his 
familiars  that  many  times,  both  in  writing  and  disputation, 
he  knew  he  had  sufficiently  answered  others,  but  many  times 
not  himself  ;  and  was  ever  desirous  of  any  light,  and  the  more 
able,  learned,  and  holy  the  persons  were,  the  more  he  desired 
to  confer  and  reason  with  them. 

"  He  was  very  profitable  in  his  ministry  and  comfortable 
to  his  people.  He  was  much  beloved  of  them,  and  as  loving 
was  he  unto  them,  and  entirely  sought  their  good  for  soul 
and  body. 

In  a  word,  he  was  much  esteemed  and  reverenced  of 
all  that  knew  him  and  his  abilities — both  of  friends  and 
strangers.  But  we  resolved  to  be  brief  in  this  matter,  leaving 
you  to  better  and  more  large  information  herein  from 
others."  x 

News  of  Robinson's  death  did  not  reach  the  Pilgrim 
colony  for  over  a  year.  It  was  carried  by  Captain 
Miles  Standish,  who  had  been  sent  by  the  colonists  to 
England  in  the  summer  of  1625,  with  a  view  to  settling 
up  affairs  with  those  "  Adventurers  "  in  London  still 
interested  in  the  colony.  When  he  got  to  London  the 
plague  was  raging,  and  the  most  he  could  do  was  to 
put  things  in  train  for  a  general  composition.  He  had 
brought  with  him  letters  for  friends  at  Leyden,  one 
in  special  inquiring  their  mind  and  their  prospects 
as  to  migrating  to  New  England,  and  expressing  the 

1  Chronicles  of  the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  Alexander  Young,  1844,  p.  452. 
X 


306  JOHN  ROBINSON 

desire  to  have  Robinson  with  them  soon.  The  mem- 
bers of  the  Church  in  New  Plymouth  longed  for  the 
presence  and  fellowship  of  their  Leyden  brethren.  To 
this  letter  the  leading  members  of  the  Leyden  con- 
gregation wrote  the  following  reply,  sending  it  over  to 
Standish  in  London  in  good  time  for  his  return — 

The  Leyden  people  to  Bradford  and  Brewster 

"  To  our  most  dear  and  entirely  beloved  Brethren,  Mr. 
William  Bradford  and  Mr.  William  Brewster,  grace,  mercy, 
and  true  peace  be  multiplied  from  God  our  Father,  through 
our  Lord  Jesus  Christ.     Amen. 

"  Most  dear  Christian  Friends  and  Brethren,  as  it  is  no 
small  grief  unto  you,  so  is  it  no  less  unto  us,  that  we  are 
constrained  to  live  thus  disunited  each  from  other,  especially 
considering  our  affections  each  unto  other,  for  the  mutual 
edifying  and  comfort  of  both  in  these  evil  days  wherein  we 
live,  if  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  bring  us  again  together,  than 
which,  as  no  outward  thing  could  be  more  comfortable 
unto  us,  or  is  more  desired  of  us,  if  the  Lord  see  it  good,  so 
see  we  no  hope  of  means  of  accomplishing  the  same  except 
it  come  from  you;  and  therefore  must  [we]  with  patience 
rest  in  the  work  and  will  of  God,  performing  our  duties  to 
him  and  you  asunder ;  whom  we  are  not  any  way  able  to  help 
but  by  our  continual  prayers  to  him  for  you,  and  sympathy 
of  affections  with  you  for  the  troubles  which  befall  you ;  till 
it  please  the  Lord  to  reunite  us  again. 

"  But,  our  dearly  beloved  brethren,  concerning  your  kind 
and  respective  letter  (howsoever  written  by  one  of  you,  yet 
as  we  conceive  with  the  consent,  at  least  in  affection,  of  you 
both)  although  we  cannot  answer  your  desire  and  expecta- 
tion, by  reason  it  hath  pleased  the  Lord  to  take  to  himself 
out  of  this  miserable  world  our  dearly  beloved  pastor,  yet  for 
ourselves  we  are  minded  as  formerly  to  come  unto  you,  when, 
and  as,  the  Lord  affordeth  means ;  though  we  see  little  hope 
thereof  at  present  as  being  unable  of  ourselves;  and  that 
our  friends  will  help  us,  we  see  little  hope. 

■'  And  now,  brethren,  what  shall  we  say  further  unto  you? 
Our  desire  and  prayer  to  God  is  (if  such  were  his  good  will 
and  pleasure)  we  might  be  reunited  for  the  edifying  and 
mutual  comfort  of  both,  which,  when  he  sees  fit,  he  will 
accomplish.  In  the  mean  time,  we  commit  you  unto  him 
and  to  the  word  of  his  grace,  whom  we  beseech  to  guide  and 
direct,  both  you  and  us,  in  all  his  ways  according  to  that 


LETTER   OF   LEYDEN   FRIENDS        307 

his  Word,1  and  to  bless  all  our  lawful  endeavours  for  the  glory 
of  his  name  and  the  good  of  his  people. 

"  Salute,  we  pray  you,  all  the  church  and  brethren  with 
you,  to  whom  we  would  have  sent  this  letter,  if  we  knew  it 
could  not  be  prejudicial  unto  you,  as  we  hope  it  cannot; 
yet,  fearing  the  worst,  we  thought  fit  either  to  direct  it  to 
you  [Bradford  and  Brewster],  our  two  beloved  brethren, 
leaving  it  to  your  godly  wisdom  and  discretion  to  manifest 
our  mind  to  the  rest  of  our  loving  friends  and  brethren,  as 
you  see  most  convenient. 

"  And  thus  entreating  you  to  remember  us  in  your  prayers, 
as  we  also  do  you,  we  for  this  time  commend  you,  and  all 
your  affairs,  to  the  direction  and  protection  of  the  Almighty, 
and  rest, 

"  Your  assured  loving  friends 

"  And  brethren  in  the  Lord, 

"  Francis  Jessop. 

"  Thomas  Nash. 

"  Thomas  Blossom. 

"  Roger  White. 

"  Richard  Maisterson. 

"  Ley  den,  November  30,  a.d.  1625." 

Of  the  signatories  to  this  letter,  Jessop  and  White 
were  brothers-in-law  of  Robinson.  The  latter  has 
already  been  noticed.  Jessop,  according  to  Dexter, 
was  from  Rotherham  and  Sheffield,  and  a  son  of 
Richard  Jessop.  But  Worksop  was  probably  his 
birthplace,  for  I  find  he  was  baptized  there  on 
November  12, 1568.  He  married  Frances  White,  the 
youngest  sister  of  Bridget  Robinson,  at  Worksop, 
January  24, 1604-5.  Charles  White,  the  eldest  brother 
of  his  wife,  was  still  under  obligation  to  him  in  1633 
for  some  of  the  moneys  left  to  little  Frances  White 
by  her  father  and  mother.  The  will  of  Charles  White, 
proved  October  9,  1634,  has  the  direction  "  for  that 
fifteene  pounds  per  annum  due  to  my  Cosen  Jessopp 
for  eight  yeares  to  come,  my  will  is  that  it  shalbe 
paid  out  of  the  Castle  Rents  [i.  e.  rents  of  Greasley 
Castle  Farm]  if  Mr.  Poole  soe  long  live,  but  if  hee  dye 
before  those  yeares  be  expired  my  wife  shall  discharge 

1  There  is  an  echo  here  of  the  terms  of  their  Church  Covenant.  Notice 
the  hesitation  about  publicly  addressing  the  Plymouth  Colonists  as  a 
"  Church  "  lest  it  should  bring  trouble  upon  them  from  England. 


308  JOHN   ROBINSON 

it  out  of  my  goods."  It  also  contains  the  bequest, 
"  Item  to  my  brother  Jessops  children  I  give  Tenn 
pounds."  x  This  proves  they  had  a  family.  They 
were  still  in  Leyden  in  1624,  when,  on  October  27, 
Frances  Jessop  witnessed  the  betrothal  of  Thomas 
Nash.  Returning  to  England  they  settled  at  Beccles 
in  Suffolk.  Frances  died  in  1636,  and  her  husband 
married  again  the  next  year. 

Thomas  Nash  is  first  heard  of  in  connexion  with  the 
Pilgrim  Church  in  1620,  when  he  went  over  to  Holland 
with  the  pilot  for  the  Speedwell.  His  first  wife  was 
Margaret  Porter.  His  second  wife,  whom  he  married 
November  11,  1628,  was  Margaret  Stuart,  widow  of 
Simeon  Stuart,  a  niece  of  Roger  White's  wife.  Nash 
was  connected  with  Leyden  for  at  least  twenty  years. 
There  is  a  record  of  his  witnessing,  on  March  17,  1640, 
the  betrothal  of  his  stepson  Simon  Stuart,  a  tobacco- 
pipe  maker,  born  at  Yarmouth,  to  Mercy  Jennings 
at  Leyden. 

Richard  Masters  on  was  one  of  the  Kentish  group 
of  Separatists,  who  attached  himself  to  Robinson's 
Church  soon  after  its  formation  in  Holland.  He  was 
a  "wool-carder"  by  trade,  and  probably  worked  in 
close  association  with  Robert  Cushman,  for  whom  he 
stood  surety  on  his  buying  a  house,  April  19,  1612. 
Two  years  later  (January  2,  1614)  Masters  on  himself 
bought  a  house  on  the  Uiterstegracht  for  800  gilders 
from  Robert  Wilson,  who,  like  Masterson,  hailed  from 
Sandwich.  On  November  8,  1619,  Masterson  was 
betrothed  to  Mary  Goodale  of  Leicester.  They  both 
migrated  to  Plymouth,  New  England,  in  1630.  It 
appears  from  the  letter  of  Sabine  Staresmore,  Sep- 
tember 4,  1618,  dated  from  prison  in  WTood  Street, 
London,  that  "  brother  Maistersone  "  stood  in  similar 
peril  to  the  writer,  and  would  "  have  tasted  of  the 
same  cup  had  his  place  of  residence  and  his  person 
been  as  well  known." 

1  Extracted  from  the  Register  of  Wills  in  the  Probate  Registry  at  York, 
vol.  xlii.  fol.  306.  The  term  "  cousin  "  was  used  for  connexions  by  marriage 
and  other  ties  of  relationship. 


THOMAS   BLOSSOM  309 

Thomas  Blossom  we  have  already  referred  to  as 
from  Cambridge.  He  was  living  in  Ley  den  in  the 
first  year  of  the  Pilgrim's  settlement  in  that  city,  for 
when  George  Rogers  matriculated  as  a  student  in 
medicine,  October  27,  1609,  he  stated  that  he  lived 
with  Thomas  Blossom.  He  was  one  of  the  little 
colony  of  English  folk  in  the  Pieterskerkhof,  whence, 
on  April  12  in  1617,  he  buried  one  of  his  children. 
Blossom  and  his  wife  with  their  sons,  Thomas  and 
Peter,  crossed  to  New  England  in  1629.  He  was  inti- 
mate with  Robinson,  for  whom  he  had  a  high  regard, 
as  the  following  letter  shows — 

Thomas  Blossom  to  Governor  Bradford 

"  Beloved  Sir, 

"  Kind  salutations,  etc. — I  have  thought  good  to 
write  to  you,  concerning  the  cause  as  it  standeth  both  with 
you  and  us.  We  see,  alas,  what  frustrations  and  disap- 
pointments it  pleaseth  the  Lord  to  send  in  this  our  course, 
good  in  itself,  and  according  to  godliness  taken  in  hand  and 
for  good  and  lawful  ends,  who  yet  pleaseth  not  to  prosper 
[us]  as  we  are,  for  reasons  best  known  to  himself ;  and  which 
also  nearly  concerns  us  to  consider  of,  whether  we  have 
sought  the  Lord  in  it  as  we  see,  or  not. 

"  That  the  Lord  hath  singularly  preserved  life  in  the  busi- 
ness to  great  admiration  giveth  me  good  hope  that  he  will 
(if  our  sins  hinder  not)  in  his  appointed  time,  give  a  happy 
end  unto  it. 

"  On  the  contrary,  when  I  consider  how  it  pleaseth  the  Lord 
to  cross  those  means  that  should  bring  us  together,  being 
now  so  far  off,  or  farther  than  ever  in  our  apprehension ;  as 
also  to  take  that  means  [John  Robinson]  away  which  would 
have  been  so  comfortable  unto  us  in  that  course,  both  for 
wisdom  of  counsel,  as  also  for  our  singular  help  in  our  course 
of  godliness ;  whom  the  Lord  (as  it  were)  took  away  even  as 
fruit  falleth  before  it  was  ripe,  when  neither  length  of  days, 
nor  infirmity  of  body  did  seem  to  call  for  his  end.  The  Lord 
even  then  took  him  away,  as  it  were  in  his  anger,  whom,  if 
tears  would  have  held,  he  had  remained  to  this  day. 

"  The  loss  of  his  ministry  was  very  great  unto  me,  for  I 
ever  counted  myself  happy  in  the  enjoyment  of  it,  not- 
withstanding all  the  crosses  and  losses  otherwise  I  sustained. 
Yet  indeed  the  manner  of  his  taking  away  hath  more  troubled 


310  JOHN   ROBINSON 

me,  as  fearing  the  Lord's  anger  in  it,  that,  as  I  said,  in  the 
ordinary  course  of  things  might  still  have  remained,  as  also 
the  singular  service  he  might  have  yet  done  in  the  Church 
of  God. 

Alas  !  dear  friends,  our  state  and  cause  in  religion  by  his 
death,  being  wholly  destitute  of  any  that  may  defend  our 
cause  as  it  should  [be  defended]  against  our  adversaries; 
that  we  may  take  up  that  doleful  complaint  in  the  Psalm 
[74.]  that  8  there  is  no  prophet  left  among  us,  nor  any  that 
knoweth  how  long.' 

"  Alas  !  you  would  fain  have  had  him  with  you,  and  he 
would  as  fain  have  come  to  you.  Many  letters  and  much 
speech  hath  been  about  his  coming  to  you,  but  never  any 
solid  course  propounded  for  his  going.  If  the  course  pro- 
pounded the  last  year  had  appeared  to  have  been  certain, 
he  would  have  gone,  though  with  [but]  two  or  three  families. 
I  know  no  man  amongst  us  knew  his  mind  better  than  I  did 
about  those  things.  He  was  loth  to  leave  the  church,  yet 
I  know  also,  that  he  would  have  accepted  the  worst  conditions, 
which  in  the  largest  extent  of  a  good  conscience  could  be 
taken,  to  have  come  to  you. 

"  For  myself,  and  all  such  others  as  have  formerly  minded 
coming,  it  is  much- what  the  same — if  the  Lord  afford  means. 
We  only  know  how  things  are  with  you  by  your  letters ;  but 
how  things  stand  in  England  we  have  received  no  letters  of 
anything,  and  it  was  November  before  we  received  yours. 
If  we  come  at  all  unto  you,  the  means  to  enable  us  so  to  do 
must  come  from  you.  For  the  state  of  our  Church,  and  how 
it  is  with  us,  and  of  our  people,  it  is  wrote  of  by  Mr.  [Roger] 
White. 

u  Thus  praying  you  to  pardon  my  boldness  with  you  in 
writing  as  I  do,  I  commend  you  to  the  keeping  of  the  Lord, 
desiring,  if  he  see  good  and  that  I  might  be  serviceable 
unto  the  business,  that  I  were  with  you. 

cc  God  hath  taken  away  my  son,  that  was  with  me  in  the 
ship  when  I  went  back  again.     I  have  only  two  children, 
which  were  born  since  I  left  you.     Fare  you  well. 
"  Yours  to  his  power, 

"  Thomas  Blossom. 

"  Ley  den,  December  15,  anno  1625." 

The  letters  from  New  Plymouth  to  the  friends  at 
Leyden  referred  to  by  Blossom  as  coming  to  hand 
in  November  1625  were  penned  before  the  news  of 
Robinson's  death  had  reached  the  colony,     Amongst 


CIVIL   AFFAIRS  311 

these  letters  was  one  from  Bradford,  probably  ad- 
dressed to  Robinson,  asking  advice  as  to  the  desir- 
ability of  allowing  himself  and  Allerton  to  be  elected 
as  Governor  and  Assistant  year  after  year;  and 
earnestly  pleading  that  Robinson  and  the  remaining 
members  of  the  Church  at  Leyden  should  cross  to 
join  their  brethren  in  America. 

Roger  White,  after  the  Church  had  drawn  up  its 
official  reply  on  Sunday,  November  30,  to  the  greet- 
ings from  New  Plymouth,  wrote  a  private  covering 
letter  in  answer  to  Bradford's  inquiries.  He  and 
others  were  dubious  whether  it  would  be  possible  to 
maintain  the  liberty  of  exercising  their  religion,  accord- 
ing to  their  conviction  and  present  practice,  in  New 
England  under  the  sway  of  King  Charles,  so  soon  had 
their  hopes  of  the  new  king  begun  to  droop. 

Roger  White  to  Governor  Bradford 

44  To  his  very  loving  friend  Mr.  William  Bradford,  Governor 
of  Plymouth  in  New  England,  these  be,  etc. 

"  My  loving,  kind  Friend  and  Brother  in  the  Lord, 
44  My  own  and  my  wife's  true  love  and  hearty  salutations 
to  yourself  and  yours  and  all  the  rest  of  our  loving  friends 
with  you ;  hoping  in  the  Lord  of  your  good  health,  which  I 
beseech  him  long  to  continue  for  the  glory  of  his  name  and 
good  of  his  people. 

44  Concerning  your  kind  letter  to  the  Church,  it  was  read 
publicly  ;  whereunto  (by  the  Church)  I  send  you  here  enclosed 
an  answer.  Concerning  my  brother  Robinson's  sickness  and 
death  and  our  practice,  I  wrote  you  at  large,  some  five  or  six 
months  since ;  but  lest  it  should  miscarry,  I  have  now  written 
to  Mr  Brewster  thereof,  to  whom  I  refer  you. 

44  Now  concerning  your  course  of  choosing  your  Governors 
yearly,  and  in  special  of  their  choosing  yourself  year  after 
year  (as  I  conceive  they  still  do)  and  Mr.  Allerton  your 
Assistant;  howsoever,  I  think  it  the  best  way  that  can  be, 
so  long  as  it  please  the  Lord  to  continue  your  lives  and  so 
good  governors  offer  you,  yet,  considering  man's  mortality, 
whose  breath  is  in  his  nostrils,  and  the  evils  of  the  times 
wherein  we  live,  in  which  it  is  ordinarily  seen  that  worse  follow 
them  that  are  good,  I  think  it  would  be  a  safer  course  for  after 
time,  [if]  the  government  was  sometime  removed  from  one  to 


312  JOHN   ROBINSON 

another ;  so  the  Assistant  one  year  might  be  Governor  next, 
and  a  new  Assistant  chosen  in  his  place,  either  of  such  as  have 
or  have  not  been  in  office ;  sometimes  one,  sometimes  another, 
as  it  shall  seem  most  fit  to  the  Corporation.  My  reasons 
are — 

44  First,  because  other  officers  that  come  after  you,  will 
look  (especially  if  they  be  ambitiously  minded)  for  the  same 
privileges  andcontinuance  you  have  had ;  and  if  he  have  it 
not,  will  take  great  offence,  as  though  [thought]  unworthy 
of  the  place  and,  so  greatly  disgraced,  whom  to  continue 
might  be  very  dangerous,  and  hazard  (at  least)  the  over- 
throw of  all ;  men  not  looking  so  much  at  the  reasons  why 
others  were  so  long  continued  as  at  the  custom. 

"  Secondly,  because  others  that  are  unexperienced  in 
government  might  learn  by  experience,  and  so  there  might 
be  fit  and  able  men  continually,  when  it  pleaseth  the  Lord  to 
take  any  away. 

44  Thirdly,  by  this  means  you  may  establish  things  begun  or 
done  before;  for  the  Governor  this  year  that  was  Assistant 
last,  will  in  likelihood  rather  ratify  and  confirm  and  go  on 
with  that  he  had  a  hand  in  the  beginning  of  when  he  was 
Assistant,  than  otherwise,  or  persuade  the  new  to  it ;  whereas 
new  Governors,  especially  when  there  are  factions,  will  many 
times  overthrow  that  which  is  done  by  the  former,  and  so 
scarcely  anything  goeth  forward  for  the  general  good; 
neither,  that  I  see,  can  this  be  any  prejudice  to  the  Cor- 
poration;  for  the  new  may  always  have  the  counsel  and 
advice  of  the  old  for  their  direction,  though  they  be  out  of 
office.  These  things  I  make  bold  to  put  to  your  godly  wisdom 
and  discretion,  entreating  you  to  pardon  my  boldness  therein, 
and  so  leaving  it  to  your  discretion  to  make  use  of  as  you 
see  it  fitting,  not  having  written  the  least  inkling  hereof  to  any 
other. 

44  Now,  I  entreat  you,  at  your  best  leisure  to  write  to  me 
how  you  think  it  will  in  all  likelihood  go  with  your  Civil 
and  Church  estate  :  whether  there  be  hope  of  the  continu- 
ance of  both  or  either  :  or  whether  you  fear  any  alteration 
to  be  attempted  in  either. 

44  The  reason  of  this  my  request  is,  the  fear  of  some  amongst 
us  (the  which,  if  that  hinder  not,  I  think  will  come  unto  you), 
occasioned  partly  by  your  letter  to  your  father-in-law,  Mr- 
May,1  wherein  you  write  of  the  troubles  you  have  had  with 
some,  who  it  is  like  (having  the  times  and  friends  on  their 
sides)  will  work  you  what  mischief  they  can ;   and  that  they 

1  Henry  May,  from  Wisbech,  Cambridgeshire,  whose  daughter,  Dorothy, 
Bradford  married. 


FEARS   FOR   RELIGIOUS   LIBERTY     313 

may  do  much  many  here  do  fear;  and  partly  bjr  reason  of 
this  king's  proclamation,  dated  the  13th  of  May  last,  in 
which  he  saith  that  his  full  resolution  is  :  to  the  end  that  there 
may  be  one  uniform  course  of  government  in  and  through 
all  his  whole  monarchy — that  the  government  of  Virginia 
shall  immediately  depend  on  himself,  and  not  be  committed 
to  any  Company  or  Corporation,  etc.,  so  that  some  conceive 
he  will  have  both  the  same  civil  and  ecclesiastical  govern- 
ment that  is  in  England,  which  occasioneth  their  fear. 

"  I  desire  you  to  write  your  thoughts  of  these  things  for 
the  satisfying  of  others.  For  my  own  part  and  some  others 
we  durst  rely  upon  you  for  that,  who  (we  persuade  ourselves) 
would  not  be  thus  earnest  for  our  Pastor  and  Church  to  come 
to  you  if  you  feared  the  danger  of  being  suppressed. 

"  Thus  desiring  you  to  pardon  my  boldness  and  remember 
us  in  your  prayers,  I  for  this  time  and  ever  commit  you  and 
all  your  affairs  to  the  Almighty,  and  rest, 

"  Your  assured  loving  friend  and  brother  in  the  Lord, 

"  Roger  White. 

"  Ley  den  [Monday]  December  1,  Anno  1625. 

"  P.S. — The  Church  would  entreat  you  to  continue  your 
writing  to  them,  which  is  very  comfortable." 


CHAPTER  XXVII 

AFFAIRS   IN    PLYMOUTH    COLONY 

We  are  apt  to  think  of  the  Pilgrim  colonists  as  so 
absorbed  in  battling  with  the  difficult  conditions  of 
establishing  their  Plantation  that  they  would  have 
little  time  for  books  or  for  the  discussion  of  those 
religious  problems  which  were  of  supreme  interest  to 
them  in  Ley  den.  It  comes  almost  as  a  surprise, 
therefore,  to  find  a  reference  to  Ainsworth's  and 
Robinson's  books  being  available  for  the  perusal  of 
visitors  to  New  Plymouth  in  the  infant  days  of  the 
colony.  Yet  such  was  the  case,  as  we  learn  from  a 
letter,  dated  "  August  28,  1622,"  from  John  Pory  to 
Governor  William  Bradford. 

Pory  was  a  man  of  affairs,  and  a  graduate  of  Cam- 
bridge University.  On  April  18,  1610,  he  was  also 
incorporated  at  the  University  of  Oxford.  He  was 
returned  to  Parliament  for  Bridgwater  in  1605,  and  had 
travelled  extensively  in  Europe.  Pory  became  closely 
concerned  with  affairs  in  Virginia.  He  was  at  "  James 
City  "  in  the  summer  of  1619  when  the  representative 
"  General  Assembly  "  of  Virginia  met,  and  he  sent  an 
account  of  its  proceedings  to  Sir  Dudley  Carleton, 
with  whom  he  had  an  acquaintance.  Several  times 
he  passed  to  and  from  the  homeland  and  Virginia. 
A  warrant  bearing  the  sign  manual  of  King  James 
still  exists,  dated  July  20,  1624,  granting  him  £150  in 
payment  of  his  expenses  and  "  as  x  a  reward  for  his 
service  when  employed  in  Virginia  about  the  King's 
special  affairs."  Now  Pory  put  into  New  Plymouth 
on  one  of  his  voyages,  and  had  some  time  to  stay  there 

1  Cal,  of  Colonial  Papers,  p.  65, 
314 


JOHN   PORY  315 

while  his  ship  watered  and  made  ready  to  continue 
her  Atlantic  passage.  The  friend  of  Carleton  meets 
in  the  New  World  Brewster,  the  Leyden  printer, 
whom  Carleton  three  years  before  had  sought  in  vain. 
How  strangely  the  threads  of  life  are  crossed  ! 

Here  was  an  opportunity  to  remove  misunder- 
standings and  overcome  prejudices.  Pory's  inter- 
course with  level-headed  men  like  Brewster  and 
Fuller  and  Bradford  would  be  helpful  to  both  sides. 
Here  was  a  visitor  who  could  appreciate  the  contents 
of  those  weighty  cases  of  Elder  William  Brewster's 
books  with  which  the  May-flower  had  in  part  been 
ballasted.  Leisure  time  at  Plymouth  was  pleasantly 
employed  by  Pory  in  looking  over  Brewster's  library 
and  dipping  into  the  books  that  had  come  from  the 
press  of  the  Separatists  at  Leyden  and  Amsterdam. 
A  present  of  spare  copies  of  Robinson's  and  other 
volumes  at  parting  did  not  come  amiss.  Hence 
this  postscript  to  his  letter — 

"  To  yourself  and  Mr  Brewster  I  must  humbly  acknow- 
ledge myself  many  ways  indebted,  whose  books  I  would 
have  you  think  very  well  bestowed,  who  esteems  them  such 
jewels.  My  haste  would  not  suffer  me  to  remember,  much 
less  to  beg  Mr-  Ains worth's  elaborate  work  on  the  five  books 
of  Moses ;  both  his  and  Mr-  Robinson's  do  highly  commend 
the  authors,  as  being  most  conversant  in  the  Scriptures  of 
all  others ;  and  what  good  who  knows  it  may  please  God  to 
work  by  them  through  my  hands,  though  most  unworthy, 
who  find  such  high  content  in  them.  God  have  you  all  in 
his  keeping. 

"  Your  unfeigned  and  firm  friend, 

"  John  Porey." 

The  close  association  of  Pory  with  Virginian  affairs 
made  his  friendliness  towards  the  Pilgrim  colony  all 
the  more  valuable.  One  of  the  earliest  descriptions 
of  the  Plymouth  Colony  that  has  come  down  to  us 
is  by  him.  It  gives  us  a  glimpse  of  the  Planters  and 
their  Fort  in  the  summer  of  1622.  Bradford  grate- 
fully notes  "  the  credit  and  good  that  he  procured 
unto  the   plantation   of  Plimouth   after   his   return, 


316  JOHN   ROBINSON 

and  that  amongst  those  of  no  mean  rank."  In  1624 
he  was  active  in  securing  a  commission  for  a  "  Council 
in  Virginia."  "  Mr.1  Pory,"  we  read,  "  has  spared 
no  attendance  nor  diligence  in  the  matter."  He 
settled  in  London,  and  died  in  1635. 

The  desire  on  the  part  of  the  Pilgrims  at  New 
Plymouth  that  their  Leyden  friends  should  join 
them  in  America  was  not  lessened  by  Robinson's 
death.  From  the  letters  given  above  it  is  clear  that 
the  members  of  the  Church  at  Leyden  saw  but  little 
prospect  of  arranging  for  the  passage  by  themselves. 
But  Bradford  and  his  associates  kept  that  end  steadily 
in  view.  The  Plantation  was  gradually  disengaging 
itself  from  the  entanglement  with  the  odd  lot  of 
Adventurers  in  London.  The  "  composition "  sug- 
gested to  the  Londoners  by  Standish  was  furthered 
by  Allerton  in  the  next  year  (1626),  and  was  at  last 
happily  concluded  in  1627.  By  this  voluntary  agree- 
ment, the  joint-stock  company  of  Adventurers  was 
wound  up.  They  agreed  to  accept  £1800  in  nine 
annual  instalments  of  £200  in  full  discharge  of  the 
moneys  they  had  ventured  to  equip,  transport  and 
supply  the  colonists.2  While  this  placed  a  heavy 
obligation  on  the  young  colony — honourably  met — it 
gave  the  colonists  greater  freedom  of  action.  Stumb- 
ling-blocks could  not  now  so  easily  be  thrown  by 
fanatical  and  fearsome  Anglicans  and  Puritans  in  the 
way  of  transporting  the  people  from  Leyden. 

Before  sending  Allerton  over  to  England  to  act  for 
them  again  in  1627,  the  colonists  not  only  considered 
how  they  might  best  discharge  their  debts  and  engage- 
ments, "  but  also  how  they  might  (if  possibly  they 
could)  devise  means  to  help  some  of  their  friends  and 
brethren  of  Leyden  over  unto  them,  who  desired  so 
much  to  come  to  them  and  they  desired  as  much  of 
their  company." 

1  Secretary  Conway,  State  Papers,  Colonial,  p.  69. 

2  Captain  John  Smith  contrasts  this  arrangement  favourably  with  the 
issue  of  Ventures  in  Virginia,  whereafter  an  expenditure  of  more  than  £200,000, 
the  Adventurers  or  Investors  "  had  not  sixpence."— Advertisements,  1631,  p.  19, 


A  CONTINGENT   FROM   LEYDEN        317 

James  Sherley,  the  London  goldsmith,  one  of  the 
few  Adventurers  who  was  heart  and  soul  with  the 
Planters,  had  brought  maledictions  upon  his  head  for 
supporting  them  in  this  matter.  He  says,  "  y°  sole 
cause  why  they  maligne  me  (as  I  &  others  conceived) 
was  y*  I  would  not  side  with  them  against  you  &  the 
going  over  of  ye  Ley  den  people."  1 

When  Allerton  got  back  to  New  England,  in  the 
spring  of  1628,  and  gave  an  account  of  his  steward- 
ship he  was  not  only  able  to  tell  of  satisfactory 
financial  arrangements,  but  of  the  intention  of  their 
true  London  friends  "  to  send  over  to  Ley  den  for  a 
competent  number  of  them  to  be  here  the  next  year 
without  fail — if  the  Lord  pleased  to  bless  their  journey." 

Eagerly  and  hopefully  those  at  New  Plymouth 
awaited  their  coming.  It  was  not  till  August  1629 
that  the  first  considerable  batch  of  those  left  at  Leyden 
managed  to  reach  their  destination.  They  had  a 
tedious  journey.  There  were,  says  Bradford,  "  thirty- 
five  of  our  friends,  with  their  families."  They  first 
crossed  to  England,  and  then  "  shipped  at  London  in 
May,  with  the  ships  that  came  to  Salem,  which  bring 
over  many  pious  persons  to  begin  the  churches  there. 
So  that  their  being  long  kept  back  is  now  recompensed 
by  heaven  with  a  double  blessing ;  in  that  we  not  only 
enjoy  them  beyond  our  expectation,  when  all  hope 
seemed  to  be  cut  off,  but  with  them  many  more  godly 
friends,  as  the  beginning  of  a  larger  harvest  for  Christ, 
in  the  increase  of  his  people  and  churches  in  these 
parts  of  the  earth,  to  the  admiration  of  many  and 
almost  the  wonder  of  the  world." 

Arrived  at  Salem,  it  was  some  weeks  before  this 
party  could  be  transported  to  New  Plymouth.  There 
they  had  to  be  supplied  with  corn  "  above  thirteen  or 
fourteen  months  before  they  have  a  harvest  of  their 
own  production." 

It  is  noteworthy  that  most  of  this  party  were  on 
the  old  Mayflower,  which  thus  for  a  second  time  carried 

1  Bradford's  MS.,  reverse  of  fol.  154.  Sherley's  letter,  dated  December  27 
[1627]. 


318  JOHN   ROBINSON 

over    a   company   of  the   Pilgrim   Church.     Sherley, 
writing  May  25,  1629,  says — 

"  Here  are  now  many  of  your  and  our  friends  from  Ley  den 
coming  over,  who,  though  for  the  most  part  be  but  a  weak  com- 
pany, yet  herein  is  a  good  part  of  that  end  obtained  which 
was  aimed  at,  and  which  hath  been  so  strongly  opposed  by 
some  of  our  former  adventurers.  But  God  hath  his  working 
in  these  things  which  man  cannot  frustrate.  .  .  .  These 
come  in  the  May  Flower" 

Some  "  servants  "  for  the  Plymouth  colony  had  been 
sent,  he  says,  in  the  "  Talbut  that  went  hence  lately." 

The  next  year  another  party  from  Leyden  made 
the  voyage.  Sherley,  writing  from  London  on  March 
8,  1629-30,  to  Bradford,  says,  "  Most  of  those  who 
came  in  May  last  unto  you,  as  also  of  these  now  sent, 
though  (I  hope)  honest  and  good  people  are  not  like 
to  be  helpful  to  raise  profit,  but  must  somewhile  be 
chargeable  to  you  and  us."  This  further  company 
from  Leyden  also  came  with  a  large  body  of  Puritan 
planters  under  the  Massachusetts  Company.  They 
and  their  goods  were  set  ashore  in  the  Bay,  and 
arrangements  had  to  be  made  to  fetch  them  thence  to 
the  Plymouth  Plantation.  They  arrived  "  at  the  latter 
end  of  May  "  1630,  and  in  their  case  their  maintenance 
had  to  be  provided  for  sixteen  months  before  they 
reaped  a  harvest  of  their  own. 

The  twelve  "  Undertakers  "  in  America  and  London 
met  the  heavy  costs  and  charges  of  these  two  trans- 
portations.1 It  is  testimony  to  the  strength  of  the  tie 
which  bound  the  members  of  the  Leyden  Church  in 
religious  fellowship  that  those  who  had  migrated  to 
America  should  make  such  sacrifices  to  help  their 
weaker  brethren  and  fulfil  their  promise  to  assist 
them  across  the  Atlantic.  Bradford,  with  just  pride, 
referred  to  it  as  "a  rare  example  of  brotherly  love 
and  Christian  care  in  performing  their  promises  and 
covenants  to  their  brethren."  Sherley  was  rather 
disappointed  with  this  last  batch  of  Leyden  friends. 
He   added   a   postscript   to   his   letter   of   March    8, 

1  For  these  Undertakers  consult  the  Index. 


A   BRIEF   CATECHISM  319 

1629-30,  to  Bradford,  in  which  he  expressed  his  feeling 
in  regard  to  their  long  wait  in  London  and  their 
equipment  for  the  voyage — 

"  Indeed,  they  have  been  unreasonably  chargeable,  yet 
grudge  and  are  not  contented.  Verily  their  indiscreet  carriage 
here  hath  so  abated  my  affection  towards  them,  as,  were  Mrs- 
Robinson  well  over,  I  would  not  disburse  one  penny  for  the 
rest."  1 

Sherley  evidently  had  regard  for  Robinson's  widow, 
and  probably  talked  over  with  her  the  possibility  of 
her  migrating  to  New  Plymouth  during  his  lengthy 
visit  to  Holland  and  Amsterdam  on  business  in  the 
preceding  summer,  but  he  did  not  think  much  of  the 
rank  and  file.  Bradford,  with  more  kindly  judgment, 
says,  "  This  offence  was  given  by  some  of  them,  which 
redounded  to  the  prejudice  of  the  whole." 

A  short  catechism  prepared  by  Robinson  to  explain 
the  distinctive  features  of  his  teaching  in  regard 
to  the  constitution  of  a  true  Church  of  God  was  re- 
printed more  than  once  after  his  death.  I  conjecture 
that  he  issued  it  first  with  a  view  to  sending  copies 
over  to  New  England  for  the  use  of  his  followers  there. 
The  texts  chosen  for  the  title  page  and  set  out  separ- 
ately support  this  opinion.  Here  is  the  title  of  the 
edition  of  1642— 

A  Briefe  /  Catechisme  /  concerning  /  Chvrch  / 
Government  /  By  /  That  Reverend  Divine  Mr  Iohn 
/Robinson  and  may  fitly  be  /  adjoyned  to  Mr-  Perkins 
six  Prin  /  ciples,  as  an  Appendix  thereto. 

1  Tim.  hi.  14. 
"These  things  I  write  hoping  to  come  unto  thee  shortly." 

1  Tim.  hi.  15. 
"  But  if  I  tarry  long  that  thou  mayst  know  how  thou  /  ought  - 
est  to  behave  thy  selfe  in  the  house  of  God  which  is  /  the 
Church  of  the  living  God  the  pillar  and  ground  of  the  truth." 

London 
Printed  in  the  year  1642. 

1  See  Bradford's  Letter-book  1,  Mass.  Hist.  Coll.,  vol.  iii.  p.  69. 


320  JOHN   ROBINSON 

A  manuscript  note  to  Robinson's  name  in  the  British 
Museum  copy  of  this  work  identifies  him  as  "a 
Separist  at  Leyden."  The  preface  gives  us  a  picture 
of  Robinson  as  the  faithful  pastor  catechizing  the 
youthful  part  of  his  flock  in  private,  and  grounding 
them  in  the  principles  of  religion  by  the  use  of 
William  Perkins's  Catechism  on  The  Foundation  of 
the  Christian  Religion  gathered  into  six  Principles, 
issued  in  1606.  It  was  a  work  designed  to  make 
"  ignorant  people  ....  fit  to  hear  sermons  with  profit, 
and  to  receive  the  Lord's  Supper  with  comfort." 
The  additions  by  Robinson  may  be  illustrated  by 
quoting  the  teaching  concerning  the  Church  and  its 
officers — 

"Q.     What  is  the  church? 

"A.  A  company  of  faithful  and  holy  people  with  their 
seed,  called  by  the  Word  of  God  into  public  covenant  with 
Christ  and  amongst  themselves,  for  mutual  fellowship  in 
the  use  of  all  the  means  of  God's  glory  and  their  salvation. 

"  Q.     How  many  are  the  offices  of  ministry  in  the  church? 

"  A.  Five,  besides  the  extraordinary  offices  of  apostles, 
prophets  and  evangelists,  for  the  first  planting  of  the  churches, 
which  are  ceased  with  their  extraordinary  gifts. 

"  Q.  Show  me  which  those  offices  be,  with  their  answerable 
gifts  and  works? 

"  A.  (1)  The  pastor  (exhorter),  to  whom  is  given  the  gift  of 
wisdom  for  exhortation.  (2)  The  teacher,  to  whom  is  given 
the  gift  of  knowledge  for  doctrine.  (3)  The  governing  elder, 
who  is  to  rule  with  diligence.  (4)  The  deacon,  who  is  to 
administer  the  holy  treasure  with  simplicity.  (5)  The  widow 
or  deaconess,  who  is  to  attend  the  sick  and  impotent  with 
compassion  and  cheerfulness." 

The  little  tract  occupied  sixteen  pages,  and  bore  the 
name  "  I.  Robinson  "  at  the  end. 

A  curious  metrical  piece,  entitled  "  The  Spy  dis- 
covering the  Danger  of  Arminian  Heresie  and  Spanish 
Trecherie,  written  by  I.  R.,"  appeared  at  Strasburgh 
in  1628.  Mr.  Sayle,  in  the  Cambridge  University 
Library  List  of  Early  English  Printed  Books,  vol.  iii. 


TOPICAL   VERSE  321 

p.  1563,  asks  if  this  was  not  by  John  Robinson,  and 
points  out  that  an  edition  of  his  New  Essays  appeared 
in  the  same  year  from  the  same  press.  Mr.  Sayle 
assumed  that  Robinson  was  living  in  that  year,  whereas 
he  died  in  1625 ;  and  the  signature  to  the  address  "  To 
the  zealous  Professors  and  all  true-hearted  Patriots  in 
Great  Britaine,"  which  runs — 

"  Strasborgh  Aug.  23  sty.  vet. 

"  Your  affectionate  though  afflicted 

"  Servant  and  Countreyman 

"  J.  R.," 

does  not  point  to  Robinson  with  any  clearness. 
Here  is  a  sample  of  the  verse — 

"  Yet  though  Arminius  Holland  had  infected, 
Since  we  his  poysonous  doctrine  had  detected, 
And  that  blest  King  most  learnedly  repelPd 
Those  false  positions  seduc'd  Vorstius  held  : 
What  madnes  was't  for  vs  to  foster  here 
Those  errours  that  our  Church  condemned  there?  " 

The  British  Museum  catalogue  assigns  this  book  to 
John  Rhodes,  minister  of  Enborne,  near  Newbury, 
who  issued  volumes  of  topical  verse  in  1602  and  1606. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII 

THE    INFLUENCE    OF    ROBINSON    ON    THE    THOUGHT    OF 

HIS   AGE 

The  influence  of  Robinson's  work  was  felt  long 
after  his  death  in  both  hemispheres.  It  was  exerted 
mainly  in  three  directions  :  through  his  books,  through 
the  practical  example  of  Congregational  Church  order 
which  the  religious  societies  at  Leyden  and  New 
Plymouth  afforded,  and  through  the  democratic 
ideals  with  which  he  had  inspired  his  friends  and 
connexions. 

I.  We  have  already  noticed  that  Robinson's  volume 
of  Essays  and  his  brief  catechetical  pamphlet  on 
Church  Government  were  several  times  reprinted  after 
his  death.  His  IVSTIFICATION  OF  SEPARA- 
TION from  the  CHURCH  OF  ENGLAND  was 
re-issued,  in  an  edition  "  printed  in  the  yeere  1639," 
when  the  question  handled  was  again  coming  promi- 
nently to  the  front,  and  again  in  1644.  The  Puritans, 
who  had  formerly  treated  the  Separatists  with  scant 
consideration,  were  driven  to  review  their  position 
as  Laud  tightened  up  the  machinery  of  the  Anglican 
Church.  Their  hope  of  capturing  this  Church  and 
reforming  it  from  within  had  been  rudely  dashed. 
Churches  on  the  model  of  Robinson's  congregation 
seemed  to  do  very  well  in  New  England.  After  all 
there  might  be  something  to  be  said  for  the  "  Con- 
gregational way,"  when  the  State  Church  allowed 
no  deflection  from  the  high-road  of  Laudian  ceremony 
and  doctrine,  which  appeared  to  be  heading  straight 
for  Rome.  They  were  prepared  to  read  A  Justifica- 
tion   of   Separation    through    fresh    spectacles.     The 

322 


THE    OLD    CHAPEL   AT   GAINSBOROUGH. 


ROBINSON'S   INFLUENCE  323 

booksellers,  with  their  fingers  on  the  pulse  of  the 
market,  were  ready  to  meet  the  need.  Since  the  days 
of  the  Pilgrim  Press  at  Leyden,  a  large  traffic  had 
grown  up  between  Holland  and  England  in  political 
and  religious  books  and  pamphlets,  which  it  was 
inconvenient  to  print  under  the  eye  of  the  Bishop 
of  London  and  His  Grace  of  Canterbury.  When 
Matthew  Simmons  was  over  in  the  Low  Countries 
in  November  1637  he  gathered  information  about 
English  books  printed  there.  Amongst  them  he 
notes  a  Scottish  book,  entitled  The  English-Popish 
Ceremonies  ;  many  Bibles  in  quarto  and  folio  "  with 
notes";  the  News  from  Ipswich  in  Dutch,  and  in- 
tended to  be  printed  in  French,  "  to  make  the  bishops' 
cruelty  known  to  all  nations,"  and  a  tract  on  The 
Practice  of  Piety,  printed  by  ten  thousand  at  a 
time. 

"  Robinson's  Justification  of  Separation"  he  informs  us, 
"  is  going  in  hand.  All  the  shipmasters  are  engaged  in 
the  traffic,  and  they  have  a  way,  as  they  say,  to  cozen 
the  devil.  They  strike  upon  the  sands  at  Queenborough 
and  send  away  their  passengers  and  deliver  all  their  pro- 
hibited goods  in  some  small  boats,  and  then  come  off  the 
sands  without  danger."  x 

Thus  the  printers  and  booksellers  got  Robinson's 
book  out  of  hand  and  into  general  circulation 
again. 

Not  long  after  this  the  English  Parliament  dis- 
carded episcopacy  as  the  form  of  government  for 
the  State  Church,  and  the  question  as  to  the  most 
appropriate  form  of  Church  order  to  take  its  place 
arose.  There  was  a  conflict  of  opinion  between  those 
who  favoured  the  Presbyterian  and  the  Congrega- 
tional ways  of  Church  government  respectively.  Here 
again  Robinson  was  appealed  to  by  the  latter  and 
opposed  by  the  former.  His  painstaking  study  of 
the   question   from   the   New  Testament   standpoint, 

1  State  Papers,  Domestic,  Charles  I,  1638. 


324  JOHN  ROBINSON 

in  answer  to  Richard  Bernard,  proved  to  be  a  useful 
armoury  from  which  the  controversialists  of  the  next 
generation  drew  effective  arguments. 

Samuel  Rutherfurd,  Professor  of  Divinity  at  St. 
Andrew's,  in  his  work  on  The  Due  Bight  of  Presbyteries, 
1644,  turned  his  attention  to  Robinson,  and  tells  us 
that  in  his  book  "  the  arguments  of  Mr.  Robinson 
in  his  Justification  of  Separation  are  discovered,  and 
his  treatise  called  The  Peoples  Plea  for  the  Exercise  of 
Prophecy  is  tryed."  Rutherfurd  used  the  reprints 
of  Robinson's  books.  He  noted  the  coincidence  of 
the  brethren  in  New  England  with  the  teaching  of 
Robinson. 

In  another  direction  the  work  of  Robinson  exerted 
a  moderating  influence  on  those  who  would  otherwise 
have  gone  to  the  extremes  of  "  rigid  separation." 
Perhaps  his  spoken  word,  his  personal  example  and 
the  general  tone  of  his  later  writings  had  as  much  to 
do  with  this  as  his  actual  arguments  written  to  this 
end,  but  the  publication  of  his  treatise  on  the  Law- 
fulness of  Hearing  the  Ministers  in  the  Church  of 
England  in  1634  was  not  without  effect.  It  helped 
to  bridge  the  gulf  between  the  Separatists  and  the 
"  forward  preachers  "  in  the  Puritan  party,  and  to 
pave  the  way  for  the  formation  of  a  strong  Congrega- 
tional party  in  the  Commonwealth  period  to  serve 
as  an  effective  check  upon  the  drastic  and  sweeping 
plans  of  the  Presbyterians. 

About  half  a  century  later  this  treatise  of  Robinson 
was  re-issued  under  very  different  conditions.  It 
was  a  period  of  bitter  persecution  of  the  Dissenters. 
They  were  not  allowed  to  hold  office  in  the  State 
unless  they  took  the  Communion  in  the  Anglican 
Church,  and  when  they  occasionally  resorted  to  their 
parish  church  for  the  Communion  they  were  charged 
with  deserting  their  principles  and  acting  as  hypo- 
crites. In  these  circumstances  some  one  bethought 
him  of  this  treatise  by  Robinson  and  another  on 
similar  lines  by  Philip  Nye,  and  reprinted  them 
under  the  following  title — 


HIS   BOOKS   REPRINTED  325 

"  The  /  LAWFULNES  /  of  /  Hearing  the  Publick 
Ministers  /  of  the  /  Church  of  England,  /  proved,  / 

r  Mr.  Philip  Nye 
By  1  and 

[  Mr.  John  Robinson 

Two  Eminent  Congregational  Divines. 


London  :     Printed    for    Jonathan    Robinson    at    the 
Golden  Lion  in  St.  Paul's  Church  Yard  1683." 

The  object  of  the  reprint  is  explained  in  the  following 
prefatory  note — 

ADVERTISEMENT 

"  To  stop  the  Mouths  of  many  especially  those  Ministers 
that  continually  from  Press  and  Pulpit  do  maliciously, 
as  well  as  ignorantly,  tell  the  People  that  the  Dissenters 
(especially  Independents  and  Anabaptists)  do  act  contrary 
to  their  own  Principles  in  Communicating  sometimes 
with  the  Church  of  England  and  that  they  do  so  meerly 
to  qualifie  themselves  for  an  Office  to  serve  a  Turn  (as 
they  spitefully  phrase  it)  or  to  save  themselves  from  the 
penal  Laws,  I  have  here  inserted  in  what  follows,  the 
Opinion  not  only  of  the  Independents,  but  even  of  the 
Brownists  themselves,  many  years  since  about  this  matter." 

It  must  not  be  supposed  that  Robinson  would  have 
countenanced  the  use  of  his  treatise  for  the  purpose 
of  bolstering  up  the  practice  of  occasional  conformity 
with  the  Communion  Office  of  the  Anglican  Church. 
He  argued  for  the  legitimacy  of  occasional  hearing, 
but  did  not  sanction  participation  in  the  parochial 
Communion  services.  To  participate  in  order  to 
qualify  for  office  would  have  been  abhorrent  to  him. 

Another  of  Robinson's  books  was  called  for  almost 
as  soon  as  the  Long  Parliament  got  to  work  and  made 
it  safe  to  issue  such  publications.  I  refer  to  his 
spirited  little  defence  of  lay  preaching  in  The  People's 
Plea  for  the  Exercise  of  Prophesie.  The  pent-up 
feelings  of  the  people  found  vent  in  an  outburst  of 


326  JOHN   ROBINSON 

lay  preaching  on  the  fall  of  Laud  and  the  restriction 
of  the  power  of  the  Bishops,  and  in  Robinson's  book 
was  to  be  found  a  reasoned  argument,  supported  by 
ample  Scriptural  quotations,  upholding  the  practice. 

II.  The  second  direction  in  which  Robinson's  in- 
fluence was  felt  in  after  times  was  in  the  organization 
of  Congregational  Churches  in  England  and  America. 
There  was  direct  intercourse  between  Henry  Jacob 
and  John  Robinson,  and  the  Congregational  Church 
gathered  by  the  former  in  London  in  1616  owed  not 
a  little  to  the  ideas  concerning  Church  government 
which  Robinson  expounded  and  followed.  It  may  be 
noted  also  that  the  Baptist  Churches  which  sprang, 
in  course  of  time,  from  Jacob's  congregation  followed 
the  same  principles  of  Church  order,  while  the  old 
General  Baptists,  derived  more  directly  from  the 
movement  started  by  Smith  and  Helwys,  evolved  a 
system  of  Church  government  virtually  episcopal  in 
form,  by  which  an  order  of  "  Messengers,"  ordained 
to  supervise  and  serve  the  churches  of  a  wide  district, 
was  set  up. 

In  New  England  the  effect  of  the  example  of  the 
Church  at  Plymouth  was  most  striking,  and  there 
the  principles  of  Church  order  enunciated  by  Robinson 
were  widely  adopted.  When  John  Endicot,  Charles 
Gott  and  others  from  the  Dorchester  district  went 
over  in  1628  to  Naumkeak  (afterwards  called  Salem) 
as  pioneers  for  the  Massachusetts  Bay  Company, 
they  found  Roger  Conant,  who  had  recommended  the 
site,  holding  on  there  with  the  remnants  of  a  previous 
colonizing  venture,  at  the  adjacent  Cape  Ann,  till 
their  arrival.  Now  Conant  already  had  some  acquaint- 
ance with  the  Church  and  Planters  of  New  Plymouth, 
and  was  able  to  contrast  their  dependableness  with 
the  instability  of  John  Lyford.  Lyford,  on  his  dis- 
grace and  expulsion  from  New  Plymouth,  had  become 
minister  of  the  Cape  Ann  settlers  and  those  "  lately 
removed  out  of  New  Plymouth  out  of  dislike  of  their 
principles  of  rigid  separation,"  but  on  receiving  "  a 
loving  invitation  "  to  Virginia  he  induced  the  main 


ENDICOT'S   LETTER  327 

part  of  them  to  go  off  with  him,  "  for  fear  of  the 
Indians  and  other  inconveniences," x  and  thus  left 
Conant  in  the  lurch  to  stay  at  the  hazard  of  his  life. 
He  might  well  begin  to  think  the  Planters  of  Ply- 
mouth, in  spite  of  their  separation  from  the  Anglican 
Church,  were  more  desirable  neighbours  and  friends 
than  men  of  the  Lyford  stamp.  He  would  tell 
Endicot  on  his  arrival  that  the  Brownists,  after  all, 
were  not  so  black  as  they  had  been  painted.  Endicot 
soon  had  a  chance  of  judging  for  himself.  Sickness 
broke  out  amongst  his  company  of  Planters,  and  in 
his  need  he  sent  over  to  New  Plymouth  for  help. 
Samuel  Fuller,  deacon  of  the  Plymouth  Church, 
had  some  skill  in  medicine,  and  was  accordingly  sent 
to  Salem  on  a  healing  mission.  He  was  also  skilled 
in  the  Scriptures,  and  well  grounded  in  the  principles 
of  Church  order  set  forth  by  his  pastor  at  Leyden. 
The  questions  at  issue  in  respect  to  Church  govern- 
ment came  up  for  discussion  between  him  and  Endicot, 
and  it  was  soon  made  plain  that  they  both  held 
practically  identical  views.  The  following  letter  from 
Endicot  to  Bradford  speaks  for  itself.  It  was  pre- 
served especially  because  it  showed  "  the  beginning 
of  their  Christian  fellowship." 

"  Right  Worshipful  Sir, 

"It  is  a  thing  not  usual,  that  servants  to  one 
master  and  of  the  same  household  should  be  strangers. 
I  assure  you  I  desire  it  not.  Nay,  to  speak  more  plainly, 
I  cannot  be  so  to  you.  God's  people  are  all  marked  with 
one  and  the  same  mark,  and  have,  for  the  main,  one  and 
the  same  heart  guided  by  one  and  the  same  spirit  of  truth ; 
and  where  this  is,  there  can  be  no  discord,  nay,  here  must 
needs  be  a  sweet  harmony.  And  the  same  request  with 
you  I  make  unto  the  Lord,  that  we  may,  as  Christian 
brethren,  be  united  by  an  heavenly  and  unfeigned  love, 
binding  all  our  hearts  and  forces  in  furthering  a  work 
beyond  our  strength,  with  reverence  and  fear,  fastening 
our  eyes  always  on  Him  that  is  able  to  direct  and  prosper 
all  our  ways. 

"  I  acknowledge  myself  much  bound  to  }Tou  for  your 

r   Leonard  Bacon,  Genesis  of  the  New  England  Churches,  p.  448. 


328  JOHN   ROBINSON 

kind  love  and  care  in  sending  M>.  Fuller  amongst  us,  and 
rejoice  much  that  I  am  by  him  satisfied  touching  your 
judgment  of  the  outward  form  of  God's  worship ;  it  is, 
as  far  as  I  can  gather,  no  other  than  is  warranted  by 
the  evidence  of  truth,  and  the  same  which  I  have  pro- 
fessed and  maintained  ever  since  the  Lord  in  mercy  revealed 
himself  unto  me,  being  far  from  the  common  report  that 
hath  been  spread  of  you  touching  that  particular,  but 
God's  children  must  not  look  for  less  [than  misrepresenta- 
tion] here  below,  and  it  is  a  great  mercy  of  God  that  he 
strengtheneth  them  to  go  through  with  it. 

44  I  shall  not  need,  at  this  time,  to  enlarge  unto  you,  for 
(God  willing)  I  purpose  to  see  your  face  shortly.     In  the 
meantime  I  humbly  take  my  leave  of  you,  committing  you 
to  the  Lord's  blessing  and  protection :  and  rest, 
"  Your  assured  loving  friend, 

"  John  Endicot. 

44  Neamkeak,  May  11,  1629." 

When  this  letter  was  being  written  reinforcements 
on  a  large  scale  were  already  on  the  way  from  the 
Mother  Country  to  the  new  colony  at  Naumkeak. 
The  supporters  of  the  movement  in  England  had 
secured  (March  4,  1629)  a  Royal  charter  confirming 
their  44  patent,"  and  incorporating  their  society  under 
trie  title  of  "  The  Governor  and  Company  of  Massa- 
chusetts Bay  in  New  England,"  and  they  were  plan- 
ning big  things.  Three  ministers  were  sent  over  to 
serve  the  colonists,  Francis  Higginson,  Samuel  Skelton 
and  Francis  Bright.  With  these  ships  there  also 
travelled  several  members  of  Robinson's  old  Church 
at  Leyden  with  their  families,  and  one  Ralph  Smith, 
a  Separatist  minister,  who  was  granted  a  passage 
before  "  his  difference  in  judgment  in  some  things 
from  our  ministers  "  was  understood.  The  inter- 
course on  shipboard  would  do  something  to  over- 
come the  prejudices  between  the  Puritans  and 
Separatists  thus  embarked  on  a  common  venture. 
Higginson  and  Smith  were  together  on  the  Talbot. 

44  When  they  came  to  the  Land's  End  Mr.  Higginson, 
calling  up  his  children  and  other  passengers  unto  the  stern 
of  the  ship  to  take  their  last  sight  of  England,  said,  We 


RALPH   SMITH  329 

will  not  say  as  the  Separatists  were  wont  to  say  at  their 
leaving  of  England,  Farewell,  Babylon  !  farewell,  Rome  ! 
but  we  will  say  Farewell,  dear  England,  farewell  the  Church 
of  God  in  England  and  all  the  Christian  friends  there." 

Higginson  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  Separatists 
at  this  juncture  the  sentiment  he  thought  appropriate 
to  the  character  as  popularly  conceived,  and  as 
pictured  in  his  own  imagination.  I  think  he  soon 
realized  that  he  had  done  them  an  injustice.  In  the 
course  of  the  voyage  a  day  of  fasting  and  prayer 
was  kept,  and  the  two  ministers  joined  together  in 
the  solemnity.  "  There  being  two  ministers  in  the 
ship,"  says  Higginson,  "  Mr.  Smith  and  myself,  we 
endeavoured,  together  with  others,  to  consecrate 
the  day  as  a  solemn  fasting  and  humiliation  to 
Almighty  God,  as  a  furtherance  of  our  present  work." 
They  spent  seven  Sundays  together  on  board,  time 
enough  to  get  to  understand  one  another.  On 
June  29,  1629,  they  safely  entered  Salem  harbour 
and  landed  from  their  voyage. 

Ralph  Smith,  after  trying  the  ground  at  Nantasket 
amongst  a  few  "  straggling  "  settlers,  found  his  way 
to  Plymouth.  Here  he  joined  the  Church  as  a  member, 
and  assisted  Brewster  in  the  exercise  of  "  prophesying." 
When  the  Church  had  made  sufficient  trial  of  his 
gifts  he  was  duly  appointed  minister. 

Meanwhile  the  newly  arrived  colonists,  together 
with  the  settlers  already  at  Salem  under  John  Endicot, 
proceeded  to  set  their  ecclesiastical  affairs  in  order. 
It  was  just  here  that  the  example  of  the  Plymouth 
Church  as  a  self-governing,  reformed  Christian  society 
had  telling  effect.  The  colonists  were  bent  on  "  set- 
tling a  reformed  congregation."  The  Bishops  of 
England  were  now  far  away,  and  there  was  a  clear 
field  for  a  fresh  start.  After  conference  on  the  matter 
and  looking  into  the  New  Testament  for  guidance 
the  majority  came  to  conclusions  very  similar  to 
those  at  which  Robinson  had  arrived.  We  are 
fortunate  in  having  a  contemporary  letter  describing 


330  JOHN   ROBINSON 

the  first  steps  taken  to  lay  the  foundation  of  their 
new  Church  order.  It  was  not  to  be  expected  that 
all  would  be  satisfied  with  the  changes  made.  Francis 
Bright  withdrew  to  Charlestown,  and  after  a  year 
returned  to  England ;  the  Browne  brothers,  John  and 
Samuel,  "  men  of  parts  and  port  in  the  place,"  stood 
out  for  the  use  of  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer  and 
the  customary  Offices  for  Baptism  and  Communion. 
As  they  were  creating  a  faction  in  the  infant  colony 
Endicot  promptly  shipped  them  back  to  England 
on  the  return  of  the  vessels  in  which  they  had  come. 
The  election  and  ordination  by  the  people  of  Skelton 
as  "  pastor "  and  Higginson  as  "  teacher "  was  a 
close  approach  to  the  practice  of  the  Plymouth 
Church.  Gott  reports  the  matter  for  us  from  the 
spot — 

"  To  the  worshipful,  his  worthy  and  much  respected 
friend,  Mr.  Bradford,  Governor  of  Plymouth,  these  : 

"  I,  with  my  wife,  remember  our  service  unto  you  and 
yours,  thanking  you  most  humbly  for  your  great  kindness 
when  we  were  at  Plimouth  with  you. 

"  Sir — I  make  bold  to  trouble  you  with  a  few  lines,  for 
to  certify  you  how  it  hath  pleased  God  to  deal  with  us 
since  you  heard  from  us,  [and]  how,  notwithstanding  all 
opposition  that  hath  been  here  and  else  where,  it  hath 
pleased  God  to  lay  a  foundation,  the  which  I  hope  is 
agreeable  to  his  Word  in  everything. 

The  20th  of  July  it  pleased  the  Lord  to  move  the  heart 
of  our  Governor  to  set  it  apart  for  a  solemn  day  of  humilia- 
tion for  the  choice  of  a  pastor  and  teacher;  the  former 
part  of  the  day  being  spent  in  prayer  and  teaching,  the 
latter  part  about  the  election  which  was  after  this  manner. 

"  The  persons  thought  on  (who  had  been  ministers  in 
England)  were  demanded  concerning  their  callings.  They 
acknowledged  there  was  a  twofold  calling;  the  one  an 
inward  calling  when  the  Lord  moved  the  heart  of  a  man 
to  take  that  calling  upon  him  and  fitted  him  with  gifts 
for  the  same;  the  second  was  an  outward  calling  which 
was  from  the  people,  when  a  company  of  believers  are 
joined  together  in  covenant  to  walk  together  in  all  the 
ways  of  God  and  every  member  (being  men)  are  to  have 
a  free  voice  in  the  choice  of  their  officers,  etc. 

"  Now,    we   being    persuaded   that   these   two   were    so 


ELECTION   OF   MINISTERS  331 

qualified,  as  the  apostle  speaks  of  to  Timothy  where  he 
saith  4  a  bishop  must  be  blameless,  sober,  apt  to  teach,' 
etc.,  I  think  I  may  say,  as  the  eunuch  said  unto  Philip, 
'  what  should  let  him  from  being  baptized  seeing  there 
was  water  and  he  believed  ' ;  so  these  two  servants  of  God 
clearing  all  things  by  their  answers  (and  being  thus  fitted) 
we  saw  no  reason  but  we  might  freely  give  our  voices  for 
their  election  after  this  trial. 

"  Their  choice  was  after  this  manner.  Every  fit  member 
wrote  in  a  note  his  name  whom  the  Lord  moved  him  to 
think  was  fit  for  a  pastor,  and  so  likewise  whom  they 
would  have  for  teacher.  So  the  most  voice  was  for  M1 
Skelton  to  be  pastor  and  M1'-  Higginson  to  be  teacher, 
so  Mr-  Skelton  was  chosen  pastor  and  Mr-  Higginson  to 
be  teacher ;  and  they  accepting  the  choice,  Mr-  Higginson, 
with  three  or  four  more  of  the  gravest  members  of  the 
church,  laid  their  hands  on  Mr-  Skelton,  using  prayer 
therewith.  This  being  done  there  was  imposition  of  hands 
on  Mr-  Higginson  also. 

"  Then  there  was  proceeding  in  election  of  elders  and 
deacons 1  but  they  were  only  named  and  laying  on  of 
hands  deferred,  to  see  if  it  pleased  God  to  send  us  more 
able  men  over;  and  since  that  time,  Thursday  (being  as 
I  take  it  ye  5  August 2)  is  appointed  for  another  day  of 
humiliation  for  the  full  choice  of  elders  and  deacons  and 
ordaining  of  them. 

"  And  now,  good  Sir,  I  hope  that  you,  and  the  rest  of 
God's  people  (who  are  acquainted  with  the  ways  of  God) 
with  you,  will  say  that  here  was  a  right  foundation  laid 
and  that  these  two  blessed  servants  of  the  Lord  came  in 
at  the  door  and  not  at  the  window. 

"  And  thus  I  have  made  bold  to  trouble  you  with  these 
few  lines,  desiring  you  to  remember  us  to  M1-  Brewster, 
Mr  [Ralph]  Smith,  Mr-  Fuller  and  the  rest  of  the  church ; 
so  I  rest, 

"  At  your  service  in  what  I  may  till  death, 

"  Charles  Gott. 

"  Salem,  July  30,  1629." 

Whether  the  Plymouth  people  made  any  suggestion 
as  to  laying  the  foundation  more  truly  and  securely 
does  not  appear,  but  it  is  noteworthy  that  the  Salem 

1  Henry  Houghton  was  selected  as  "  ruling  Elder  "  and  Gott  himself  was 
eventually  ordained  deacon  of  Salem  Church. 

2  Gott  was  a  day  out  in  his  reckoning.     Thursday  was  August  6  in  1629. 


332  JOHN   ROBINSON 

people  advanced  yet  another  step  nearer  to  the 
polity  advocated  by  Robinson  before  they  completed 
their  Church  organization.  I  think  it  quite  likely 
that  there  had  already  been  some  discussion  about 
the  covenant  of  Robinson's  Church.  In  the  forma- 
tion of  the  Separatist  Church  at  Gainsborough  under 
John  Smith,  and  in  the  Leyden  Church  under  Robin- 
son, the  members  had  first  constituted  themselves 
as  a  Church  by  mutual  covenant  with  God  and  one 
another.  Not  until  that  was  done  did  they  proceed 
to  elect  and  ordain  officers  from  among  their  members. 
The  Church  came  before  the  officers.  Membership 
in  the  true  Church  was  a  pre-requisite  to  bearing  office 
in  the  Church.  These  points  were  now  discussed  at 
Salem.  It  was  a  question  whether  the  colonists 
were  in  true  Church  order  when  they  first  elected 
and  ordained  their  pastor  and  teacher.  The  defect 
ought  to  be  remedied.  It  was  therefore  agreed  to 
constitute  the  Church  by  covenant  and  repeat  the 
ordination,  imperfectly  effected  on  July  30,  on  another 
day.  For  this  purpose  August  6  was  set  apart,  and 
notice  of  the  event  sent  to  the  Church  of  Plymouth .  The 
settlers  at  Cape  Ann  and  Naumkeak  under  Conant  and 
Endicot  had  certainly  met  together  from  time  to  time 
for  religious  worship,  but  up  to  now  they  were  merely 
a  congregation  and  not  a  "  Church."  Francis  Higgin- 
son,  at  the  request  of  those  who  held  this  view,  wrote 
out  thirty  copies  of  a  simple  Church  covenant,  which 
was  owned  on  the  appointed  day  by  as  many  persons, 
and  the  business  of  electing  and  ordaining  pastor, 
teacher  and  other  Church  officers  was  then  proceeded 
with  in  order.  William  Bradford  and  other  delegates 
from  the  Plymouth  Church  set  out  with  the  intention 
of  joining  the  friends  at  Salem  on  this  historic  occa- 
sion, but  they  "  coming  by  sea  were  hindered  by 
cross  winds  that  they  could  not  be  there  at  the 
beginning  of  the  day,  but  they  came  into  the  assembly 
afterward  and  gave  them  the  right  hand  of  fellowship, 
wishing  all  prosperity  and  a  blessed  success  unto 
such  good  beginnings." 


EXAMPLE   OF   PLYMOUTH   CHURCH    333 

From  the  outset,  therefore,  the  New  England 
Churches  constituted  by  the  Puritan  refugees  were 
influenced  by  the  example  and  practice  of  the  Ply- 
mouth Church.  The  very  covenant  adopted  at  Salem 
was  based  on  that  formulated  by  John  Smith,  and 
taken  as  the  basis  of  his  Church  by  John  Robinson — 

"We  covenant  with  the  Lord  and  one  with  another; 
and  doe  bynd  our  selves  in  the  presence  of  God  to  walke 
together  in  all  his  waies,  according  as  he  is  pleased  to 
reveale  himself  unto  us  in  his  Blessed  word  of  truth." 

The  Church  formed  in  the  next  year  (July  30,  1630) 
at  Charlestown  followed  the  same  lines  as  that  at 
Salem.  Here  again  the  influence  of  Samuel  Fuller 
of  Plymouth  was  felt,  and  his  advice  was  reinforced 
by  Endicot,  who  had  become  an  ardent  advocate  of 
the  Congregational  way.  Fuller,  writing  on  June  28, 
1630,  to  Bradford,  says,  "  The  Governor  [John 
Winthrop]  hath  had  conference  with  me  both  in 
private  and  before  sundry  others."  These  conferences 
bore  fruit.  A  few  weeks  later,  on  Sunday,  July  25, 
after  "  the  evening  exercise,"  a  letter  arrived  at 
Salem  from  Winthrop  asking  the  advice  of  the  friends 
there  as  to  the  best  course  of  procedure  for  setting 
themselves  in  Church  order  in  view  of  the  mortality 
afflicting  the  newly-landed  colonists.  Now,  when 
this  letter  came  to  hand  at  Salem,  it  happened  that 
Fuller,  Edward  Winslow  and  Isaac  Allerton  of  the 
Plymouth  Church  were  present.  The  Salem  friends 
at  once  took  them  into  consultation  in  the  matter, 
and  it  was  resolved  to  advise  Winthrop  and  the 
Charlestown  settlers  to  set  apart — 

"  the  6  day  (being  Friday)  [July  30,  1630]  of  this  present 
week  .  .  .  that  they  may  humble  them  selves  before  God 
and  seek  him  in  his  ordinances ;  and  that  then  also  such 
godly  persons  that  are  amongst  them  and  known  each  to 
other  may  publicly  at  the  end  of  their  exercise  make  known 
their  godly  desire,  and  practice  the  same,  viz.  solemnly 
to  enter  into  covenant  with  the  Lord  to  walk  in  his 
ways." 


334  JOHN   ROBINSON 

The  Church  at  Plymouth,  also,  was  asked  to  speci- 
ally observe  the  same  day  on  their  behalf.  The 
following  covenant  was  accordingly  adopted  by  the 
Charlestown-Boston  Church.  It  is  still  in  use  in  the 
First  Church,  Unitarian,  in  Boston,  the  direct  descend- 
ant of  that  religious  society — 

"  In  the  name  of  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ  and  in  Obedience 
to  his  holy  Will  and  divine  Ordinance — 

"  We  whose  names  are  hereunder  written,  being  by  His 
most  wise  and  good  Providence  brought  together  into 
this  part  of  America  in  the  Bay  of  Massachusetts,  and 
desirous  to  unite  ourselves  into  one  Congregation  or 
Church  under  the  Lord  Jesus  Christ  our  Head  in  such  sort 
as  becometh  all  those  whom  He  hath  redeemed  and  sanc- 
tified to  himself,  do  hereby  solemnly  and  religiously  (as 
in  his  holy  presence)  promise  and  bind  ourselves  to  walk 
in  all  our  ways  according  to  the  Rule  of  the  Gospel,  and  in 
all  sincere  conformity  to  his  holy  Ordinances  and  in  mutual 
love  and  respect  each  to  other,  so  near  as  God  shall  give  us 
grace" 

William  Bradford  in  his  Letter -Book  noted  the 
course  of  affairs  with  approval.  He  pointed  out 
how  the  new-comers  in  1629  "  quickly  grew  into 
Church  order,  and  set  themselves  roundly  to  walk  in 
all  the  ways  of  God" 

Salem  and  Plymouth  friends  also  advised  the 
Charlestown  people  not  "  rashly  to  proceed  to  ye 
choyce  of  officers  "  on  the  day  of  covenanting.  It 
was  not  till  August  27,  1630,  that  officers  were  chosen 
from  the  covenanted  members  and  set  apart  for  their 
duties  by  laying  on  of  hands.  John  Wilson  was  set 
apart  to  the  office  of  "  teacher,"  but  he  stipulated 
that  this  appointment  was  not  to  be  taken  as  a 
renunciation  of  his  orders  received  in  the  Anglican 
Church.  Two  years  later  (November  22,  1632)  he 
was  chosen  "  pastor,"  an  office  which  he  held  till  his 
death  (August  7,  1667).  In  consulting  with  the 
people  at  New  Plymouth  about  their  Church  affairs 
the  Puritan  colonists  were  following  the  advice  of  an 
eminent   minister,   John   Cotton,    who   was   soon   to 


COTTON   OF  BOSTON  335 

join  them.  At  their  leaving  England  he  urged  them 
to  "  take  the  advice  of  them  at  Plymouth,"  and 
when  he  himself  came  over  and  was  chosen  as  colleague 
with  John  Wilson  in  the  Boston  Church  he  followed 
the  principles  which  Robinson  had  advocated,  and 
was  duly  ordained  to  his  new  post  of  teacher  by  the 
imposition  of  the  hands  of  the  pastor  and  elders 
and  special  prayer  (October  10,  1633).  It  was  in 
virtue  of  this  ordination,  and  not  of  that  received 
in  the  Episcopal  Church  at  home,  that  he  henceforth 
carried  on  his  ministry. 

It  was  not  only  in  the  matter  of  setting  up  and 
ordering  the  "  Church  "  that  the  new-comers  coincided 
with  the  practice  of  Robinson  and  his  followers. 
Morton  tells  us,  in  his  New  England's  Memorial,1  that 
Higginson  and  Skelton  took  into  consideration  "  the 
state  of  their  children."  Were  they  members  of  the 
Church  along  with  their  covenanted  parents  ?  "  Con- 
cerning which  letters  did  pass  between  Mr.  Higginson 
and  Mr.  Brewster,  the  reverend  elder  of  the  Church 
at  Plimouth,  and  they  did  agree  in  their  judgments, 
namely,  concerning  the  Church  membership  of  the 
children  with  their  parents;  and  that  baptism  was 
a  seal  of  their  membership;  only,  when  they  were 
adult,  they  being  not  scandalous,  they  were  to  be 
examined  by  the  Church  officers,  and  upon  their 
approbation  of  their  fitness,  and  upon  the  children's 
public  and  personal  owning  of  the  covenant  they 
were  to  be  received  unto  the  Lord's  Supper."  This 
course  was  followed  in  the  case  of  Higginson's  son 
John,  then  about  fifteen  years  old.  In  practice  "  the 
parents,  owning  and  retaining  the  baptism  which 
they  themselves  received  iri  their  infancy  in  their 
native  land,  as  they  had  any  children  born,  baptism 
was  administered  unto  them,  namely,  to  the  children 
of  such  as  were  members  of  that  particular  Church." 
This  is  precisely  the  position  which  Robinson  laid 
down  and  defended. 

Seeing  that  there  was  such  a  close  agreement  between 

1  Sub  Anno  1629. 


336  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Plymouth  and  the  other  Churches  of  New  England, 
it  is  strange  to  find  how  touchy  the  latter  were  upon 
the  point.  They  did  not  like  being  reminded  of  the 
fact.  They  argued  that  they  were  simply  following 
the  plain  teaching  of  the  New  Testament — which 
argument,  by  the  way,  only  served  as  a  fine  vindication 
of  Robinson  and  his  followers. 

Puritans  and  Presbyterians  at  home  soon  saw 
which  way  the  wind  was  blowing  in  New  England. 
As  a  writer  put  it  in  1659 — 

"  Mr-  Hildersam  did  much  grieve  when  he  understood 
that  the  Brethren  in  New  England  did  depart  from  the 
Presbyterian  Government  and  he  said  :  '  This  mischief 
had  been  prevented  if  my  counsel  at  Mr  Higginson's 
going  over  had  been  taken,  which  was  that  brethren  driven 
thither  by  Episcopal  persecution  should  agree  upon  Church 
Government  before  they  depart  from  hence.'  And  it  is 
well-known  that  many  presbyterian  non-conformists  did 
by  a  letter  sent  into  New  England  bewaile  their  departing 
in  practice  (as  they  heard)  from  the  way  of  Church  Govern- 
ment which  they  owned  here."  x 

Cotton  and  Winslow,  in  rebutting  the  charge 
brought  against  them  on  this  head,  in  which  there  was 
nothing  to  be  ashamed  of  or  to  make  apologies  for, 
in  effect  admit  the  truth  of  the  statement  made  about 
the  influence  of  the  Plymouth  Church  on  those 
Churches  subsequently  formed  in  New  England. 

Robert  Baillie  had  declared  "  the  congregation  of 
Plymouth  did  incontinently  leaven  all  the  vicinity." 
To  this  Cotton  rejoined  there  was  no  vicinity  to 
leaven.  "  Salem  itself,  that  was  gathered  into  Church 
order  seven  or  eight  years  after  them,  was  above 
forty  miles  distant  from  them.  And  though  it  be 
very  likely  that  some  of  the  first  comers  might  help 
their  theory  by  hearing  and  discerning  their  practice 
at  Plymouth,  yet  therein  the  Scripture  is  fulfilled, 
'  The  kingdom  of  heaven  is  like  unto  leaven,  which  a 

1  Irenicum,  or  an  Essay  towards  a  brotherly  peace  .  .  .  between  those  of  the 
Congregational  and  Presbyterian  Way,  "Epistle  to  the  Reader."  London, 
1659. 


EXAMPLE   OF   PLYMOUTH   CHURCH     337 

woman  took  and  hid  in  three  measures  of  meal  till 
all  was  leavened.'  "  1 

Winslow,  for  his  part,  concedes  all  that  I  wish  to 
claim.  He,  like  Cotton,  took  up  his  pen  in  1646 
against  Baillie,  and  this  is  what  he  said — 

"  For  the  many  Plantations  that  came  over  to  us  upon 
notice  of  God's  blessing  upon  us,  whereas  'tis  falsely  said 
they  took  Plymouth  for  their  precedent,  as  fast  as  they  came ; 
'tis  true,  I  confess,  that  some  of  the  chief  of  them  advised 
with  us  (coming  over  to  be  freed  from  the  burthensome  cere- 
monies then  imposed  in  England)  how  they  should  do  to  fall 
upon  a  right  platform  of  worship,  and  desired  to  that  end, 
since  God  had  honoured  us  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  Common- 
wealth and  to  settle  a  Church  in  it,  to  show  them  whereupon 
our  practice  was  grounded;  and  if  they  found,  upon  due 
search,  it  was  built  upon  the  Word,  they  should  be  willing  to 
take  up  what  was  of  God.  We  accordingly  showed  them  the 
primitive  practice  for  our  warrant,  taken  out  of  the  Acts  of 
the  Apostles  and  the  Epistles  written  to  the  several  churches 
by  the  said  Apostles,  together  with  the  commandments  of 
Christ  the  Lord  in  the  Gospel  and  other  our  warrants  for 
every  particular  we  did  from  the  book  of  God.  Which  being 
by  them  well  weighed  and  considered,  they  also  entered  into 
covenant  with  God  and  one  another  to  walk  in  all  his  ways 
revealed  or  as  they  should  be  made  known  unto  them,  and  to 
worship  him  according  to  his  will  revealed  in  his  written  word 
only,  etc. 

"  So  that  here  also  thou  may  est  see  they  set  not  the  church 
at  Plymouth  before  them  for  example,  but  the  primitive 
churches  were  and  are  their  and  our  mutual  patterns  and 
examples,  which  are  only  worthy  to  be  followed,  having  the 
blessed  Apostles  amongst  them,  who  were  sent  immediately 
by  Christ  himself,  and  enabled  and  guided  by  the  unerring 
spirit  of  God.  And  truly  this  is  a  pattern  fit  to  be  followed 
of  all  that  fear  God,  and  no  man  or  men  to  be  followed  further 
than  they  follow  Christ  and  them."  2 

In  other  words,  the  Puritan  settlers  recognized  the 
form  and  order  of  the  New  Testament  Church  when 
it  was  indicated  for  them  by  members  of  the  Plymouth 
Church  who  had  been  schooled  in  the  teachings  of 

1  Cotton's  Way  of  the  Congregational  Churches  Cleared,  p.  16. 

2  Winslow' s  "  Narration  "  appended  to  his  Hyjiocrisie  Vnmasked,  1646. 
z 


338  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Robinson,  and  when  they  saw  it  exemplified  in  the 
Plymouth  Plantation. 

There  was  a  reaction  from  New  England  upon  the 
religious  life  of  Old  England  under  the  tolerant  sway 
of  Cromwell,  and  thus  the  fundamental  ideas  of  the 
Congregational  Church  order,  which  Robinson  had 
done  so  much  to  bring  out  into  strong  relief,  gained 
a  firm  footing  in  his  Homeland.  Let  one  example 
suffice. 

John  Phillip,  beneficed  at  Wrentham,  who  had 
married  (January  6,  1611-12)  Elizabeth  Ames,  became 
obnoxious  to  the  clerical  authorities  on  account  of 
his  Puritan  proclivities,  and  was  deprived  of  his 
living  in  1638.  Now,  Joan  Ames,  the  widow  of  his 
brother-in-law,  William  Ames,  had  gone  over  to 
America  in  1637  and  settled  at  Salem;  to  that  place 
John  Phillip  followed  her,  crossing  the  Atlantic  in 
1638.  When  news  of  the  great  turn  of  affairs  and  the 
election  of  the  Long  Parliament  came  to  hand  Phillip 
resolved  to  return  to  Old  England,  and  took  ship  on 
October  26,  1641.  After  a  perilous  voyage  he  went 
back  to  his  old  post  at  Wrentham,  and  began  to  model 
the  Church  affairs  in  his  parish  on  lines  with  which 
he  had  become  familiar  in  New  England.  When, 
on  May  29,  1644,  a  move  was  made  in  Norwich  by 
certain  Congregationals,  "  to  incorporate  into  a 
Church,"  they  "gave  notice  thereof  to  Mr.  John 
Phillip,"  and  desired  his  assistance.  It  was  only 
"  infirmity  of  body  "  that  hindered  his  attendance 
at  this  "  inchurching  "  of  a  Congregational  society 
amidst  the  scenes  of  Robinson's  first  ministry.  Phillip 
was  appointed  a  member  of  the  Westminster  Assembly 
of  Divines  in  1643,  where  he  acted  with  the  Congre- 
gationals. 

After  William  Ames,  son  of  William  Ames,  the 
friend  of  Robinson,  had  graduated  at  Harvard,  in 
1645,  he,  too,  returned  to  the  Mother  Country,  and 
went  down  to  Wrentham  to  help  John  Phillip  in  his 
ministerial  work.  Here,  in  due  course,  he  was  made 
"  Teacher  "  of  the  "Church  "  which  his  uncle  served 


WRENTHAM   CHURCH   COVENANT       339 

as  "  Pastor,"  and  on  February  1,  1649-50  the  Church 
itself  was  reconstituted  on  more  definitely  Congrega- 
tional lines  in  accordance  with  the  model  followed 
by  the  English  Churches  set  up  in  Holland  and  New 
England.  The  Wrentham  people  were  careful  to 
disclaim  any  implication  of  censure  on  others  who  did 
not  see  their  way  to  follow  this  method  of  reform. 
They  sought  to  prevent  "  misconstructions  of  medling 
with  or  censuring  any  churches  by  or  course  the 
grounds  whereof  we  doe  she  we."  But  they  used  their 
liberty  to  reform  the  Church  order  in  their  parish,  and 
they  desired  their  action  to  be  understood  only  "  as 
ye  reforming  of  orselves  according  to  that  Church 
estate,  the  patterne  whereof  is  set  before  us  in  the 
words  of  Ct.  according  to  ye  measure  of  or  enlightening 
therein."  The  point,  however,  to  which  I  would 
specially  draw  attention  is,  that  the  members  banded 
themselves  together  in  a  covenant,  which,  both  by  its 
brevity  and  its  terms,  reminds  us  of  the  covenants  of 
the  Church  of  Robinson  and  that  at  Salem — 

'  Wee  doe  agree  to  give  up  ourselves  unto  ye  Lord  in 
p'fessed  subiection  to  his  gospell;  and  promise  by  the  help 
of  his  grace  whereupon  wee  trust,  to  walke  together  in  his  holy 
ordinances  and  wayes,  to  watch  over  one  another  in  love,  and 
submit  to  the  government  of  Christ  in  this  society.''' 

The  Brewsters  of  Wrentham  Hall  were  patrons  of 
the  living,  of  Wrentham,  and  throughout  the  seven- 
teenth century  presented  preachers  of  Puritan  type 
to  that  rectory.  One  cannot  help  suspecting  that 
there  was  some  connexion,  more  than  that  of  name, 
between  these  Suffolk  Brewsters  and  the  families  of 
the  Pilgrim  Elder,  seated  in  Nottinghamshire  at 
Scrooby,  and  of  James  Brewster,  the  incumbent  of 
Sutton-cum-Lound,  adjacent  to  Scrooby. 

Robert  Brewster,  who  presented  Thomas  King  to 
the  living,  after  John  Phillip  "  fell  asleep  ye  2  of 
September  1660,"  was  apparently  the  Robertus 
Brewster,  Anglus,  who  matriculated  at  Leyden  Uni- 
versity "  22  Maij  1619."     When  the  Act  of  Uniformity 


340  JOHN   ROBINSON 

was  passed  Thomas  King  was  ejected.  Then,  in 
1664,  Henry  Wotton  became  rector,  on  the  presenta- 
tion of  Francis  Brewster,  apparently  the  Franciscus 
Brewster,  Anglus,  who  matriculated  at  Leyden  "  1 
Mart.  1645."  Ames  and  his  flock  enjoyed  the  pro- 
tection of  this  influential  family,  and  Wotton  showed 
a  politic  "  forbearance  towards  the  wandering  sheep 
of  his  own  parish."  x 

Though  William  Ames  the  younger  was  ejected 
from  the  benefices  he  held  when  the  Act  of  Uniformity 
came  into  force,  he  continued  in  the  neighbourhood 
under  the  shelter  of  the  Brewsters  and  exercised  his 
"  office  of  Doctor,"  i.  e.  teacher,  in  the  Congregational 
Church  here  till  his  death.  In  1672  he  was  licensed 
as  a  "  Presbyterian  teacher,"  an  indication  that  the 
term  "  Presbyterian  "  was  already  loosely  used  in 
England  and  without  care  for  exactness.  On  July  21, 
1689,  he  died,  and  is  described  on  his  tombstone  as, 

"  TEACHER  .   OF  .  A   .   CONGREGATIONAL  .  CHURCH  .  IN   . 

wrentham."  He  carried  the  traditions  of  Holland 
and  New  England  on  to  the  period  of  the  Revolution. 
Thus  he  affords  a  notable  link  in  the  religious  history 
of  the  East  Anglian  district,  besides  illustrating  the 
way  in  which  the  principles  of  Church  order  and 
government  put  into  practice  in  the  "  plantations  " 
in  New  England  reacted  on  the  religious  life  of  the 
Old  Country. 

Enough  has  been  said  to  show  that  the  influence  of 
Robinson's  ideas  upon  the  right  ordering  of  Christian 
Churches  was  felt  as  a  potent  and  constructive  force 
in  the  religious  life  of  England  and  America  long  after 
his  death. 

III.  A  third  direction  in  which  Robinson's  influence 
was  exerted  in  after  years — less  obvious  perhaps,  but 
none  the  less  real — was  through  the  democratic  ideals 
with  which  he  inspired  his  friends  and  connexions. 
His  example  and  teaching  remained  as  an  abiding  and 
stimulating  memory  with  men  like  Brewster,  Brad- 

1  Edm.  Bohurts  Diary,  quoted  by  Browne,  History  of  Congregationalism 
in  Norfolk  and  Suffolk,  1877,  p.  431. 


INFLUENCE   ON   KINSFOLK  341 

ford,  Allerton,  Blossom,  Winslow  and  others,  who  had 
been  closely  associated  with  him.  It  was  not  without 
effect  also  on  kinsfolk  and  connexions  at  home. 

His  wife's  nephew,  Charles  White,  the  younger, 
took  a  prominent  part  on  the  side  of  the  Parliament 
in  the  great  Civil  War.  Bridget  Robinson's  eldest 
brother,  Charles  White,  took  up  his  residence  at 
Beauvale  Abbey  in  the  parish  of  Greasley,  which  was 
more  convenient  for  the  county  town  of  Nottingham 
than  his  old  home  at  Sturton.1  He  continued  at 
Beauvale  till,  "  sicke  in  body  but  of  perfect  memory," 
he  made  his  will  in  1634  and  died.  To  his  son  of  the 
same  name  he  left  his  "  lease  of  Beavall." 

When  the  Civil  War  broke  out  this  Charles  White 
the  younger  actively  bestirred  himself  in  the  Parlia- 
mentary interest.  He  is  frequently  mentioned  by 
Lucy  Hutchinson  in  her  Memoir  of  Colonel  Hutchinson, 
but  was  not  in  her  good  books.  She  did  not  like  him, 
and  did  him  less  than  justice,  speaking  of  him  in 
rather  disparaging  terms.  With  Lucy  Hutchinson 
her  husband  was  the  only  hero.  No  one  could  be 
allowed  to  shine  near  him  or  diminish  his  glory,  so 
when  she  mentions  White  she  uses  him  as  a  foil  to 
show  up  the  virtues  and  graces  of  Colonel  John 
Hutchinson.  Still  less  did  she  like  Charles  White's 
choice  of  a  wife.  She  says  that  he  and  Gilbert 
Millington,  the  Member  for  Nottingham  in  the  Long 
Parliament,  picked  up  with  "  a  couple  of  ale-house 
wenches."  Well,  the  choice  of  Millington  seems  to 
have  satisfied  not  only  himself,  but  his  constituents, 
for  we  find  the  Corporation  of  Nottingham  making  a 
present  to  Mrs.  Millington,  and  we  may  take  it  that 
White's  choice  also  turned  out  pretty  well.  We  must 
read  Mrs.  Hutchinson's  character-sketch  with  caution. 
She  tells  us  White  "  was  of  mean  birth  and  low 
fortunes,  yet  had  kept  company  with  the  underling 
gentry    of    his    neighbourhood."     Furthermore    "  he 

1  He  was  still  described  as  "of  Sturton  "  in  1620,  when  he  was  appointed 
"  Treasurer  "  for  the  north  part  <?f  ISJotts  for  the  fund  raised  for  the  relief 
of  "  maymed  souldiers." 


342  JOHN   ROBINSON 

gave  large  contributions  to  Puritan  preachers,"  but 
she  unkindly  imputes  this  to  a  desire  "  to  keep  up  a 
fame  of  godliness."  She  could  not  deny  his  popu- 
larity, but  declared  he  won  it  "by  a  thousand  arts." 

64  This  man,"  she  continues,  "  called  Charles  White,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  Civil  War  got  a  troop  of  dragoons,  who 
armed  and  mounted  themselves  out  of  devotion  to  the 
Parliament's  cause,  and,  being  of  his  neighbourhood,  marched 
forth  in  his  conduct,  he  having  procured  a  commission  x  to  be 
their  captain." 

He  did  good  service  in  the  war  and  saved  Notting- 
ham at  one  critical  juncture  by  his  timely  arrival  with 
troops  from  Leicester  and  Derby. 

Here  is  a  despatch  of  his,  hitherto  unpublished, 
addressed  to  that  resolute  soldier,  Francis  Thorn- 
hagh 2  of  Fenton,  in  the  parish  af  Stvrton,  with 
which  the  Whites  and  Robinsons  were  connected. 
Thornhagh  and  White  were  closely  associated  in  their 
campaigning — 

Add.  MS.  34,253,  f .  38. 

"  ffor  the  Honbie  Col.  Thornhagh 
at  the  Kings  Head 
in  the  Strand 
theis 

r  Sealed  with     I  wth  my   humble 

dark  red  wax  J     . 

|   coat  of  arms  J  SerVlCC 

"  Since  yor  depture  hence  Parties  have  beene  sent  out 
every  night  but  the  enemie  have  drawne  into  thiere  Guarrisons 
continually  that  nothing  could  be  attempted  onely  on  Friday 
morning  last  Corporall  Crofte  who  is  one  of  my  Corp18  wfch 
20  Horse  of  Capt  Pendocks  and  mine  did  fall  into  Bridgeford 
long  mour  whither  the  Queens  Regmt  were  newly  come  and 
all  mounted,  they  charged  through  them  routed  the  whole 
Regmt  killed  8  beside  what  were  wounded  and  brought  off 
16  prisoners  and  28  Horse  wthout  loss  of  one  man  And  on 

1  He  was  "  one  of  the  Captains  appointed  by  the  Earl  of  Essex."  See  a 
letter  of  Francis  Pierrepont,  December  13,  1642,  Hist.  MSS.  Covin.  Report  13, 
Pt.  I.  p.  79. 

2  Francis  Thornhagh  was  killed  August  17,  1648,  in  the  pursuit  of  the 
Soots  after  the  Battle  of  Preston,    His  body  was  taken  to  Sturton  for  burial, 


CHARLES    WHITE   THE   YOUNGER      343 

Saturday  following  my  L*  w<*  42  men  going  to  secure  the 
market^ fell  into  Langer  where  the  Earl  of  Northtons  Regimt 
were  drawing  out  to  a  Randervous  being  about  200  Horse. 
30  of  or  men  charged  about  80  of  them  and  routed  them  and 
falling  into  the  Towne  wth  them  they  killed  betwixt  20  and 
30  and  a  Capt  they  tooke  a  Maj*  9  others  and  27  Horse 
wthout  loss  of  one  man  I  desire  that  God  may  have  the  praise 
of  all  for  he  is  worthy. 

"  On  Sunday  Capt  Pendock  and  my  Ld  with  150  Horse 
went  to  Ekrin  [Eakring]  to  gain  Intelligence  and  the  king 
quartered  at  Tuxford  Laxton  and  Egmonton  [Egmanton] 
wth  his  whole  Army  but  they  wanted  men  to  fall  upon  any 
Quarte"  I  am  just  now  sending  a  small  pty  to  Ekrin. 

1  ["  Since  I  begun  this  lttre  I  heare  yfc  the  king  quarts  this 
night  about  Welbeck  and  Worksopp  and  (as  Report  gives  it) 
he  is  for  the  North. 

"  Sr  be  pleased  to  pcure  some  Armes  if  it  be  possible  and 
some  money  for  the  country  is  impoverished  and  the  souldiers 
in  great  wante.  Sr  I  have  noe  more  but  to  assure  yu  that  I 
am 

"Sr 

"  Yor  humble  servant 

"  Cha:  White. 

"  Nott.  Oct.  13.     about  8  at  night 

"  Sr  I  beseech  you  psent  my  service  to  mr  Millington  and 
excuse  my  not  writing  to  him."  ]  x 

With  Millington,  who  was  his  neighbour  at  Felley 
Priory  in  Greasley  parish,  White  was  on  terms  of 
intimate  friendship.  From  1654  to  1656  White  was 
knight  of  the  shire.  He  served  on  many  County 
Committees  and  took  his  full  share  in  public  work. 
Apparently  he  had  some  offer  of  service  about  this 
time  in  Russia,  for  on  March  26,  1655,  he  sought  a 
passport  for  himself,  his  wife  Deborah,  and  their  child 
Sarah,  with  a  maid  and  two  menservants,  "  to  repair 
to  Moscow."  If  he  took  the  journey  his  stay  was 
short,  for  on  June  4,  1656,  he  was  approved  as  an 
"  elder  "  for  Greasley  parish,  and  signed  his  name,2 

1  This  part  is  written  along  the  side  of  the  page. 

2  A  facsimile  of  the  signatures  to  this  document  is  given  in  the  Transactions 
of  the  Unitarian  Historical  {Society,  vol.  i.?  1917. 


344  JOHN   ROBINSON 

next  after  Millington,  to  the   agreement  to  form  a 
"  Classis  "  or  "  Classical  Presbytery  "  for  Nottingham. 

Charles  White  fell  in  with  the  Presbyterian  system 
of  Church  order  as  then  adopted  in  England,  and  not 
with  the  Congregational  way.  He  was  one  of  those 
Presbyterians  who  were  disappointed  at  the  outcome 
of  the  war  on  the  practical  side,  and  at  the  breakdown 
of  Parliamentary  government.  He  came  to  feel  that 
the  best  hope  for  settled  peace  in  England  lay  in  the 
restoration  of  the  King  and  the  summons  of  a  Parlia- 
ment free  from  the  domination  of  the  Army.  When 
Sir  George  Booth  made  his  premature  rising  on  behalf 
of  Charles  II  in  Cheshire,  White,  according  to  Mrs. 
Hutchinson,  "thinking  he  could  sway  the  scales  of 
the  country,  raised  a  troop,  brought  them  into  Derby, 
and  published  a  declaration  of  his  own  for  the  King." 

His  action  created  such  a  stir  that  the  day  was  long 
known  in  Derbyshire  as  White- Friday.  It  was  an 
abortive  movement,  and  brought  him  and  his  friends 
into  serious  danger.  Those  implicated  were  sum- 
moned to  appear  before  the  County  Committee  of 
Notts,  on  November  26,  1659,  or  in  ten  days  there- 
after. On  December  5  the  Committee  returned  the 
name  of  Colonel  Charles  White  amongst  those  who  did 
not  appear,  but  there  was  a  reason,  "  Col.  White, 
we  hear,  is  prisoner  at  the  Gatehouse,  Westminster."  x 
Already,  in  October,  information  had  been  sent  up 
as  to  some  of  White's  possessions :  he  "  rented  a  coal 
delph  of  the  Earl  of  Rutland  .  .  .  there  are  many  coals 
on  the  bank  which  winter  will  prevent  the  carrying 
away  of."  2     His  property  was  to  be  sequestered. 

But  meanwhile  the  tide  of  popular  feeling  was  fast 
turning.  White  had  only  anticipated  by  a  few  months 
a  general  movement  throughout  the  country.  The 
power  of  the  old  Parliamentary  party  was  crumbling 
away.  It  had  done  its  work,  and  lost  favour  the  longer 
it  now  clung  to  office.     A  letter3  from  Major  James 

1  Calendar  of  the  Proceedings  of  the  Committee  for  Compounding,  ed.  by  M.  A. 
Green,  p.  769. 

2  Ibid,,  Letter  of  James  Fulwood,  October  7, 1659,  p.  756.        3  (bid,,  p.  773, 


ROBINSON'S   NEPHEW  345 

Fulwood,  one  of  the  County  Commissioners  for  Derby, 
dated  January  14,  1659-60,  shows  how  things  were 
going  in  that  locality.  He  reports  that  Colonel 
Thomas  Sanders,  who  had  been  an  eye-witness  of 
White's  "  rebellion  "  in  Derby,  had  actually  given 
power  to  Captain  Greenwood  and  Captain  Samuel 
Doughty  to  secure  all  the  arms  of  the  county  and 
send  the  soldiers  home,  which  left  the  Parliamentary 
Commissioners  bereft  of  authority.  He  goes  on  to 
say  that  both  Greenwood  and  Doughty — 

44  were  notorious  in  the  rebellion  raised  by  Col.  White  at 
Derby  .  .  .  where  there  were  cries  for  a  king  and  for  a  free 
Parliament  and  for  the  Cheshire  Declaration  .  .  .  that  Col. 
Sanders  should  give  such  power  to  these  men  has  discouraged 
many  that  were  faithful  to  Parliament." 

At  the  Restoration,  according  to  Mrs.  Hutchinson, 
White  "  was  rewarded  for  his  revolt  with  an  office, 
which  he  enjoyed  not  many  months,  his  wife  and  he 
and  some  of  his  children  dying  altogether  in  a  few 
days  of  a  fever  little  less  than  a  plague."  He  died  in 
1661,  and  was  buried  at  Greasley. 

So  ended  the  life  of  Bridget  Robinson's  militant 
nephew — a  man  ready  to  strike  a  blow  for  civil  and 
religious  liberty,  ready  to  adventure  his  life  for  what 
he  esteemed  a  worthy  cause. 

If  we  turn  from  "  Notts,  and  Derby  "  to  the  neigh- 
bouring shire  of  Lincoln,  we  there  find  a  nephew  of 
John  Robinson  taking  an  equally  prominent  part  on 
the  Parliamentary  side  in  the  Civil  War.  Mary 
Robinson,  sister  of  the  pastor  of  the  Pilgrim  Church, 
married  William  Peart.  Peart  evidently  won  the 
affection  and  confidence  of  the  Robinson  family. 
Old  John  Robinson,  the  father  of  the  Leyden  pastor, 
appointed  him  "  overseer  "  of  his  will.  His  widow, 
Ann  Robinson,  in  the  absence  of  her  eldest  son  in 
Holland,  made  her  son-in-law  Peart  her  executor. 
This  was  in  1616,  and  already  there  was  a  brave  little 
family  of  grandchildren,  for  she  left  to  every  one  of 
Peart's  four  sons,  ■"  William,  Thomas,  Originall,  and 
John  Pearte  everye  of  them  the  some  of  xxs."   • 


346  JOHN   ROBINSON 

The  surname  Peart  is  itself  unusual,  and  conjoined 
with  Original  it  makes  a  singular  combination.  This 
lad  made  his  way  in  the  world.  He  was  apprenticed 
in  the  summer  of  1620,  at  the  age  of  fifteen,  in  Lincoln. 
When  his  seven  years'  apprenticeship  was  over  in 
1627  he  married. 

The  clerk  put  him  down  as  prosaic  "  Reginald  ': 
in  the  licence — it  was  the  best  he  could  make  of 
Original.  In  1640  he  was  Sheriff,  and  went  out  in  his 
official  capacity  to  meet  King  Charles  on  his  visit  to 
Lincoln.  Unfortunately  the  minutes  of  the  Lincoln 
Corporation  are  missing  for  the  Commonwealth 
period,  so  the  materials  for  a  full-length  portrait  of 
Peart  are  lacking.  He  held  a  commission  as  "  Cap- 
tain "  in  the  army  under  Fairfax,  and  saw  service 
with  Cromwell  in  the  north  in  1648.  During  his 
absence  there  was  a  Royalist  raid  on  Lincoln.  Edward 
Reyner  of  St.  Peter  at  Arches,  appointed  Corporation 
Lecturer  in  1627,  a  post  once  held  by  John  Smith, 
was  attacked  in  this  raid,  and  Peart's  house,  in 
the  parish  of  St.  Peter  at  Gowts,  was  wrecked.  He 
received  a  grant  from  Parliament  in  compensation 
out  of  moneys  derived  from  the  sale  of  Bishop's  lands, 
and  built  himself  "  a  delicate  fine  house,  which  cost 
him  about  £900."  The  citizens  chose  him  as  Mayor 
for  1650-51,  and  he  represented  Lincoln  both  in  the 
"  Short  Parliament  "  (September  3,  1654- January  27, 
1655);  and  in  the  second  Parliament  of  the  Pro- 
tectorate (1656-58).  After  the  Restoration  and  the 
return  of  a  Bishop  to  the  See  of  Lincoln  he  was  soon 
turned  out  of  his  house.  He  is  said  to  have  inter- 
ceded successfully  with  Cromwell  for  the  preservation 
of  the  magnificent  Lincoln  Cathedral,  in  which  the 
citizens  took  a  just  pride. 

These  examples  from  amongst  the  kinsfolk  of  John 
Robinson  of  the  second  generation  show  us  how  the 
ideals  that  stirred  the  minds  of  Englishmen  in  his  day 
lived  on  and  worked  themselves  out.  A  study  of 
the  family  history  of  those  prominent  in  the  strife 


RELIGION  THE   DRIVING   FORCE      347 

between  Crown  and  Parliament  goes  to  show  that  the 
causes  of  the  struggle  were  of  no  sudden  growth. 
The  principles  inculcated  in  the  Puritan  households 
of  England  in  the  days  of  Elizabeth  and  James  came 
to  fruition  in  the  time  of  the  Long  Parliament. 
Through  much  striving  and  blood  and  tears  those 
principles  were  at  length  recognized  and  embodied 
in  the  working  constitution  of  the  country.  The 
leaven  had  long  been  at  work  in  silence.  There  were 
those  who  thought  the  principles  of  absolutism  in 
politics  and  religion  were  going  to  be  a  success  in 
England.  William  Laud  had  spent  his  tireless  energy 
in  compelling  the  clergy  to  toe  his  own  special  ecclesi- 
astical mark.  Outwardly  he  got  things  in  some 
measure  to  his  satisfaction.  Open  opposition  seemed 
to  die  down.  But  nothing  convicts  Laud  more  com- 
pletely with  narrowness  of  vision  than  the  fact  that 
he  mistook  the  lull  before  the  storm  as  evidence  of 
the  triumph  of  his  policy  of  repression.  Sincere  and 
devout  though  he  was,  yet  he  was  incapable  of 
recognizing  the  intensity  of  religious  conviction  in 
those  who  could  not  keep  step  with  him  in  matters  of 
ritual  and  doctrine.  In  the  great  Civil  War  in  Eng- 
land, by  means  of  which  great  constitutional  issues 
were  decided,  the  driving  force  in  the  conflict  was 
religion.  The  ideals  and  principles,  drawn  out  into 
definite  shape  by  such  men  as  Robinson,  in  regard  to 
the  rights  of  the  individual  Christian,  "  the  visible 
saints  "  in  the  Church,  reacted  upon  the  current  ideas 
of  the  rights  and  privileges  of  the  citizen  in  the  State, 
and  gave  the  stiffening  for  the  struggle. 


CHAPTER  XXIX 

THE    FORTUNES    OF    THE    ROBINSON    FAMILY    AND    THE 

AFTER-HISTORY       OF       THE       PILGRIM       CHURCH A 

PARALLEL    RELIGIOUS    DEVELOPMENT    IN    OLD    AND 
NEW  ENGLAND 

Of  the  members  of  Robinson's  own  family  we  have 
but  little  information  beyond  what  has  already  been 
given  in  these  pages.  In  a  paper  on  "  The  Descend- 
ants of  the  Rev.  John  Robinson,"  by  William 
Allen,  D.D.,  prefixed  to  Ashton's  reprint  of  Robin- 
son's Works,  it  is  said  that  his  eldest  son  John  "  settled 
at  or  near  Cape  Ann,  and  had  a  son  Abraham,  who 
died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  two."  This, 
though  often  repeated,  has  not  been  substantiated. 
And  as  John  Robinson  junior  matriculated  at 
Leyden,  April  5,  1633,  the  statement  that  he  came 
"  to  Plymouth,  Mass.,  in  1630,"  x  can  hardly  be  correct. 

Ann,  the  eldest  of  Robinson's  children,  seems  to 
have  married  into  a  Dutch  family. 

Bridget,  born  in  1608,  the  year  of  migration  to 
Holland,  was  twice  married — 

(a)  First,  to  John  Greenwood,  born  in  London  about 
1605.  He  matriculated  at  Leyden  University  in 
philosophy  July  9,  1625,  at  which  time  he  boarded 
with  John  Keble,  and  thither  also  he  took  his  young 
bride  after  the  wedding,  on  May  26,  1629,  for  he  was 
still  living  in  Keble's  house  when,  on  May  22,  1634, 
he  matriculated  in  theology  at  the  University,  giving 
his  age  then  as  twenty-eight.  Before  long,  however, 
he  died,  and  his  young  widow  married — 

(b)  William  Lee  of  Amsterdam  on  July  25,  1637. 

*  The  Robinson  Family,  New  York,  1902,  Paper  by  W.  A.  Robinson,  p.  29, 

348 


ISAAC   ROBINSON  349 

The  next  in  age  in  John  Robinson's  family  was 
Isaac,  born  in  1610.  Of  him  more  is  known,  for  he 
crossed  over,  when  he  came  of  age,  to  Massachusetts 
in  the  good  ship  Lion  in  the  year  1631,  and  then  made 
his  way  to  the  Plymouth  colony  to  the  old  friends  of 
his  father.  He  did  not  take  a  very  prominent  part  in 
colonial  affairs.  He  was  busied  in  making  his  foot- 
ing good  in  the  New  World,  and  when  that  was  done 
he  married,  in  1636,  Margaret  Hanford.  On  her 
death,  after  bearing  him  five  children,  he  married  a 
second  wife  in  1649,  who  bore  him  other  four.  It 
is  his  descendants  who  carry  on  the  line  of  the  Pilgrim 
Pastor  in  New  England.  He  settled  first  at  Scituate, 
where  in  1633  he  was  on  the  list  of  freemen.  In  1639 
he  removed  to  Barnstable.  It  is  of  interest  to  note 
that  Isaac  Robinson  moved  on  to  the  Quaker  position 
in  religion.  When  the  Quakers  turned  their  attention 
to  New  England  as  a  field  for  missionary  enterprise, 
in  1656,  they  found  Plymouth  more  congenial  ground 
for  their  message  than  Massachusetts.  The  tradition 
of  the  place  was  in  their  favour.  The  mother  Church 
had  long  been  served  by  the  ministration  of  laymen, 
and  the  members  were  encouraged  to  exercise  their 
gifts.  There  was  not  quite  the  same  view  of  the 
ministry  as  an  exclusive  and  peculiar  class  which 
prevailed  in  the  Puritan  colonies.  Writing  to  Mar- 
garet Fell  from  Barbadoes  in  1657  Henry  Fell  says, 
"  In  Plimouth  patent  there  is  a  people  not  soe  ridged 
as  the  others  of  Boston,  and  there  are  great  desires 
among  them  after  the  Truth."  Indeed  there  had 
already  been  "  a  crying  downe  of  minnestry  and  min- 
nesters  "  in  Plymouth  Colony.1  But  having  said  this, 
we  must  not  suppose  that  the  Quakers,  with  their  then 
extravagant  methods,  were  welcome  visitors.  Indeed 
"  the  General  Court "  of  the  colony,  in  order  to  stem 
the  tide  of  Quakerism,  appointed  in  1659  Isaac  Robin- 
son, J.  Smith,  J.  Chipman  and  J.  Cooke  to  attend  the 
Quakers'  meetings,  "  to  endeavour  to  reduce  them 
from  the  error  of  their  ways."     It  was  a  good  thing 

1  Colony  Records,  vol.  ii.  p.  156. 


350  JOHN   ROBINSON 

to  put  the  son  of  their  old  pastor  on  to  the  deputa- 
tion. He,  if  any  one,  ought  to  be  well  grounded  in 
their  principles.  Besides,  he  was  a  solid  sort  of  man, 
who  had  served  the  Governor  twice  as  Assistant,  and 
would  not  easily  be  rattled.  The  upshot,  however, 
was  that  Robinson  himself  was  "  convinced  "  of 
"  truth,"  and  became  a  member  of  the  Society  of 
Friends.  He,  like  his  father,  was  ready  to  suffer  for 
his  convictions.  He  and  Cud  worth,  the  "  assistant  " 
from  Scituate,  where  Timothy  Hatherley,  one  of  the 
original  London  Adventurers  for  the  colony,  had  also 
joined  the  Quakers,  were  left  out  of  office  and  dis- 
franchised. Under  the  governorship  of  the  Hon. 
Josias  Winslow  (elected  June  3,  1673)  their  rights 
as  "  freemen  "  were  given  back  to  them. 

Isaac  Robinson,  with  thirteen  other  colonists, 
founded  the  town  of  Falmouth,  in  Plymouth  Colony, 
and  took  the  lead  in  a  small  Quaker  meeting  in  that 
place.1  He  lived  to  a  great  age.  Prince,  who  was  born 
at  Sandwich,  New  England,  in  1687,  remembered  him 
as  "  a  venerable  man,"  whom  he  had  often  seen. 
When  Judge  Sewell  was  on  circuit  in  the  old  colony  in 
1702,  he  visited  Isaac,  and  made  the  following  entry 
in  his  Journal  under  date  April  4 — 

"Visit  Master  Robinson,  who  saith  he  is  92  years  old; 
is  the  son  of  Master  Robinson,  Pastor  of  the  Church  of 
Leyden,  part  of  which  came  to  Plymouth.  But,  to  my  dis- 
appointment, he  came  not  to  New  England  till  the  year  in 
which  Master  Wilson  was  returning  to  England  after  the 
settlement  of  Boston. 

"  I  told  him  [I]  was  very  desirous  to  see  him,  for  his  father's 
sake  and  his  own.  Gave  him  an  Arabian  piece  of  gold,  to 
buy  a  book  for  some  of  his  grandchildren."  2 

That  is  the  last  picture  we  have  of  him — the  aged 
grandfather  with  the  little  ones  about  him.  Did  no 
one  think  it  worth  while  to  gather  his  reminiscences 
of  the   life   at   Leyden   and   his   recollections   of  his 

1  For  these  details  I  am  mainly  indebted  to  an  excellent  work  by  Rnfus 
M.  Jones,  Quakers  in  the  American  Colonies,  pp.  60-64. 

2  Quoted  in  Arber's  Pilgrim  Fathers,  p.  160. 


DESCENDANTS  351 

father?  Isaac  Robinson  died  at  Barnstable,  full  of 
years  and  honour. 

The  next  child,  Mercy  Robinson,  ten  years  old  at 
the  census  of  1622,  was  probably  the  child  of  Robinson 
buried  in  1623.  Of  her  younger  sister  Fear  more  can  be 
said,  thanks  to  the  researches  of  Dr.  Dexter  and  his  son. 

Fear  Robinson,  born  in  1614,  remained  in  Leyden 
for  life.  She  was  in  no  hurry  to  marry,  and  would 
be  a  help  and  comfort  to  her  mother  during  her  widow- 
hood. At  last,  on  August  21,  1648,  she  was  betrothed 
to  John  Jennings  the  younger,  a  wool-comber  by 
trade,  whose  father,  of  the  same  name,  had  been  con- 
nected with  the  congregation  from  its  earliest  days 
in  Leyden.  The  witnesses  at  the  betrothal  were  Elias 
Arnold,  a  watchmaker,  and  Rose  Jennings.  The 
marriage  of  John  and  Fear  took  place  on  September  8. 
For  sixteen  years  they  lived  together,  then  John 
Jennings  fell  ill.  He  drew  up  his  will,  December  1, 
1664,  a  necessary  act,  as  he  was  leaving  three  little 
children  behind.  Six  days  later  his  body  was  carried 
out  from  his  house  on  Molesteeg  for  burial  in  St.  Peter's 
Church. 

Fear  Jennings  was  not  left  altogether  unprovided 
for,  and  by  the  death  of  Rose  Jennings,  her  mother- 
in-law,  in  1668,  further  property  came  to  her  in  right 
of  her  husband,  in  the  shape  of  a  house  on  Coepoorts- 
gracht.  Having  inherited  this  property,  she  in  turn 
made  a  will,  March  20,  1669,  and  added  a  codicil  in 
the  following  January.  Before  May  31,  1670,  she 
was  dead,  and  on  that  date  the  guardians  of  her  three 
children,  still  under  age,  sold  her  house  for  3790 
gilders.  It  is  noteworthy  that  John  Butterfield,  one 
of  the  English  colony  in  Leyden,  was  the  purchaser. 

James,  or  Jacob,  Robinson  (the  name  was  recorded 
as  "Jacobus"),  the  youngest  surviving  son,  barely 
lived  to  man's  estate.  He  died  in  May  1638,  and  was 
buried  from  Engelschepoort  on  the  26th  of  that 
month  in  St.  Peter's. 

Bridget  Robinson  still  lived  on  in  the  Pieterskerkhof, 
where  her  husband  had  spent  the  best  years  of  his 


352  JOHN  ROBINSON 

life.  She  was  there  in  1635,  ten  years  after  John 
Robinson's  death.  The  last  notice  of  her  recorded  by 
Dexter  is  as  a  witness  at  the  betrothal  of  George 
Materse6  to  Elizabeth  Loder,  April  6,  1640.  She 
spent  her  declining  years  with  her  kinsfolk  in  the  fair 
city  of  Holland  which  had  given  them  asylum  in 
earlier  days.  Only  within  the  last  few  weeks,  through 
the  diligent  research  of  Professor  Eckhof,  her  Will 
has  come  to  light. 

The  indications  are  that  she  remained  in  Holland 
and  identified  herself  more  and  more  with  the  Dutch 
Church,  as  her  husband's  Church  departed  from  his 
liberal  principles,  and  became  too  weak  to  sustain 
a  regular  pastorate.  In  a  work  on  the  Sum  of 
the  Controversies  of  Religion,  issued  in  1658,  by 
John  Hoornbeck,  a  professor  at  Leyden  University, 
it  is  recorded  that  after  Robinson's  death  "  conten- 
tion and  schism  having  arisen  in  his  congregation 
about  communion  with  the  Anglican  Church  in  hear- 
ing the  word,  his  widow,  children,  and  the  rest  of  his 
kindred  and  friends  were  received  into  the  communion 
of  our  Church."  x  We  may  be  sure  that  at  times  her 
thoughts  would  go  back  to  the  old  homestead  at 
Sturton,  the  green  fields  of  Fenton,  the  flowing  waters  of 
the  Oswald  Beck,  running  down  to  the  river  of  Trent, 
and  to  the  scenes  amidst  which  her  girlhood  was  spent. 

Of  John  Robinson's  younger  brother  William,  and 
of  his  younger  sister,  who  married  Roger  Lawson,  I 
can  get  no  further  information  than  that  contained 
in  the  wills  of  their  father  and  mother.  The  Christian 
name  of  William  Robinson's  wife  was  Ellen,  and  by 
1612  they  had  a  family,  for  old  John  Robinson  in  that 
year  left  "  to  everie  of  their  children  xxs."  I  do  not 
think  he  remained  in  Sturton.  As  a  younger  son  he 
went  out  into  the  world,  possibly  to  Hull  or  Gains- 
borough.    Hunter  pointed  out  2  that  "  in  the  reign 

1  Oborta  in  ccetu  contentione  et  schismate  super  communione  cum  Ecclesia 
Anglicana  in  auditione  verbi  D.  Robinsoni  vidua,  liberi,  reliquique  propinqui 
et  amici  in  communionem  ecclesia?  nostra?  recepti  fuerunt.  Summa  Contro- 
versiarum  Religionis,  1658,  p.  42. 

8  Collections  Concerning  the  Founders  of  New  Plymouth,  1854,  p.  93. 


ROBINSONS   AT   GAINSBOROUGH       S5$ 

of  Charles  II  Robinsons  were  chief  persons  among 
the  Dissenters  "  in  the  latter  town.  Possibly  further 
research  may  establish  some  connexion  between  these 
Robinsons  and  the  family  from  which  the  pastor  of  the 
Pilgrims  sprang;  but  to  identify  with  certainty  one 
bearing  the  designation  William  Robinson  is  only  a 
degree  less  difficult  than  the  identification  of  any 
particular  John  Smith. 

No  doubt  there  were  those  in  the  Gainsborough, 
Sturton,  Retford  and  Worksop  district  who  treasured 
the  memory  of  John  Smith  and  John  Robinson  after 
their  removal  into  Holland,  and  continued  to  act  on 
their  principles.  When  Hanserd  Knollys  held  the  post 
of  usher,  from  1625  to  1629,  in  the  Gainsborough 
Grammar  School,  he  became  acquainted  with  one  of 
these  "  Separatists,"  and  sometimes  resorted  to  his 
house  to  hear  him  expound  and  preach.  The  fact  that 
these  house -meetings  were  open  to  an  outsider  indi- 
cates that  there  was  a  group  of  religious  folk  in  the 
place  holding  kindred  views  with  those  of  Smith  and 
Robinson,  the  originators  and  leaders  of  the  Separatist 
movement  in  the  locality. 

When  the  era  of  toleration  came  a  General  Baptist 
Church  sprang  into  being  at  Retford,  embodying  some 
of  the  principles  advocated  by  John  Smith.  At 
Gainsborough  the  Dissenters  met  in  the  house  of 
Matthew  Coats,  when  the  brief  Indulgence  of  1672 
gave  them  liberty  to  gather  together.  After  the 
Toleration  Act  was  passed,  they  felt  free  to  set  their 
Church  affairs  in  order  and  build  a  chapel.  This 
Church  has  continued  down  to  the  present  time,  its 
direct  representative  to-day  being  the  Unitarian  con- 
gregation in  Gainsborough.  Among  the  records  of 
this  congregation  is  an  interesting  document  1  giving 
a  list  of  preachers  and  the  fees  paid  to  them  for  the 
period  Dec.  1698  to  May  1700,  when  Ambrose  Rudsdell 

1  A  facsimile  of  this  document  is  given  by  Rev.  W.  R.  Clark-Lewis  in  his 
Foundation  and  History  of  Beaumont  Street  Church,  Gainsborough,  1912.  I 
have  consulted  the  original.  Through  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Lewis  we  are  able 
to  reproduce  it  here. 


354  JOHN   ROBINSON 

settled  as  pastor,  and  a  list  of  contributors  to  the 
expenses .  The  name  of  "  Mr.  Quip  " 1  occurs  more  than 
once  among  the  former.  No  doubt  he  was  a  descend- 
ant of  the  Quipps  beneficed  at  Sturton,  Littleborough 
and  Leverton  in  the  days  of  John  Robinson.  Amongst 
the  contributors  the  names  of  "  Robisson "  and 
"  Hopkinson  "  are  prominent,  while  a  payment  ap- 
pears to  "  Thomas  Robinson,  4  Nights'  Grass  1-4," 
for  grazing  the  horse  of  the  preacher. 

The  Hopkinson  family,  which  was  closely  associated 
with  the  parish  of  Sturton,2  presented  this  congregation 
with  two  silver  chalices,  which  bear  the  inscriptions — 
H 

E         A      and      E.H. 

1697 

The  latter  has  the  London  date -letter  of  1709-10, 
the  initials  being  those  of  Elizabeth  Hopkinson.  The 
trust  deed  (dated  July  12, 1701)  of  the  building  "  lately 
erected  in  a  place  called  the  Ratten  Row  in  Ganes- 
burgh  aforesaid,  now  used  and  intended  to  be  used 
as  a  Chappell  or  meeting-house  as  by  the  lawes  of  this 
kingdom  the  same  is  now  permitted  and  authorized," 
indicates  that  the  congregation  was  of  that  broad 
inclusive  spirit  which  John  Robinson  exemplified  in 
his  later  years.  Using  the  current  nomenclature  of  the 
time  for  the  English  Nonconformists,  the  deed  sets 
apart  the  building  "  for  such  Protestant  Dissenters, 

1  This  was  William  Quipp,  who  was  minister  of  Newton-on-Trent  in  1664. 
He  was  constantly  in  hot  water  with  his  Bishop  for  nonconformity.  He 
was  articled  against  for  officiating  in  the  churches  of  Marton  and  Torksey 
without  a  licence.  In  1673  and  1679  he  was  articled  against  for  non-observance 
of  certain  rubrics,  and  in  1685  "  as  a  revolter  from  the  doctrine  and  discipline 
of  the  Church  of  England."  The  Register  of  Marton,  under  date  December 
10,  1707,  has  the  entry  of  the  burial  of  "  Mr-  Wm.  Quipp,  Minister."  Palmer's 
Nonconformist's  Memorial,  London,  1775,  vol.  ii.  p.  166,  and  letter  from  Mr. 
A.  R.  Corns,  City  Librarian  of  Lincoln,  penes  me,  September  3,  1919. 

2  Humphrey  Hopkinson,  son  of  John  Hopkinson,  dwelt  in  a  messuage 
adjoining  the  east  side  of  Sturton  churchyard  in  1655.  His  father's  will 
was  executed  April  1,  1652.  Notts.  County  Records,  Copnall,  p.  62,  and 
information  from  Mr.  S.  Ingham.  Sarah  Leggatt,  widow,  by  will  in  1730  left 
part  of  the  rent  of  a  close  of  land  in  Morton  for  the  support  of  a  "  preacher 
or  teacher  "  of  this  Gainsborough  congregation,  Transactions  of  the  Unitarian 
Historical  Society,  Dec.  1919,  p.  21.  Any  connexion  with  the  family  into 
which  Catherine  Carver  married  ? 


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A   LIST   OF  PREACHERS    TO   THE   GAINSBOROUGH   PROTESTANT   DISSENTERS    1698-1700. 


ROBINSONS   AT   GAINSBOROUGH       355 

persons  or  people  to  meet,  assemble  and  worshipp 
God  in  or  [  ?  as  are]  distinguished  or  goe  under  the 
names  of  Congregationall  Independents  or  Presby- 
terians " ;  which  means  that  the  Congregation  assented 
to  the  "  Happy  Union "  of  the  Congregational  and 
Presbyterian  sections  of  Dissent  which  took  place 
after  the  Toleration  Act.  This  union  persisted  longer 
in  the  country  than  in  London,  where  it  was  first 
mooted.  Amongst  the  trustees  we  find  Francis  Hop- 
kinson,  mercer,  and  Nathaniel  Robinson,  mercer,  both 
of  "  Ganesburgh." 

Francis  Hopkinson  left  a  bequest  to  this  congre- 
gation on  his  death  in  1728,  and  it  is  noteworthy  that 
he  did  not  forget  the  old  association  of  his  family  with 
Sturton  and  its  neighbourhood,  for  he  founded  a 
charity  there  to  provide  clothing  for  the  poor,  which 
still  continues  its  beneficent  work.  Elizabeth  Hopkin- 
son, his  widow,  was  also  a  benefactor  to  this  con- 
gregation. "  Nathaniel  Robinson,  Senior,"  was 
described  on  his  tombstone  as  "wholesale  mercer  in 
Gainsburgh."  He  died  January  31,  1730,  aged  fifty- 
nine;  Mary,  his  wife,  died  June  11,  1743,  aged  sixty- 
seven  years.  It  remains  for  some  local  antiquary  to 
discover  whether  or  no  he  was  a  descendant  of  William 
Robinson  of  Sturton  or  any  connexion  of  the  family 
from  which  our  John  Robinson  was  derived.1 

To  exemplify  the  persistence  of  a  deep  concern  for 
civil  and  religious  liberty  in  the  same  families  through 
several  generations,  I  may  instance  a  document  pre- 
served amongst  the  papers  of  the  Earl  of  Ancaster 
relating  to  the  stir  caused  by  the  Jacobite  rebellion 
of  1745,  when  the  work  of  the  "  Glorious  Revolution," 
as  the  Whigs  termed  it,  seemed  to  be  endangered. 
On  October  1,  1745,  a  "general  and  numerous  "  meet- 
ing was  held  at  Lincoln  Castle,  a  loyal  address  voted 
to  the  King  and  a  resolve  made  to  raise  "  A  Voluntary 

1  There  is  in  Gainsborough  a  "John  Robinson  Memorial  Church,"  but 
its  association  with  Robinson's  name  is  simply  a  matter  of  sentiment,  as 
the  congregation  for  which  it  was  built  only  came  into  being  during  the 
Evangelical  Revival  of  the  eighteenth  century.  It  was  opened  on  June  11, 
1902,  by  the  Hon.  Francis  T.  Bayard,  the  United  States  Ambassador. 


356  JOHN   ROBINSON 

Subscription  for  the  security  of  his  Majesty's  person 
and  Government  and  for  the  payment  of  such  forces 
as  shall  be  raised  within  the  county  of  Lincoln." 
Among  the  contributors  are  the  names  of  several 
families  whose  interests  had  been  enlisted  on  the  side 
of  progress  and  reform  from  the  days  of  Elizabeth  and 
James  and  the  period  in  which  John  Robinson  lived 
and  wrote,  e.  g. — 

"  John  Peck,  £15. 
John  Robinson,  £15. 
Joshua  Peart,2  £10. 
Cranwell  Coats,  £25. 
J.  Crompton,  £25. 
Benjn.  Bromhead,  £20. 
NathL  Robinson,  £10  10s. 
F.  Flower,  £50. 
Fitz.  White,  £21. 
Jonathan  Rudsdell,  £10. 
John  Baxter,  £4  4s. 
John  Smith,  £10. 
Jno.  Disney,  £80." 

The  history  of  Robinson's  Church  at  Leyden  after 
his  death  is  obscure.  The  remnant  of  his  congregation 
evidently  held  together  for  some  years,  but  they  were 
never  able  to  appoint  another  minister.  With  the 
removal  of  many  of  the  members  to  Plymouth  in  New 
England  the  Leyden  Church  was  greatly  weakened, 
and  by  the  year  1634  its  roll  of  members  was  reduced 
to  a  fifth  of  what  it  had  been  in  Robinson's  time. 
Moreover,  on  the  withdrawal  of  Robinson's  moderat- 
ing influence  differences  had  broken  out  amongst 
the  members  themselves,  leading  to  a  "  breach."  The 
occasion  of  this  "  rent  in  the  Church  "  is  explained 
by  the  "  printers  "  of  Robinson's  treatise  on  the 
Lawfulness  of  Hearing  Ministers  in  the  Church  of 
England,  which  they  issued  in  1634.  They  tell  us 
that  "  some,  though  not  many,  were  contrary  minded  " 

1  Hist.  MSS.  Com.,  Report  on  MSS.  of  the  Earl  of  Ancaster,  1917,  pp.  444-5. 

2  As  late  as  October  23,  1783,  I  notice  Edward  Peart,  from  the  county  of 
Lincoln,  graduated  at  Leyden. 


LATER  HISTORY   OF  HIS   CHURCH    357 

to  Robinson's  judgment  on  this  point.  While  "  their 
chief  if  not  their  only  teacher  "  adhered  to  the  opinion 
of  their  late  pastor,  some  "  four  or  five  men  "  in  the 
congregation  leaned  to  the  stringency  observed  by 
the  Amsterdam  Separatists.  When  they  heard  that 
two  of  their  fellow-members  in  the  Leyden  Church  had 
on  occasion  "  heard  some  of  the  ministers  in  England 
preach  "  they  demanded  that  the  Church  should 
straightway  deal  with  them  "  as  for  sin,"  and  if  they 
did  not  repent,  after  the  admonition  of  the  Church, 
that  the  delinquents  should  be  excommunicated.  The 
majority  in  the  Church  were  so  far  true  to  the  tradi- 
tion set  by  Robinson  that  they  were  "  not  willing  to 
consent  "  to  this  drastic  procedure.  Accordingly  the 
minority  who  stood  out  for  the  stiff er  course  withdrew, 
made  a  "  rent  in  the  Church,"  and  apparently  joined 
themselves  to  the  Separatist  Church  at  Amsterdam. 
We  soon  find  John  Canne,  the  minister  of  that  Church, 
taking  up  his  pen  in  defence  of  the  position  held  by 
these  seceders  from  Leyden,  and  in  opposition  to  the 
treatise  in  which  Robinson  argued  that  hearing  the 
sermons  of  godly  Anglican  divines  was  on  occasion 
quite  permissible.  His  Stay  against  Straying  put 
a  ban  upon  all  attendance  at  the  services  or  sermons 
in  the  Anglican  Church. 

Samuel  Gorton  has  a  singular  reference  to  the 
relations  between  the  "  Church  in  Holland  "  and  the 
"  Church  at  Plimouth  "  about  the  year  1636.  He  was 
mistaken  in  regarding  the  Church  in  Holland  to  which 
he  refers  as  the  "mother"  of  the  Plymouth  Church, 
for  the  incident  he  relates  evidently  concerned  the 
Amsterdam  Church — high,  dry  and  rigid ;  but  it  shows 
the  disfavour  which  the  Leyden -Plymouth  Church  had 
drawn  upon  itself  in  the  eyes  of  the  strict  Separatists 
on  account  of  the  more  liberal  spirit  and  practice  it 
had  displayed,  in  accordance  with  the  example  of  its 
beloved  pastor  in  his  later  years.  We  have  a  glimpse 
here,  too,  of  the  kindly  William  Brewster  interpreting 
the  matter  in  the  better  part  and  dealing  skilfully 
with  a  difficult  situation. 


358  JOHN   ROBINSON 

This  is  what  Gorton  wrote,  in  1669,  to  Nathaniel 
Morton,  the  historian  of  New  England — 

"  I  would  say  some  thing  of  the  foundation  of  your  Church 
at  Plimouth  if  I  thought  it  were  not  a  matter  too  low  to  talke 
of,  for  when  suit  was  made  to  the  Church  in  Holland,  out  of 
which  your  Church  came,  to  procure  a  dismission  of  a  sister 
there  to  the  Church  of  Plimouth,  though  the  Gentlewoman 
vpon  ocation  had  bin  in  New  England  diuers  yeares  :  yet  a 
dismission  would  not  be  granted.  Their  preaching  minister 
then  with  them,  I  knew  to  be  a  godly  man  and  was  familiarly 
acquainted  with  him  now  aboue  half  e  a  hundred  yeares  agoe, 
in  Gorton  [Lancashire]  where  I  was  born  and  bred  and  the 
fathers  of  my  body  for  many  generations.  .  .  .  The  ruling 
Elders  when  this  dismission  was  earnestly  sought  for,  as  I 
take  it,  were  frenchmen  [Jean  de  PEcluse]  zealously  affected, 
the  Church  vnanimously  being  against  a  dismission,  the 
Elders  gave  this  ground  and  reason,  that  they  could  not  dis- 
misse  their  sister  to  the  Church  of  Plimouth  in  New  England 
because  it  consisted  of  an  Apostatized  people  fallen  from  the 
faith  of  the  Gospell ;  and  when,  through  much  importunitie, 
a  writing  was  procured,  properly  of  advice  to  their  Sister 
how  to  carry  her  selfe  among  them,  being  already  married 
there,  her  husband  being  the  Solicitor  [i.  e.  the  one  who 
desired  the  dismission]  whom  you  know  I  need  not  to  name. 
And  I  thinke  you  know  after  what  manner  the  writing  was 
read  in  your  Church  by  your  ancient  Elder — part  concealed 
and  part  expounded  to  the  best.  If  you  know  not  I  doe 
for  I  was  then  present." 

To  be  stigmatized  as  an  Apostate  Church  was  to 
be  ranked  about  on  the  same  level,  thought  Gorton, 
as  that  on  which  the  Plymouth  people  would  place 
the  Church  of  Rome.  Though  this  testimony  is 
evidence  of  the  singular  strictness  of  the  Church  of 
refugee  English  Separatists  in  Amsterdam,  it  is  at 
the  same  time  testimony  to  the  more  liberal  spirit 
of  the  first  Church  in  Plymouth,  New  England. 

The  lack  of  regular  pastoral  oversight  told  heavily 
against  the  already  diminished  Church  at  Leyden,  and 
the  stream  of  refugees  from  England  with  which  it 
had  been  refreshed  in  the  time  of  Robinson  slackened 
as  the  power  of  Laud  began  to  wane,  and  the  fitness  of 


LATER  HISTORY  OF   HIS   CHURCH    359 

New  England  for  permanent  settlement  became  better 
known. 

Nor  did  all  of  those  English  members  of  the  Church 
who  remained  in  Leyden  continue  faithful  to  its 
fellowship.  The  minutes  of  the  Church  Council  of 
St.  Peter's  have  an  entry  under  date  June  17,  1639, 
concerning  an  application  for  membership  from  John 
Masterson,  a  native  of  Henley,  and  his  wife  Catherine 
(Lisle),  and  Stephen  Butterfield  from  Norwich,  who, 
after  earning  his  living  for  a  time  as  a  "  say  weaver," 
had  become  a  bookseller — 

"  John  Meester  and  his  wife,  also  Steven  Butterfield, — 
English,  from  the  congregation  of  the  sainted  Robinson,  com- 
plaining of  a  lack  of  appropriate  exercises  since  his  death, 
so  that  they  cannot  be  edified  in  the  way  they  might  be  were 
they  members  of  some  other  Church  provided  with  a  pastor ; 
request  that  they  may  be  allowed  to  become  members  of  our 
Church. 

"  Their  request  is  granted  by  the  brethren." 

These  two  families  became  absorbed  by  the  Dutch. 
Butterfield  bought  property  in  Leyden  and  settled 
down  as  a  citizen.  He  was  buried  in  St.  Peter's 
December  24,  1652.  Morton  Dexter  gives  references 
to  his  descendants  at  Leyden  down  to  1672. 

As  late  as  1644  there  is  a  reference  to  this  congre- 
gation of  "  Brownisten  "  at  Leyden.  In  that  year 
it  is  recorded  they  took  a  collection  at  their  meeting 
in  Vrowencamp  on  behalf  of  the  Protestants  in 
Ireland  who  had  suffered  at  the  hands  of  the 
"  Papists."  Possibly  the  small  remnant  of  Robin- 
son's Church  met  at  this  time  either  in  the  house  of 
Peter  Wood  or  in  that  of  John  Keble,  both  of  whom 
lived  in  that  part  of  Leyden  and  were  actively  inter- 
ested in  the  affairs  of  the  Church. 

Of  the  Church  at  New  Plymouth  a  more  satisfac- 
tory account  can  be  given.  It  has  had  a  continuous 
existence  down  to  the  present  time,  and  its  story  has 
been  told  by  more  than  one  writer.  The  original 
covenant  of  1606  remains  to-day  as  the  basis  of  its 


360  JOHN  ROBINSON 

fellowship,  but,  in  common  with  many  of  the  old  New 
England  Churches,  in  the  exercise  of  the  liberty 
the  founders  won,  this  Church  has  gone  through  a 
gradual  doctrinal  development  to  the  Unitarian  posi- 
tion, while  preserving  its  continuity.  In  this  respect 
it  affords  a  remarkable  parallel  to  the  old  congrega- 
tion of  Puritan  origin  at  Gainsborough  and  similar 
Churches  of  a  kindred  type  in  Old  England. 

The  Pilgrim  Church  was  admirably  served  by  its 
"  elder,"  William  Brewster,  and  its  deacons,  John 
Carver  and  Samuel  Fuller.  After  the  death  of  the 
latter  there  were  appointed  to  the  deacons'  office 
"  Richard  Masterson  and  Thomas  Blossom,  two  ex- 
perienced saints,  the  former  especially  a  man  of  rare 
abilities,  a  second  Stephen  to  defend  the  truth  against 
gainsayers,  and  one  who  had  expended  most  of  his 
estate  for  the  publick  good."  1 

Brewster  died  on  April  16,  1644,  but  it  was  not  till 
five  years  afterwards  (April  6,  1649)  that  the  Church 
ordained  his  successor  to  the  eldership  in  the  person 
of  Thomas  Cushman.  He  had  come  over  with  his 
father  in  the  Fortune,  and  was  left  in  the  charge  of 
Brewster  and  Bradford  on  his  father's  return.  Robert 
Cushman 's  last  letter  to  the  colony,  written  in  1626, 
is  full  of  manly  and  tender  solicitude  on  behalf  of  his 
son.  He  begs  that  he  may  be  afforded  time  and 
opportunity  for  exercise  in  writing.  The  example 
of  the  father  was  not  lost,  as  the  following  account  by 
John  Cotton  will  show — 

"  After  M>.  Brewster's  decease,  the  church  chose  Mr- 
Thomas  Cushman  as  his  successor  in  the  office  of  ruling 
elder,  son  of  that  faithful  servant  of  Christ,  Mr-  Robert  Cush- 
man, who  had  been  their  chief  agent  in  transacting  all  their 
affairs  in  England  both  before  and  after  their  leaving  of 
Holland  till  the  year  1626.  And  this  his  son  inheriting  the 
same  spirit,  being  competently  qualified  with  gifts  and  graces, 
proved  a  great  blessing  to  this  church,  assisting  Mr-  Reyner 
not  only  in  ruling,  catechising,  visiting,  but  also  in  publick 

1  "  An  Account  of  the  Church  of  Christ  in  Plymouth,  the  first  church  in 
New  England  ...  by  John  Cotton,  Esq.,  Member  of  said  Church,"  written 
in  1760,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  hi.  p.  107, 


CHURCH   AT   PLYMOUTH  361 

teaching  as  Mr-  Brewster  had  done  before  him.  It  being  the 
professed  principle  of  this  church  in  their  first  formation 
'  to  choose  none  for  governing  elders  but  such  as  are  able 
to  teach.'  Which  ability  (as  Mr-  Robinson  observes  in  one 
of  his  letters)  other  reformed  churches  did  not  require  in 
their  ruling  elders." 

The  Mr.  Reyner  here  referred  to  was  John  Reyner, 
who  became  pastor  of  the  Pilgrim  Church,  after  an 
interval,  in  succession  to  Ralph  Smith.  I  believe 
Reyner  was  connected  with  a  family  of  that  name 
closely  associated  with  Rampton,  and  the  locality 
immediately  to  the  south  of  Sturton  in  Old  England. 
The  colonists  were  anxious  to  supplement  the  moder- 
ate abilities  of  Ralph  Smith  by  appointing  a  de- 
pendable "  teacher  "  as  his  colleague.  The  brilliant 
Roger  Williams  did  them  good  service  for  a  time  by 
way  of  supply,  but  Brewster  deemed  him  too  unstable 
to  be  elected  and  ordained  to  office.  Accordingly 
Edward  Winslow,  on  his  next  visit  to  England,  was 
commissioned  "  to  procure  them  a  teaching  elder  to 
be  joined  with  Mr.  Smith."  He  agreed  with  one 
"  Mr.  Glover,  an  able  dispenser  of  the  word,  to  come 
over  to  them,  but  he  ended  his  life  in  London  before 
he  came  on  board."  *  Winslow,  however,  returned 
in  the  same  ship  with  John  Norton,  and  treated  with 
him  "  about  supplying  Plymouth."  They  landed 
together  at  Plymouth,  and  Norton  preached  for  that 
winter  to  them,  but  "  declined  settling." 

Then  it  was  that  Reyner  became  pastor.  With  him 
in  1633  there  was  associated  as  colleague  Charles 
Chauncy.  Though  he  remained  three  years  he  de- 
clined an  invitation  to  become  the  regular  "  teacher  " 
of  the  Church. 

Reyner  was  succeeded  in  the  pastoral  office  by 
John  Cotton,  son  of  the  famous  John  Cotton,  whose  life- 
work  was  bound  up  with  the  Churches  at  Boston, 
both  in  England  and  America.  John  Cotton  junior, 
after  his  gifts  had  been  duly  tested  for  a  period,  was 
ordained  at  Plymouth  June  30,  1669.     We  need  not 

1  Cotton's  Account,  etc.,  p.  110, 


362  JOHN   ROBINSON 

carry  the  succession  of  the  ministry  in  this  Church 
further,  but  a  reference  to  one  or  two  events  in  Cot- 
ton's time  will  show  how  the  old  traditions  and  customs 
of  the  Leyden  period  persisted. 

On  August  1,  1669,  Robert  Finney  and  Ephraim 
Morton  were  elected  deacons  and  ordained.  The 
catechism  adopted  by  Robinson  was  then  still  in  use, 
for  under  date  November  1669  we  read,  "  began 
catechizing  of  the  children  by  the  pastor  (constantly 
attended  by  the  ruling  elder)  once  a  fortnight,  the 
males  at  one  time  and  the  females  at  the  other.  The 
Catechism  then  used  was  composed  by  the  Rev.  Mr. 
William  Perkins."  1 

On  December  11,  1691,  Thomas  Cushman,  "  the 
good  elder,"  died,  aged  eighty-four.  He  had  married 
Mary,  a  daughter  of  Isaac  Allerton,  and  their  son, 
Isaac  Cushman,  carried  on  the  family  tradition  of  the 
"  Pilgrims,"  and  its  interest  in  religious  work,  by 
becoming  the  first  minister  of  the  daughter  Church  at 
Plympton,  in  Plymouth  colony. 

It  is  perhaps  more  than  a  coincidence  that  six 
months  after  Cushman's  death  there  was  a  proposal 
to  supplement  the  Psalm-book  brought  from  Holland 
by  the  one  in  vogue  in  the  Massachusetts  Churches. 
Here  is  the  record — 

"  June  19,  1692,  the  pastor  propounded  to  the  church 
that,  seeing  many  of  the  psalms  in  Mr-  Ainsworth's  trans- 
lation which  had  hitherto  been  sung  in  the  congregation  had 
such  difficult  tunes  that  none  in  the  church  could  set  [them], 
they  would  consider  of  some  expedient  that  they  might 
sing  all  the  psalms.  After  some  time  of  consideration  on 
August  7  following,  the  church  voted,  that  when  the  tunes 
were  difficult  in  the  translation  then  used  they  would  make 
use  of  the  New-England  psalm-book,  long  before  received 
in  the  churches  of  the  Massachusetts  colony,  not  one  brother 
opposing  this  conclusion.  But,  finding  it  inconvenient  to 
use  two  psalm-books,  they  at  length,  in  June  1696,  agreed 
wholly  to  lay  aside  Ainsworth,  and  with  general  consent 
introduced   the   other,  which  is  used  to  this  day.    ...    It 

1  Cotton's  Account,  etc.,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  iii.  p.  124.  The 
Catechism  of  the  Westminster  Assembly  was  afterwards  introduced. 


REASON   AND   SCRIPTURE  363 

was  their  practice  from  the  beginning  till  October  1681  to 
sing  the  psalms  without  reading  the  line;  but  then,  at  the 
motion  of  a  brother,  who  otherwise  could  not  join  in  the 
ordinance  (I  suppose  because  he  could  not  read),  they  altered 
the  custom  and  reading  was  introduced ;  the  elder  perform- 
ing that  service,  after  the  pastor  had  first  expounded  the 
psalm,  which  were  usually  sung  in  course,  so  that  the  people 
had  the  benefit  of  hearing  the  whole  book  of  psalms 
explained."  x 

Thus  the  laudable  custom  of  expository  preaching, 
upon  which  Robinson  and  Brewster  set  such  store, 
was  long  continued  in  the  Church  of  their  foundation ; 
but  the  old  Psalm-book  gave  place  to  a  new  one. 
We  may  take  this  as  symbolic  of  the  gradual  change 
which  takes  place  in  a  living  Church  in  its  practice 
and  its  doctrine  according  as  new  needs  arise  and 
fresh  knowledge  is  opened  up  for  man. 

There  was  implicit  in  Robinson's  system  of  thought 
a  strong  vein  of  what  we  may  describe  as  religious 
rationalism.  He  felt  that  if  men  and  women  would 
but  apply  their  reason  and  common  sense  to  the 
interpretation  and  understanding  of  the  Divine  mes- 
sage enshrined  in  the  Scriptures,  they  would  soon 
grasp  the  truths  it  conveyed.  It  is  true  he  limited 
the  exercise  of  the  reasoning  faculties,  so  far  as  the 
elucidation  of  religious  truth  was  concerned,  almost 
entirely  to  the  canonical  books  of  the  Bible.  Reason 
was  to  be  applied  in  a  reverent  way  to  the  rich  field 
of  the  Biblical  writings,  and  a  harvest  of  truth  in 
regard  to  life,  duty,  and  God  was  the  reward  to  be 
reaped. 

The  limitation  to  Scripture  was  the  common  axiom 
of  nearly  all  Protestant  leaders  in  the  seventeenth 
century.  From  the  standpoint  of  the  twentieth 
century  that  may  seem  somewhat  narrow,  but  we 
must  judge  Robinson  by  the  standards  of  his  own 
age.  And  the  limitation  to  Scripture  interpreted  by 
reason  as  the  final  court  of  appeal  in  matters  of 
religion   carried   with   it   the   advantages   of  concen- 

1  Cotton's  Account,  etc.,  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  Coll.,  vol.  iii.  p.  127. 


364  JOHN  ROBINSON 

tration  and  definiteness.  Robinson  and  his  friends 
drew  from  this  source  a  scheme  of  religious  thought 
which  gave  coherence  for  them  to  life  as  a  whole, 
and  left  their  minds  free  for  the  tasks  of  the  world. 

In  course  of  time,  as  fresh  problems  rose  over  the 
horizon  of  the  mind  of  the  average  man  and  fresh 
realms  of  knowledge  were  opened  up  for  his  con- 
sideration by  the  discoveries  of  science  and  the  study 
of  other  races  and  religions,  the  question  came  to  be 
put  as  to  whether  the  reason  of  man  was  not  com- 
petent to  elicit  the  Divine  message  from  these  fresh 
fields. 

If  Robinson  was  justified  in  declaring  that  man,  by 
the  exercise  of  right  reason,  could  arrive  in  some 
measure  at  a  true  apprehension  of  the  light  that  is 
enshrined  in  the  Divine  Word  of  the  Scriptures,  was 
not  man  also  capable,  by  the  same  means,  of  gathering 
some  part  of  the  Divine  light  and  truth  which  the 
facts  of  nature,  science  and  history  express  ?  The 
reverent  use  of  reason,  valid  for  drawing  truth  from 
the  field  of  Scripture,  must  be  valid  also  for  the 
larger  book  of  life  and  nature. 

The  high  place  and  responsibility  which  Robinson 
accorded  to  every  member  of  his  Church,  rich  or 
poor,  high  or  low,  was  a  feature  in  his  system  note- 
worthy, on  account  of  its  reaction  upon  the  political 
thought  of  his  followers.  It  was  a  recovery  of  the 
New  Testament  ideal.  Every  member  of  the  Church 
was  responsible  for  its  good  name,  and  had  the  right 
to  participate  in  its  affairs  and  its  government. 
Churches  based  on  the  model  laid  down  by  John 
Smith  and  John  Robinson  (according  to  their 
interpretation  of  the  relevant  passages  in  the  New 
Testament)  indirectly  fulfilled  an  important  function 
as  training  places  for  the  cultivation  of  gifts  of 
administration  which  proved  of  good  service  when 
applied  to  civic  affairs.  The  Independent  or  Con- 
gregational Churches  of  Old  England  and  New 
England,  as  well  as  those  designated  as  Baptist, 
were  the  nurseries  of  British  and  American  democracy. 


MORE   TRUTH   AND   LIGHT  365 

They  trained  the  champions  of  civil  and  religious 
liberty.  They  helped  to  draw  out  into  explicit  form 
those  principles  of  political  and  religious  freedom 
which  have  at  last  been  embodied  in  the  Covenant 
of  the  strongest  League  of  Nations  the  world  has 
ever  seen.  Robinson  and  his  associates  were  pioneers 
in  a  great  venture,  the  end  of  which  they  could  but 
dimly  discern.  If,  in  accordance  with  his  spirit,  we 
read  into  his  utterance  concerning  the  revelation  of 
truth  the  widest  possible  meaning,  and  interpret  it 
of  the  book  of  nature,  as  well  as  of  the  Sacred  Book 
of  the  Christian  Church,  it  will  still  serve  to  voice 
the  conviction  of  men  of  the  forward -look  and  the 
open-mind.  "  He  was  very  confident  the  Lord  had 
more  truth  and  light  yet  to  break  forth  out  of  his 
Holy  Word." 


APPENDICES 

DOCUMENTS   ILLUSTRATING  THE  LIFE   OF 
STURTON  IN  JOHN  ROBINSON'S   TIME 


APPENDIX  I 

suits  at  law  of  the  time  of  queen  elizabeth  and 
king  james,  illustrating  the  life  of  sturton 
in  john  robinson's  day 

In  the  Record  Office  are  to  be  found  some  deposi- 
tions made  in  one  or  two  legal  cases,  which  throw 
light  on  the  life  of  Sturton  and  the  neighbourhood 
in  John  Robinson's  time.  These  documents  bring 
matters  home  to  us  more  vividly  than  pages  of 
descriptive  writing.  They  show  the  customs  of  the 
locality  about  pasturing  cattle  on  the  commons  and 
reveal  to  us  the  occupations  of  the  people.  For 
many  purposes  the  village  community  acted  to- 
gether, and  the  parishioners  were  quite  familiar  with 
the  practice  of  levying  a  "  rate  "  to  meet  a  common 
expense.  There  is  the  additional  advantage  in  quoting 
these  documents,  that  the  father  of  John  Robinson  was 
personally  interested  in  three  of  the  cases  to  be  cited . 

The  first  case  x  relates  to  lands  in  Littleborough,  or 
lying  between  that  parish  and  Sturton.  It  appears 
from  the  evidence  that  about  the  year  1541  the 
people  of  Littleborough,  finding  it  inconvenient  to 
tether  their  cattle  on  the  lands  in  question,  by  a 
joint  consent  resolved  to  enclose  them  "  for  a  cowe 
pasture  for  them  to  eate  in  common."  Accordingly 
they  ran  a  ring  fence  round  these  lands,  taking  in  at 
the  same  time  a  smaller  lot  of  about  four  acres  known 
as  "  The  Hermitage  and  Demmes."  It  was  remem- 
bered that  "  Sir  John  Hearcye  did  give  certayne 
wood    towards    the    first    takinge    in    thereof."     The 

1  Exchequer  Depositions,  33  Eliz.  Notts.,  Easter  Term,  14.  In  the 
Public  Record  Office. 

BB  369 


370  APPENDIX   I 

whole  thus  enclosed  was  known  as  "  Barcroft,"  or 
"  Littleborough  Rayles," x  and  consisted  of  about 
forty  acres.  The  enclosure  did  not  extinguish  the 
rights  of  the  owners  of  certain  strips  and  patches  of 
land  embraced  within  it,  but  a  working  agreement 
was  come  to  by  the  village  community  of  Little- 
borough  for  the  common  use  of  this  land,  which  met 
the  general  convenience.  At  length,  about  the  year 
1589,  one  Leonard  Dennis  claimed  three  acres  scat- 
tered about  in  patches  in  this  enclosure  as  his  absolute 
property,  and  desired  to  take  the  profit  of  those  three 
acres  severally  to  himself.  He  objected  to  the  cattle 
of  the  Littleborough  people  roaming  over  what  he 
considered  to  be  his  own  particular  plots.  As  David 
Harrison  (one  of  the  witnesses,  who  described  himself 
as  a  "  labourer,")  put  it,  Dennis  disturbed  the  in- 
habitants "  by  offeringe  to  drive  their  Cattell  out  of 
the  said  pasture  wth  a  pyke  staff."  It  was  the 
women  of  the  place  who  offered  a  spirited  resistance. 
Robert  Gringley  of  "  Littleborowe,"  a  "  laborer," 
aged  seventy  years,  deposed  that  when  Dennis  "  went 
about  to  have  put  out  the  cattell  of  the  said  inhabi- 
tants out  of  the  pasture  called  Barcroft  ...  he  was 
lett  of  his  purpose  by  the  women  of  the  Towne  of 
Littleborrow."  The  dispute  grew  warm.  Leonard 
Dennis  brought  a  suit  at  common  law  against  William 
Harpur,  Jeffry  Harpur,  Nicholas  Wryght,  William 
Harrison,  David  Harrison,  John  Nicholson  and  Robert 
Gringley,  all  of  Littleborough,  "  touch inge  the  use  of 
the  said  common."  This  did  not  end  the  matter. 
William  Harrison,  "  clerke,"  the  incumbent  of  the 
parish,  joined  with  others  in  lodging  a  complaint 
against  Dennis,  and  in  consequence  a  commission 
was  issued  out  of  the  Queen's  Court  of  Exchequer  to 
George  More,  Esq.,  Henry  Norwall  and  Michael 
Bland,  gents.,  to  inquire  into  the  facts  of  the  case. 

1  Mr.  S.  Ingham,  who  has  kindly  examined  the  modern  Enclosure  Award 
Map  of  Littleborough  for  me,  says,  the  names  Horse  Rails,  Cow  Rails  and 
Hermitage  still  appear  on  it.  The  Hermitage  is  marked  as  an  old  enclosure. 
This  is  an  example  of  the  persistence  of  English  field-names. 


LOCAL  CUSTOMS  371 

Accordingly,  these  gentlemen  sat  and  examined  wit- 
nesses at  East  Retford  on  "  the  xvjth  daye  of  Aprill," 
1591.  From  the  interrogatories  administered  to  the 
witnesses  and  the  evidence  given  we  have  first-hand 
information  about  the  matters  in  dispute.  The  people 
of  Littleborough  claimed  that  this  enclosure  was 
managed  in  the  following  way.  From  the  feast  of 
the  "  Annunciation  of  our  Lady  "  (March  25)  up  to 
Pentecost  it  was  "  layed  severall  as  a  cowe  pasture  " 
by  the  tenants,  inhabitants  and  freeholders  of 
Littleborough;  then  (as  "Brian  Ricrofte  of  Litle- 
borowe  fysher  "  deposed),  "  between  Whitsunday  or 
thereabouts,  and  Lammas  "  (August  1)  those  who 
owned  ground  within  the  compass  of  Barcroft  were 
entitled  "  for  every  acre  that  they  had  there  to  put 
on  twoe  beaste,  or  one  horse,  to  feede  there  till 
Lammas,"  and  in  the  same  period  the  general  in- 
habitants of  the  village,  also,  were  entitled  to  put  on 
their  kine  at  the  rate  of  one  cow  for  every  house  or 
cottage.  After  Lammas  Day  the  ground  was  thrown 
open  for  the  villagers  to  pasture  not  merely  their 
cows,  but  "  all  manner  of  cattle  commonable  until 
the  feast  of  the  Annunciation  of  our  Lady  next 
following." 

Now  it  is  clear  that  this  amicable  arrangement 
between  owners  and  commoners  for  the  joint  use  of 
this  enclosure  would  be  upset  if  any  of  those  who  had 
rights  there  in  strips  of  land  claimed  the  privilege  of 
ploughing  or  mowing  their  plots  and  taking  for  them- 
selves the  crop  of  corn  or  hay  which  their  particular 
strips  produced.  If  that  were  allowed,  the  inhabitants 
of  Littleborough  would  have  to  tether  their  cattle  on 
the  other  parts  of  the  enclosure  till  the  crops  of  corn 
or  hay  on  the  patches  of  land  claimed  by  individual 
owners  were  gathered  in.  With  the  passage  of  time, 
however,  rights  in  certain  pieces  of  land  in  this 
enclosure  had  passed  to  those  who  no  longer  lived  in 
Littleborough.  Thus,  George  Dickons  of  Sturton, 
yeoman,  "  of  the  age  of  fyftie  yeeres,  or  thereabout," 
testified   "  there  are  divers  freeholders  dwelling  out 


372  APPENDIX   I 

of  Littleborough  which  have  ground  in  the  ground 
called  Littleborowe  Rayles."  He  himself  had  come 
into  three  acres  there  and  had  passed  them  by 
"  demise  "  (according  to  Brian  Ricroft)  to  Leonard 
Dennis,  who  was  now  asserting  that  he  had  a  right 
to  take  the  profit  of  his  own  particular  pieces  exclu- 
sively. Outsiders  could  not  go  down  to  Littleborough 
conveniently  to  look  after  their  cattle.  They  wanted 
to  cut  and  carry  off  their  hay.  The  villagers,  for 
their  part,  wanted  the  old  joint  arrangement,  which 
had  worked  fairly  well  for  fifty  years,  to  continue. 
The  dispute  was  further  complicated  by  some  un- 
certainty as  to  whether  "  Barcroft,"  or  "  Little- 
borough Rayles,"  was  not  after  all  in  Sturton  parish. 
Brian  Ricroft  asserted  it  was  in  the  "  lordship  of 
Littleborough  and  Sturton,"  others  declared  that 
such  tithes  as  had  been  paid  upon  the  produce  of 
this  land  had  gone  to  "  the  farmer  of  the  parsonage 
of  Sturton  " — that  is,  to  the  lay  impropriator  of  the 
tithes  of  that  parish.  Amongst  the  witnesses  called 
was  John  Quipp  "  clarke,"  the  vicar  of  Sturton, 
whom  John  Robinson  must  often  have  seen  and 
heard.  He  gave  his  age  as  about  fifty-four  years. 
According  to  his  testimony,  "  the  ground  called  the 
Rayles  lyeth  wthin  the  p'she  of  Sturton."  He  said 
he  had  "  heard  that  one  Willm  More  and  one  Turnell 
of  great  Markham  have  ground  within  the  Rayles, 
he  knoweth  that  More  did  demyse  some  there  unto 
George  Eaton  of  Fenton  for  years,  which  he  passed 
on  to  George  Dickons  of  Sturton,  and  that  it  was 
demysed  either  all  or  some  part  thereof  to  the  now 
defendant  [Dennis]." 

Quipp  in  his  evidence  gives  a  curious  story  of  a 
wager  laid  with  Thomas  White  (presumably  the 
grandfather  of  Robinson's  wife).  The  question  arose 
as  to  whether  the  land  in  dispute,  or  any  part  of  it, 
had  ever  been  ploughed.     Quipp  said  he  had — 

"  knowne  one  pte  of  the  ground  within  the  Rayles  plowed 
and  sowen  by  Thomas  Burton  of  Littleborowe,  or  his  assignes, 
in  one  year,  and  that  he  sayth  that  he  heard  the  said  Burton 


A   WAGER  373 

saye  he  did  so  plowe  and  sowe  yt  by  reason  of  a  wager  of 
x1*  layde  wth  one  Thomas  Whytt,  then  Baylyff  there,  that 
he,  the  said  Thomas  Burton,  would  plowe  and  sowe  the  same 
grounde  before  Mydsomer  daye  to  his  remembraunce  and 
the  said  Thomas  Whyte  layde  he  should  not,  and  that  this 
said  wager  was  about  xviij  yeares  synce." 

But,  after  all,  John  Quipp  had  to  confess  "  that,  to 
his  knowledge,  the  said  Burton  received  not  any 
p'fitt  by  that  plowinge  and  sowinge."  He  declared 
he  had  seen  some  part  of  the  land  "  mo  wen  and  in 
heye  coks  betweene  Maydaye  and  Lamas  "  in  two 
recent  years,  and  that  Walter  Popp  and  John  Deane 
"  did  one  time  about  viii  or  ix  yeares  synce  plowe  and 
sowe  some  pte  of  the  said  ground  .  .  .  and  of  any 
more  plowinge,  soweinge,  moweing,  or  tethering  he 
cannot  tell." 

William  Harrington  of  North  Leverton,  husband- 
man, aged  sixty,  said  "  the  ground  called  the  Rayles 
lyeth  within  the  parishe  of  Sturton,  as  he  very  lye 
thinketh,  for  he  saith  that  he  hath  seene  the  p'ambu- 
lacon  of  Sturton  goe  to  the  myddest  of  Stafforde 
bridge."  1 

No  doubt  John  Robinson  in  his  boyhood  had  been 
an  interested  participator  in  the  annual  perambula- 
tion of  the  parish  boundaries  in  Rogation  week.  He 
refers  to  the  "  parishional  assemblies  "  in  England  as 
being  "  gathered  by  their  parish  perambulation  " 
(Works,  vol.  iii.  p.  131). 

The  people  of  Littleborough  certainly  had  the  best 
case,  if  customary  usage  was  to  count  for  anything. 
But  the  dispute  was  not  altogether  a  new  one,  and 
seems  to  have  been  smouldering  for  years,  for  Brian 
Ricroft  testified  that — 

1  In  1607  the  people  of  Littleborough  were  ordered  to  repair  Stafford 
Bridge  before  Michaelmas  Day.  In  1611  they  were  indicted  because  "its 
use  by  the  King's  subjects  "  was  not  possible,  but  the  jury  acquitted  them. 
Early  in  1615,  on  the  petition  of  the  inhabitants  of  Littleborough,  the  Lord 
Chief  Justice  Coke  ordered  that  this  bridge,  "  leading  from  very  many  northern 
parts  into  and  towards  the  several  counties  of  Lincoln  and  Norfolk,"  was  to 
be  repaired  by  the  whole  county.  This  order  was  reversed  in  1635,  and  the 
charge  of  maintaining  the  bridge  "  for  ever  "  was  placed,  on  the  people  of 
Sturton,  Fenton,  and  Littleborough, 


374  APPENDIX   I 

44  between  xxxiiij  and  fortie  yeares  agoe  the  Rayles  of  the 
said  pasture  of  Barcrofte  were  cut  downe,  as  he  hath  heard 
say,  by  mr  Brian  Lassells  and  others  and  that  the  same  was 
set  up  agayne  by  the  Inhabitants  of  Litleborowe." 

Those,  said  Ricroft,  who  "  hyred  any  gates  there  " 
usually  contributed  to  the  making  and  maintenance 
of  the  fence  "by  a  comon  laye  .  .  .  reatablye 
accordinge  to  their  beaste-gates." 

It  is  reasonable  to  suppose  that  John  Robinson 
heard  this  case  discussed  in  his  father's  household. 
It  gives  us  incidentally  some  light  upon  the  life  and 
people  of  Sturton,  and  shows  us  the  relation  in  which 
they  stood  to  the  neighbouring  parish  of  Littleborough. 

When  in  after  years  the  colonists  of  Plymouth 
Plantation  became  the  possessors  of  cattle  they 
remembered  the  customs  of  the  homeland  in  regard 
to  joint  ownership  and  pasturage  in  common. 

One  of  the  witnesses  in  this  case  was  "  Alexander 
Ry croft  of  Littleborowe,  fisher  of  the  age  of  eighty 
yeares."  He  and  Brian  Ry  croft  fished  the  Trent 
and  supplied  the  neighbourhood  with  fresh- water 
fish.  Even  a  little  place  like  Scrooby  had  its  "  fisher," 
Thomas  Justice  x  by  name,  who  in  his  will,  dated 
May  16,  1601,  left  to  his  son  "  all  .  .  .  my  beste  new 
nette  not  yet  fynished."  *  The  inland  fisheries  were 
of  value  in  Tudor  times ;  no  one  could  get  a  living 
in  that  way  to-day  in  England. 

Elizabeth,  Countess  Dowager  of  Rutland,  and 
Roger,  Earl  of  Rutland  v.  Leonard  Dennis 

After  evidence  had  been  taken  on  April  16,  1591, 
in  reference  to  the  dispute  between  the  Littleborough 
people  and  Leonard  Dennis,  the  same  Commissioners 
sat  again  at  East  Retford  on  the  next  day  to  inquire 
into  charges  brought  against  Dennis  by  "  Elizabeth, 
Countess  Dowager  of  Rutland,  and  Roger,  now  Earl 
of  Rutland,  and  others,"  2  touching  his  execution  of 

1  Vol.  xxviii.  fol.  540,  York  Registry. 

2  Exchequer  Depositions,  Notts.,  33  Eliz.,  Easter,  22. 


ROBINSON'S   FATHER  375 

the  office  of  deputy  bailif  for  the  manor  of  Oswald- 
beck  Soke.  There  seems  to  have  been  an  effort  to 
get  rid  of  Dennis.  Amongst  the  witnesses  examined 
was  "  John  Robynson  of  Sturton  in  the  countye  of 
Nott.,  yoman  of  the  age  of  thirtie  vj  yeares,  or 
thereabouts."  This  was  the  father  of  the  pastor  of 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers.  He  testified  that  he  knew 
Dennis  and  "  the  mannor  of  Osweldbecke  Sooke,  and 
that  Jeffrey  Harpur  of  Grantham  in  the  countye  of 
Lincoln,  was  baylyff  for  the  same  Sooke."  Dennis 
executed  the  office  of  bailiff  under  Harpur.  Robinson 
said  that  Dennis  some  three  years  before  collected 
such  yearly  rents,  profits,  fines,  issues  and  amercia- 
ments of  Court  as  happened  and  grew  within  that 
Soke,  and  continued  to  do  so  for  a  year  and  a  half; 
but  he  could  not  depose  as  to  the  value  or  amount  of 
such  rents  and  fines.  He  also  testified  that  Dennis, 
in  virtue  of  his  office,  "did  take  one  saddell  and  a 
brydell,  a  payer  of  Boots  and  spurres,  and  a  Cloake 
bagge  of  ffelons  goods  wthin  the  said  Sooke  about  ij 
yeres  synce,  but  to  whose  use  he  knoweth  not." 
This  was  the  sum  of  his  evidence.  Another  witness 
from  Sturton  was  Henry  Ridley,  aged  fifty-five  years, 
a  tailor,  who  himself  appears  to  have  once  held  the 
office  of  deputy  bailiff  for  Oswaldbec  Soke,  and  asserted 
that  he  knew  both  the  Dowager  Countess  of  Rutland 
and  Roger,  the  then  earl.  He  gave  evidence  as  to 
certain  "  estrayes  "  which  Dennis  had  received  from 
his  hands,  and  declared  his  judgment  as  to  the  amount 
of  rents,  fines  and  amerciaments  which  Dennis  had 
collected  during  his  time  of  office.  He  notes  by  the 
way  that  Dennis  received  "  from  George  Netleshipp 
about  twoe  yeres  synce  for  a  fould  breach  made  in 
Sturton  wthin  the  Sooke  about  three  pounds  and 
three  shillings  and  fourpence." 

Dennis,  for  his  part,  was  able  to  call  some  good 
witnesses.  He  had  been  under-bailiff  successively  to 
Francis  Barker,  gentleman,  of  East  Retford,  and 
Robert  Southworth  of  "  Wellom,"  both  of  whom  had 
held  the  office  of  bailiff  of  Oswaldbec  Soke  under  the 


376  APPENDIX    I 

Right  Honourable  Edward,  Earl  of  Rutland.  Barker 
himself  and  Thomas  South  worth,  son  of  Robert  (who 
was  now  dead),  testified  that  the  accounts  of  Dennis 
while  he  served  in  this  way  were  all  in  order,  and 
they  held  "  acquittances "  from  the  "  Auditor  or 
Receivor  "  of  the  Earl  for  these  accounts.  Dennis 
apparently  had  not  been  able  to  work  under  "  Jeffrey 
Harpur  "  without  friction. 

A  Burglary  near  Sturton 

The  next  case,1  which  also  touched  the  lives  of 
Sturton  people,  is  of  a  singular  nature.  One  "  Ruben 
Wright,"  who  "  dwelt  in  the  personage  house  in 
Burton  "  (that  is,  West  Burton,  the  next  parish  to 
the  north  of  Sturton)  and  occupied  the  land  there- 
unto belonging,  was  arrested  on  suspicion  of  having 
committed,  "  about  fryday  at  night  in  the  week  before 
Easter  42  Eliz."  (1601),  a  burglary  upon  one  "  wydowe 
ffoxe  "  at  Drayton. 

He  was  brought  before  John  Thornhagh,  senior, 
one  of  the  nearest  Justices  of  the  Peace,  and  examined 
in  his  house  at  Fenton,  "  in  the  presence  of  Mr.  Thorn- 
hagh's  clerk,  one  John  Turnell,  and  others."  After- 
wards Mr.  Thornhagh  examined  him  privately,  when 
he  confessed  his  guilt.  Now,  the  goods  of  any  one 
convicted  of  felony  were  forfeit  to  the  Crown,  or  to 
the  overlord.  The  Sheriff  for  the  county  of  Notting- 
ham, who  happened  that  year  to  be  Brian  Lassells 
of  Sturton,  a  neighbour  of  John  Thornhagh,  would 
have  to  seize  the  goods  of  the  felon  if  they  were  on 
"  Crown  land  " ;  but  if  they  were  in  the  township  of 
Sturton,  or  liberty  of  Oswaldbec  Soke,  they  would  be 
forfeit  to  Roger,  Earl  of  Rutland,  who  was  then  lord 
of  that  liberty. 

Thornhagh  appears  to  have  desired  to  help  Reuben 
Wright  out  of  the  mess  and  save  him  from  the 
extreme  penalty  of  the  law.  It  was  alleged  that, 
after  Wright  confessed  his  guilt,  Thornhagh  told  him — 

1  Exchequer  Depositions,  43-44  Eliz.,  Notts,  and  York,  Mich.  3, 


VALUATION   BY   ROBINSON'S   FATHER   377 

'*  That  yf  his  goodes  were  within  that  Townshipp  of 
Sturton  and  libertye  of  Oswaldbecke  Soake  belonging,  as  he 
sayd,  unto  the  Earl  of  Rutland  that  then  he  could  and  would 
helpe  the  sayd  Ruben  Wright  so  as  he  should  be  well  delte 
withall." 

Then  "  John  Cowper  and  Hunter's  son-in-law " 
came  to  Wright  to  persuade  him  to  bring  his  goods 
into  Sturton  liberty,  "  for  yf  he  [Lassells]  the  said 
Sheryf  once  seased  them,  he,  beinge  a  hard  man, 
would  do  hym  no  favour."  Wright,  in  order  to  save 
something  from  the  wreck  of  his  fortunes,  fell  in  with 
the  suggestion.  John  Cowper  and  James  Harpam, 
the  Burton  blacksmith,  fetched  Wright's  cattle  and 
stock  into  Sturton,  where  "  they  were  praysed  by 
the  order  of  the  Baylyf  of  the  libertie  of  Oswaldbec 
soake  by  one  John  Robinson,"  father  of  the  Pilgrim 
pastor,  with  the  help  of  "  Olyver  Gybson  "  and  two 
others,1  "  to  the  valewe  of  xxvju,  or  thereabouts  .  .  . 
and  were  afterwards  disposed  into  the  hands  of  John 
Thornhagh  the  younger." 

Reuben  Wright  at  the  time  of  his  apprehension 
was  possessed  of — 


Syxtie  yeowes,  twenty-seaven  lam 
then  thought  to  be  worthe 

bes, 

.     £20 

ffoure  oxen 

.     £14 

Syxe  horses  and  mares 

.     £17 

Syxe  kyne  .... 

Syxe  yonge  Cattle 

One  Bull 

.     £23 

.     £6 
.     £1  6s. 

And  tenne  Swyne 

.     £3  6s.  8d." 

Some  of  this  stock  was  over  at  Gringley,  and  we 
have  a  graphic  picture  of  the.  way  it  was  brought  in 
by  "  John  Jackson  of  Sawnby  [Saundby]  laborer," 
servant  of  Reuben  Wright.  He  said  he  was  driving 
it  from  Gringley  to  Mr.  Lassells'  when — 

"  he  receaved  worde  from  his  Master  by  one  Bannby 
that  he  should  dryve  them  to  Sturton  whiche  he  dyd  accord- 
ynglye  and  putt  them  into  Cowper' s  ffolde.     And  as  [he]  was 

1  The  membrane  is  damaged  here,  and  the  other  names  are  not  clear. 


378  APPENDIX    I 

returnynge  from  Sturton  towards  West  Burton  the  said  Cowp. 
dyd  take  from  this  deponente  one  blacke  baye  mare  of  the 
Cattle  of  the  said  Ruben." 

Jackson  then  had  to  tramp  home  on  foot.  The  next 
step  in  the  case  we  learn  from  the  testimony  of  Wright. 
He  had  his  "  mittimus  "  made  out  committing  him 
to  prison — 

"  and  he  goynge  towards  the  gaole  the  said  John  Cowp.  dyd 
take  this  deponent  into  his  yarde  where  the  Cattle  of  this  de- 
ponent then  were  and  dyd  pswade  hym  to  make  a  deed  of 
guyfte  to  such  psons  as  hee  Cowp.  woulde  nomynate  wher- 
uppon  this  Depon*  did  delyver  a  horse  and  twelve  pence  in 
money  to  the  hands  of  one  George  Knagge  and  for  the  use 
of  hym  George  Knagge  in  the  name  of  the  reste  of  the  goods 
and  Chattels  of  hym"  (Reuben  Wright). 

Knagge,  it  should  be  noted,  was  brother-in-law  to 
Reuben,  and  said  he  had  advanced  money  to  him. 
George  Lassells,  son  of  the  sheriff,  declared  that — 

"  John  Thornhaghe  had  some  of  the  said  Cattle  for  that 
the  wief  of  Ruben  Wright  had  the  mylke  of  twoe  of  the  kyne 
whiche  were  the  goods  of  the  said  Ruben  Wright  by  the  per- 
myssion  of  the  said  John  Thornhaghe." 

It  was  not  likely  that  the  sheriff  would  allow  things 
to  be  thus  "  managed  "  under  his  very  nose.  He 
lodged  a  complaint  against  "  John  Thornehaghe 
the  father  and  John  Thornehaghe  the  sonne,  George 
Gilbye  Esquires  and  William  Noddle  and  Martyn 
Challendge  "  in  the  matter.  A  Commission,  dated 
July  1, 1601,  was  accordingly  issued  from  the  Court  of 
Exchequer  to  Gervase  Neville,  Gervase  Eyre,  Gervase 
Helwys  and  John  Marshall,  "  to  four,  three  or  two  of 
them  "  to  inquire  into  the  case  and  take  evidence. 
The  two  first-named  accordingly  held  an  inquiry 
at  East  Retford  on  the  "  xxiiijth  day  of  Sept.  in  the 
xliijth  year  "  of  Elizabeth's  reign,  and  it  is  from  the 
depositions  then  taken  that  the  information  given 
above  is  gathered.  Besides  the  witnesses  already 
mentioned  the  following  gave  evidence — 


EDWARD   SOUTHWORTH  379 

"  Gregory  Starkye  of  Burton,  gent,  38  years 

"  Dorothy  Wright,  wife  of  Reuben,  late  of  Burton,  aged  40 
years  (her  husband  gave  his  age  as  "  30  years  or  thereabout  ") ; 

"  Robert  North  of  Sturton,  laborer; 

"  William  Mylnes  of  West  Burton,  laborer,  45  years  old ; 

"  John  Quippe  of  Sturton,  clerke,  of  the  age  of  lx  yeares  or 
thereaboute  and  Edward  Southworth  of  ffenton  yeoman  aged 
34  years." 

It  will  be  remembered  that  an  Edward  Southworth 
was  one  of  the  Pilgrim  company  in  Leyden,  who  there 
married,  in  1613,  Alice  Carpenter.  Their  sons  Constant 
and  Thomas  went  over  to  Plymouth  in  New  England, 
the  former  in  1628,  the  other  soon  after.  I  venture 
to  identify  this  Edward  Southworth  of  Fenton  with 
the  Edward  Southworth  of  Leyden.  The  will  of 
"  Robert  Sowthworthe  of  Wellam  in  the  parishe  of 
Clarebrowghe,"  who  I  take  to  have  been  the  father  of 
this  Edward  Southworth,  is  an  interesting  document. 
It  is  dated  November  20,  1580,  and  besides  bequests 
of  lands  in  East  Retford,  Ordsall  and  "  Gringley  in 
the  hoole,"  to  his  son  Edward  Southworth,  it  contains 
this  clause — 

"  I  make  the  right  worshipfull  mr-  Thornaghe  of  ffenton 
esquier  Gardiner  unto  the  said  Edward  my  sonne  yf  yt  would 
please  his  worshippe  to  take  the  paines." 

He  also  bequeathed  "  to  the  foresaid  mr-  thorneaighe 
for  his  paines  an  angell  of  gould."  This  relation  of 
guardianship  will  account  for  Edward  Southworth's 
presence  at  Fenton,  where  he  would  make  the  acquaint- 
ance of  the  Robinsons.  It  may  be  of  interest  to  give 
the  testimony  of  Edward  Southworth  in  full,  as  it 
throws  light  upon  the  life  and  the  local  administration 
of  the  district — 

"  Edward  Southworth  of  ffenton  in  the  Countie  of  Nott.  yeo- 
man of  the  age  of  xxxiiij  yeares  or  thereabouts  saieth  he  doth 
knowe  the  Mannor  or  Soake  of  Oswaldbecke  in  the  Countye  of 
Nott.  and  that  the  same  soake  doth  extende  as  well  into  the 
towne  of  Sturton  as  into  dyvers  other  townes  and  that  the 
same  doth  belong  to  her  Matie  in  the  righte  of  her  highnes 


380  APPENDIX   I 

crowne  of  England  and  that  the  said  soak  ys  accompted  to 
be  a  specyall  libtie  or  Bayly  wick  exempt  from  the  Sherif. 
And  that  the  Baylyffe  of  the  said  libtie,  or  his  deputy  (by 
reason  of  the  said  Baylywicke)  have  vsed  to  take  or  seaze 
wayves,  estrayes,  felons  goods  and  such  like  usuall  pffyts 
happenynge  wthin  the  same.  And  hath  not  knowen  or  heard 
that  the  sherif  hath  vsed  to  doe  the  like  there.  And  that  her 
Ma*™  hath  graunted  or  comytted  the  said  soake  to  Roger 
Earl  of  Rutlande  or  his  predecessors.  And  that  the  said 
Earle  hathe  appoynted  John  Thornhaghe  the  yongr  Esquier 
as  a  pryncipall  offycer  under  hym  in  the  said  Soake.  He 
saith  that  in  the  weeke  before  Easter  in  the  42  yeare  of  her 
Maties  raigne  [1601]  the  said  John  Thornhagh  the  yonger 
was  at  the  Castle  of  Belvoyre  in  the  Countye  of  Lyncolne 
and  there  stayed  about e  a  fortnighte  and  that  the  said 
Castle  ys  about  xxiiij  myles  distante  from  the  towne  of  Sturton. 
And  sayeth  that  the  said  John  Thornhaghe  the  yonger  had 
no  knowledge  or  gave  any  direction  towchinge  the  examyn- 
ynge  of  Ruben  Wright  for  the  Burglarie  or  ffelony  wch  he 
and  others  had  than  comytted  in  the  towne  of  Drayton,  or 
towching  the  seasynge  of  any  of  his  goods  in  Sturton  at  or 
before  the  tyme  of  the  said  examynacon  or  seazinge;  and 
doe  verilie  thynke  that  the  said  John  Thornhaghe  the  yonger 
was  altogether  vnacquaynted  therewth  for  that  he  wente  to 
the  said  Castle  of  Belvoyre  before  the  said  Burglarie  was 
comytted  and  came  not  home  agayne  till  after  the  said  Ruben 
Wright  was  sent  to  the  gaole.  .  .  .  He  saith  that  the  said 
Burglarye  and  ffelony  was  comytted  in  the  towne  of  Drayton 
by  the  said  Ruben  Wright  and  others  vppon  ffrydaye  at  nyghte 
in  the  weeke  before  Easter  in  the  xlij^  yeare  of  the  Quenes 
Maties  raigne.  And  that  Ruben  Wright  came  before  John 
Thornhaghe  the  elder  to  his  howse  at  ffenton  wth  the  constable 
of  west  burton  vppon  mondaye  nexte  after  the  said  burglarie 
was  comytted.  And  saith  that  he  was  p'sente  when  the 
said  John  Thornhaghe  the  elder  did  examyn  the  said  Ruben 
Wrighte  towchinge  the  same  and  wrytt  downe  his  examyna- 
con. 

"  And  saith  that  the  said  John  Thornhaghe  the  elder 
presentlie  vppon  the  said  Wright's  confession  of  the  offense 
dyd  cause  a  Mittimus  to  be  made  for  the  sendynge  of  hym  to 
the  gaole  wch  this  examte  did  wryte,  and  as  sone  as  the 
Mittimus  was  made  the  said  John  Thornhagh  the  elder  did 
delyver  the  said  Ruben  Wrighte  to  the  constable  there  and 
did  charge  hym  (as  his  manner  is  in  that  case)  to  take  heede 
and  looke  well  to  hym  and  to  carrye  hym  saffe  to  the  gaole 
or  to  the  like  effecte.     And  saith  that  to  his  remembraunce 


SOUTHWORTH'S   EVIDENCE  381 

the  said  Constable  and  Wrighte  did  not  staye  wth  the  said 
John  Thomhaghe  the  elder  after  that  he  was  delyvered  to 
the  Constable  and  had  receaved  his  Mittimus.  But  howe 
longe  they  stayed  at  his  howse  this  exante  knoweth  not,  but 
thinketh  yt  was  aboute  halfe  an  hower.  And  the  reason  of 
this  staye  was  (as  he  verelie  thynketh)  to  make  a  deede  of 
guyfte  to  Knagge  of  all  his  goods  for  that  this  examte  was 
entreated  to  make  the  same  wch  he  refused  by  reason  he  knew 
not  howe  to  make  the  same  substancyallie.  But  lent  them 
pen  Incke  and  pap.  to  make  the  same  and  sayeth  that  he 
wente  from  thence  to  the  towne  of  Sturton. 

"  He  thinketh  that  Willm  Hunter  did  firste  enforme  the 
said  John  Thorn hagh  the  elder  of  the  Wrights  goods  that 
they  were  in  the  Soake,  but  what  direction  he  gave  for  the 
seasynge  of  the  same  he  knoweth  not,  nor  how  muche  was 
seased  in  the  righte  of  the  said  soake  this  examte  certeynlie 
knoweth  not,  nether  knowethe  by  whom  they  were  seased 
and  thynketh  they  were  indyfferentlie  and  accordinge  to 
their  true  values  prysed.  And  that  they  were  prysed  by  f  oure 
men.  And  sayeth  that  there  were  foure  oxen  prysed  at  ix1*, 
ffoure  kyne  a  Bull  and  a  Calf e  at  vij11,  ffyftie  olde  sheepe  and 
xviij  lambes  at  viij1*,  A  Blynde  mare  and  two  old  horses  at 
iij11,  All  which  amounted  to  the  Sume  of  xxvij^or  thereabouts. 
And  this  he  knoweth  for  that  the  prysers  did  entreat  hym  to 
set  downe  their  prysement  in  wrytinge.  And  lastlie  saieth 
that  he  thynketh  that  dyvers  of  the  sheepe  did  myscarrye 
or  prove  worth  lytle  or  nothynge.  And  the  reason  that  moves 
hym  to  thynke  so  ys,  for  that  this  exaiate  hath  hearde  one 
John  Harryson  a  Butcher  say  that  he  dyd  buy  the  moste  or 
all  of  them,  the  beste  for  three  shillynges  a  peece,  others 
for  two  shyllyngs  a  peece,  and  some  for  twentye  pence  a  peece. 
And  many  of  them,  as  he  said,  were  Rotten  and  died."  1 

Besides  the  sheriff  of  the  county  and  the  bailiff 
of  Oswaldbec  Soke  there  was  another  authority  which 
had  an  eye  on  Wright's  goods.  "The  Bailywicke  of 
Bassettlawe  accompted  p[ar]cell  of  her  Maties  Honor 
of  Tickhill  in  the  countye  of  Yorke  pcell  of  her  highnes 
Duchye  of  Lancaster,"  extended  to  parts  of  West 
Burton  and  Sturton.  In  virtue  of  this  "  George  Gil- 
bye  "  of  Bole,  to  whom  this  bailywick  was  entrusted, 
by  and  through  his  deputy,  William  Nodell,  seized 
"  one  co we  and  fyve  calves  "  of  the  goods  of  Reuben 

1  Exchequer  Depositions,  ut  supra,  Membrane  5  dorso. 


382  APPENDIX   I 

Wright  after  he  was  committed  to  gaol.  The  sheriff 
disputed  his  authority  to  do  this.  Evidence  was  given 
by  William  Wright  of  Stirrop,  yeoman,  aged  sixty, 
who  deposed  that  "  Noddle  seized  the  ffyve  calves  in 
the  yarde  of  one  Robt.  ffytzwillms  *  at  Sturton." 

"  Thomas  Wylton  of  Sawneby  yeoman,"  aged 
twenty-eight  years,  said,  "  Noddle  seized  the  cow 
nere  vnto  one  Ryalls  yarde  in  Westburton  wch  ys 
accompted  to  be  wthin  the  libtie  of  the  Baylywicke 
of  Bassetlawe."  He  himself  was  present  at  the  seizing 
of  this  cow  and  the  calves.  "  He,  this  deponent,  by 
the  appoyntment  of  George  Gilbye  did  re-delyver  vnto 
the  wief  of  Ruben  Wrighte  one  of  the  sayd  Calves  for 
that  she  said  it  was  her  daughters  calfe."  "  Robert 
Syms  of  Sturton  labourer  aged  xxx  yeares  or  there- 
abouts "  was  also  examined,  and  said  that,  being  then 
the  "  freeboroughe  of  Sturton,"  he  was  "  wth  the  sayd 
Noddle  at  the  seazynge  of  the  Calves  and  that  the  sayd 
Calves  came  to  the  dysposynge  of  George  Gylbye."  2 

The  matter  did  not  end  with  this  inquiry,  for  a 
further  Commission  was  issued  in  Easter  term  in  the 
following  year,  1602,  to  "  Johe  Hellves,  Jervasis 
Eyre  ar.,  Robt.  Eyre  armiger,  and  George  Nevill 
generoso,"  to  determine  to  whose  hands  the  cattle  of 
Reuben  Wright  had  come  and  their  right  value. 
Accordingly  an  inquiry  was  held  and  witnesses  exam- 
ined before  Robert  Eyre  and  George  Nevile  3  which 
elicited  one  or  two  fresh  points.  In  addition  to  the 
cattle  which  came  to  the  hands  of  John  Thornhagh 
the  younger  and  George  Gilbie,  it  was  deposed  by 
"  Thos.  Lasselles  of  Sturton  gent,  (aged  34)  "  that 
"  one  red-cow  and  two  couples  of  the  said  Ruben  his 
Shepe  came  to  the  hands  and  possession  of  John  Cowp 
together  with  one  horse  and  tenn  swine  wch  horse  and 
Swine  the  said  Cowp  sould  vnto  one  Stokham  of 
Retford."     Lassells  valued  this  red  cow  at  five  nobles, 

1  An  inquisition  into  the  possessions  of  John  Fitzwilliam,  dated  September 
21,  14  Henry  VIII,  says  he,  "  had  long  possessed  the  Manors  of  Styrton  and 
Hey  ton." 

2  Exchequer  Depositions,  ibid.,  Membrane  7  ultimo. 

3  Exchequer  Depositions,  Notts.,  44  Eliz.,  Easter,  No.  29. 


COMMON   RIGHTS  383 

and  "  tow  couple  of  Shepe  wch  Cowp  had  thirteene 
shillings  fourpence  and  the  said  horse  three  poundes 
ten  shillings."  Dorothy  Wright  lets  us  know  that 
Martin  Challendge  was  associated  with  Cowp  in  seizing 
her  husband's  goods  "  about  Sturton."  "  She  saieth 
she  had  of  Mr  Thornhaghe  the  younger  thirtie  shillings 
forth  of  the  sd  goodes  towards  the  Reliefe  of  her 
sd  husband  in  his  imprisoning "  She,  too,  gave  an 
estimate  of  the  value  of  the  cattle  seized. 

What  the  upshot  of  the  case  was  does  not  appear. 
I  do  not  know  whether  the  sheriff  made  good  his  case, 
and  compelled  the  value  of  the  goods  seized  to  be 
handed  over  to  the  Crown,  or  whether  the  bailiffs  of 
Oswaldbec  Soke  and  the  Bassetlaw  Liberty  of  the 
Duchy  of  Lancaster  established  their  right  to  seize 
felons5  goods  in  Sturton  and  West  Burton,  or  whether 
any  compensation  was  paid  to  poor  old  widow  Fox  of 
Drayton,  who  had  suffered  from  the  burglary.  I  have 
instanced  the  case  as  one  in  which  old  John  Robinson 
was  interested.  He  is  mentioned  in  the  evidence. 
And  it  is  a  case  which  brings  vividly  before  us  some  of 
the  Sturton  and  Fenton  people  with  whom  John 
Robinson  the  pastor  must  have  been  well  acquainted. 

Dispute  as  to  Land  between  Littleborough 
and  Fenton 

The  records  of  another  case1  to  which  I  would  draw 
attention  relate  to  a  dispute  between  the  people  of 
Littleborough  and  those  of  the  hamlet  of  Fenton,  in 
the  parish  of  Sturton,  as  to  common  rights  and  rights 
of  way,  and  as  to  whether  the  lands  in  question  were 
really  in  Sturton  or  Littleborough.  The  documents 
are  rather  voluminous  in  this  case,  but  they  illustrate 
the  social  economy  of  the  locality.  John  Robinson, 
the  father  of  the  "  Pastor  Pilgrim,"  was  a  witness,  and 
from  his  depositions  one  or  two  details  concerning  his 
life  can  be  gathered. 

The   evidence   informs  us  that   Littleborough   was 

1  Exchequer  Depositions,  Notts.,  1  James  I,  Michaelmas  Term,  No.  14. 


384  APPENDIX   I 

"  parcel  of  the  manor  of  the  Soke  of  Oswaldbec." 
John  Harewood  of  Lea,  in  the  county  of  Lincoln, 
wheelwright,  aged  seventy  years,  who  was  born  at 
Littleborough,  took  it  to  be  the  chief  manor  of  the 
Soke,  "  for  the  King's  Leet  is  kept  there  " ;  while 
Alexander  Robson,  husbandman,  about  eighty-seven 
years  of  age,  said  "  the  great  Leete  for  the  King  is 
there  houlden."  He  testified  that  the  "  King  hath  viij 
ferme  houses  over  and  besides  his  Maties  frehoulds  " 
in  Littleborough,  and  that  the  place  had  "  xxij 
households  at  the  least  and  above  seaven  score  Inhabi- 
tants." With  the  growth  of  the  population  of  the 
district  there  was  a  tendency  to  overstock  the 
commons. 

The  people  of  Littleborough  complained  that  the 
men  of  Fenton,  "  under  the  countenance  of  Mr.  Thorn - 
hey,"  had  barred  them  from  their  right  of  way  over 
Breamore  Syck  for  ten  years  past,  and  had  driven 
their  own  "  herdshippe  of  cattell  into  the  common  of 
Littleborough  "  between  May  Day  and  Midsummer 
Day,  when  it  was  reserved  for  the  cattle  of  the  people 
of  Littleborough  alone.  They  asserted  that  Nicholas 
Fenton,  Robert  Poole,  Oliver  Gibson,  William  Farra 
and  Seth  Woode  "  did  fourcably  put  their  herdshippe 
of  ffenton  into  the  comon  of  Littleburgh,  sekinge  and 
endeavoringe  by  stronge  hande  to  kepe  them  there," 
and  they  alleged  that  "  Mr.  Thornhey  hath  of  late 
yeares  brought  a  flocke  of  shepe  thither  eatinge  there- 
with so  neare  and  bare  that  the  cattell  of  Littleburgh 
can  hardly  lyve  thereupon."  They  declared  that 
the  perambulation  in  Rogation  week  for  their  parish 
encompassed  the  disputed  lands. 

Acting  in  virtue  of  a  Commission  issued  from  the 
Court  of  Exchequer,  and  dated  "  xiij  July  1603," 
Sir  Henry  Ayscough  and  Sir  George  Gilbie,  knights, 
together  with  Thomas  Mountfort  and  Henry  Broome, 
gentlemen,  sat  at  Gainsborough  on  the  last  day  of 
October  1603  to  inquire  into  the  matter.  The  com- 
plainants were  Robert  Cherbery,  John  Deane,  Thomas 
Burton  and  Nicholas  Wright.     The  defendants  were 


COMMON   RIGHTS  385 

Sir  John  Thornhagh,  Nicholas  Fenton,  Robert  Poole, 
Oliver  Gibson,  William  Farra  and  Seth  Woode.  It 
was  an  occasion  when  the  testimony  of  the  old  men 
was  called  upon.  We  can  picture  them  journeying 
in  to  Gainsborough  on  that  October  morning.  There 
was  "  Bryan  Rycrofte,"  fisherman,  whom  we  have 
met  before;  he  testified  that  between  March  25  and 
May  Day,  in  which  period  Littleborough  Common  was 
"  layed  "  (that  is,  either  left  for  the  grass  to  grow,  or 
pastured  only  by  those  who  had  special  rights  of  owner- 
ship), "  ye  Pinder  of  Littleburgh  used  to  ympound  all 
such  horses  and  other  cattell  as  came  upon  ye  comon 
which  wear  not  the  townes  of  Littleburgh  ...  he 
knoweth  this  to  be  true  because  he  hath  beene  sworne 
the  pinder  in  the  Leet  and  hath  knowne  it  ever  since 
he  was  of  discresion." 

David     Harison    of    Littleborough,    described     as 
"  badger,"  i.  e.  a  corn  dealer,  and  sixty-six  years  old, 
gave  evidence,  and  so  did  John  Robson  of  "  Skelling- 
thorpp,"    Lincolnshire,    labourer,    aged    seventy-four 
years    or    thereabout.     He    was    born,    he    said,    at 
Littleborough,    "  and    after,    kept   the    herdshipp    of 
Littleburgh  wth  his  father."     William  Cowly  of  Hab- 
stropp  (Habblesthorpe),  Notts.,  yeoman,  aged  seventy, 
thought  the  people   of  Littleborough   would  not  be 
able  to  live  and  pay  rent  without  the  use  of  these 
common  lands.     Antony  Spencer  of  Gamston,  laborer, 
an  old  native  of  sixty  years,  and  Richard  Rawlyn  of 
Littleborough,   husbandman,    came   forward   to   give 
evidence,  the  latter  asserting  that  he  had  "  paid  tythe 
to  the  vicar  of  Littleburgh  for  his  cattel  goinge  on  the 
comon  on  the  easte  syde  of  Sudcrofte  Lews,"  and 
"  John  Deane  thelder  ffisherman  lx  yeares  "  testified 
in   the    same    sense.     Another   witness   described    as 
"  fisherman  "  was  Alexander  Turner  of  Coote.     Old 
John  Nicholson,  a  "  laborer  of  the  age  of  lxxviij  years," 
said  the  people  of  Littleborough  only  had  one  other 
piece  of  common  besides  those  referred  to,  and  that 
was  "  lowe  ground  wch  they  eat  wth  their  swyne  and 
goest  "  (goats),  and  "  that  there  belongeth  scarce  xl 
c  c 


386  APPENDIX   I 

acres  of  arrable  land  "  to  the  said  town,  which  must 
have  been  a  very  low  estimate.  "  Richard  Harington 
of  Gainsburgh  glover  of  the  age  of  liiij  "  said  he 
knew  the  parties,  "  and  hath  knowne  most  of  them 
longe  tyme  for  that  he  was  in  Sturton  and  heretofore 
hath  dwelt  in  Littlebroughe." 

The  answer  of  "  Sir  John  Thornhagh  esquire  and 
Nicholas  ffenton,  gent.,"  with  the  other  defendants 
to  the  bill  of  complaint,  was  that  the  parcels  of  ground 
in  dispute  lay  within  "  the  bounds  and  precyncts  or 
perambulacon  of  the  parishe  of  Sturton,"  that  the 
inhabitants  of  Sturton  and  Fenton  had  the  right  of 
turning  their  cattle  on  the  waste  ground  or  common  in 
dispute  from  May  Day  until  Midsummer,  as  well  as 
after  that  date  until  Lady  Day,  and  they  had  done  so 
"  without  disturbance  until  now  of  late  ";  that  the 
alleged  right  of  way  granted  by  the  Littleborough 
people  to  Stafford  bridge  and  the  Trent  was  a  highway 
for  all  other  strangers  and  passengers  to  pass  to  the 
River  of  Trent ;  that  as  to  the  parcel  of  ground  called 
Horse  Leys,  the  men  of  Sturton  and  Fenton  had  used 
it  "  as  their  common,  and  staff e  hearded  their  cattell 
there,  from  Midsummer  yearly  until  the  Annunciacon 
of  our  Lady,"  and  that  the  Littleborough  cattle 
used  to  run  or  go  there  no  "  otherwyse  than  by  rake  " 
during  that  time.  If  the  people  of  Littleborough  were 
freeholders  and  tenants  of  the  King,  those  of  Fenton 
and  Sturton  were  so  likewise,  and  that  the  commons  of 
Littleborough  besides  the  grounds  in  question  "  for 
the  number  of  households  there  before  it  was  soe 
increased,  and  the  quantitie  of  theire  tillage  was  more 
then  the  comons  of  ffenton  and  Sturton  are  for 
th'inhabitants  there  and  the  quantity  of  theire  tillage 
with  the  said  grounds  in  question."  They  alleged 
that  the  Littleborough  cattle  had  been  impounded 
when  found  on  some  of  the  grounds  in  question  and 
that  they  had  no  rights  of  pasturage  "  in  the  Upper 
Inge  of  Sturton  other  wayes  than  by  waye  of  rake." 

The  witnesses  called  on  this  side  were  John  Dammes 
of  Askham,  yeoman,  aged  fifty,  who  used  to  live  at 


STURTON   WITNESSES  387 

Sturton ;  George  Smyth,  aged  forty  years,  of  Gringley 
on  the  Hill,  yeoman,  who  knew  the  places  in  question, 
"  for  yt  he  was  borne  in  Sturton  " ;  Robert  Shacklock 
of  Misterton,  labourer,  aged  eighty-five  years,  who  was 
"  born  in  Sturton,  and  contynued  there  until  he  was 
xxtie  years  0f  age  »  .  John  Poole  of  Everton,  yeoman, 
sixty  years  or  thereabouts,  and  Thomas  Copland  of 
Sturton,  labourer,  of  the  same  age.  This  last  witness, 
who  had  known  the  "  several  parcels  of  ground  "  for 
the  previous  forty  years,  gave  important  evidence. 
He  "  and  one  Leonard  Cockes  underbailiffe  at  that 
tyme  of  the  socke  of  Oswelbecke  .  .  .  about  xi  yeares 
last  part  "  impounded  some  of  the  Littleborough  cattle 
"  for  depasturing  on  Horse  Leas  after  Mydsomer  in  the 
open  tyme  of  the  year,  and  the  owners  did  compound 
with  Mr  John  Thorney  x  for  their  said  cattell." 

Anthony  Richardson  of  Littleborough,  "  Taylior," 
aged  fifty  years,  gave  a  lively  account  in  his  evidence 
of  the  fray,  which  brought  the  dispute  to  a  head.  This 
is  what  he  said — 

"  Nicholas  Fenton,  Robert  Poole,  William  Farra  and 
Seth  Wood  the  first  day  of  May  in  the  43rd  year  of  the  reign 
of  our  late  sovereign  Lady  Queen  Elizabeth  did  drive  their 
cattle  into  some  part  of  the  common  adjoining  the  parcel  of 
ground  called  Fenton  Thornhill 2  as  the  herdsmen  of  Fenton 
did  use  to  do  the  like  at  other  times,  and  that  the  Complain- 
ants and  others  [of  Littleborough]  did  resist  and  drive  back 
the  said  cattle  which  Nicholas  Fenton  and  the  rest  did  drive 
into  the  said  common  and  that  they  were  resisted  and  their 
cattle  driven  back  again  by  John  Deane  the  younger  and  his 
wife,  and  Thomas  Burton  his  wife's  son,  and  Nicholas  Wright 
and  one  of  his  sons,  and  Richard  Rowland  and  his  daughter. 
And  that  they  did  drive  and  burke  the  said  cattle  with  staves  ; 
.  .  .  and  Nicholas  Fenton  did  serve  process  upon  some  of  them 
for  the  same." 

1  Thorney  was  an  alternative  spelling  of  the  name  Thornhagh.  Among 
the  Adventurers  who  invested  money  to  send  out  the  Pilgrim  Colony,  was 
one  John  Thorned  or  Thornell.  Was  he  of  this  family  ?  Bradford,  in  his 
Letter-book,  refers  to  him  in  1625  as  prominent  amongst  the  opponents  of 
the  religious  aims  of  the  Plymouth  Plantation. 

2  The  road  from  Littleborough  to  Cottam  and  Leverton  is  still  known  as 
"Thornhill"  Road. 


388  APPENDIX   I 

This  must  have  been  an  exciting  May  Day.  It 
evidently  led  up  to  the  bill  of  complaint  from  Little- 
borough  which  was  now  being  considered. 

The  next  witness  called  was  John  Robinson,  the 
father  of  the  Pilgrim  Pastor.  His  evidence  was  re- 
garded as  important.  He  is  described  as  of  Sturton, 
in  the  county  of  Notts.,  yeoman,  "  of  ye  age  of  liijtie 
yeares  or  thereabout."  On  being  sworn  and  examined 
he  gave  testimony  as  follows — 

Imprimis  ...  he  saith  he  knoweth  all  ye  pties  pl[aintiffs] 
and  defendants]  and  yt  he  hath  knowne  the  moste  of  them 
xxxtie  yeares  and  doth  know  ye  townes  of  Littlebroughe  and 
Sturton  and  hamlett  of  ffenton  in  ye  county  of  Nott.  and  doth 
know  evrie  of  them  because  he  was  borne  at  Sturton." 

He  supported  Thomas  Copland's  testimony  that 
the  grounds  in  dispute  were  really  in  Sturton  parish, 
and  said  further — 

"  yt  he  hath  heard  ye  late  viccar  of  Sturton  called  John 
Quipp  confesse  yt  he  hath  had  one  rowe  and  a  halfe  of  hey 
ground  of  John  Quipp  now  pson  of  Littlebroughe  in  Liewe 
and  satisfacon  of  ye  renewes  and  tythes  wch  did  fall  and  was 
due  on  ye  ground  in  variance  and  hath  also  heard  the  p[ar]son 
of  Littlebrough  confesse  ye  payment  thereof." 

He  further  testified — 

"  yt  the  Inhabitants  of  Sturton  and  ffenton  have  used  to 
keep  sheepe  and  other  cattell  upon  the  grounds  in  variance 
called  Sudcrofte  and  horselews  from  mydsomr  untill  Thannun- 
con  of  or  lady  and  yt  the  said  Inhabitants  of  Sturton  and 
ffenton  have  Stockhirded  their  cattell  on  ye  said  grounds 
in  all  that  tyme  ...  he  saith  yt  he  hath  heard  his  ffather 
and  others  say  that  the  Inhabitants  of  Littlebroughe  kept 
no  herdshipp  of  Cattell  upon  the  comon  wch  lyeth  on  the  weste 
syde  of  Stafford  Bridge  or  Cartbridge  when  ye  said  Inhabitants 
did  eat  severally  or  by  way  of  tetheringe  Sudcrofte  lewes, 
savinge  yfc  after  Mydsomr  the  Inhabitants  of  Littlebroughe 
had  rake  wth  their  cattell  on  ye  said  ground  called  Sudcrofte 
...  he  saith  yt  ye  Cattell  of  Littlebroughe  have  beene 
impounded  after  Mydsomer  and  in  the  open  tyme  of  the 
year  of  some  of  ye  said  grounds  in  controversie  by  some  of  ye 
servants  of  mr  Thorney  and  that  the  owners  thereof  have  paid 


THE   VICAR   OF   STURTON  389 

poundshipp  for  them,  some  of  them  id  and  some  ija  accordiiige 
to  the  nomber  of  their  cattell  impounded  ...  he  saith 
yfc  John  Thorney  Esquire  and  the  Inhabitants  of  Sturton  and 
ffenton  keepeth  sheepe  now  upon  the  said  comon  no  other 
wyse  then  they  have  formerly  used  to  doe.  ...  he  saith  y* 
the  Inhabitants  of  Littlebroughe  never  at  any  tyme  had 
any  use  of  comon  in  the  Over  Inge  of  Sturton  neyther  did 
he  ever  hear  yt  they  did  make  any  clayme  or  title  thereunto 
and  that  he  knoweth  upon  his  owne  knowledge  that  their 
Cattell  have  been  impounded  and  paid  poundshipp  if  they 
have  beene  taken  there  by  way  of  rake." 

The  next  witness  called  was  "  Christopher  Fielden 
of  Sturton,  clerke  of  ye  age  of  xxxiiijtie  years  or  there- 
about," the  vicar  of  the  parish.  He  knew  the  plain- 
tiffs and  some  of  the  defendants  and  had  so  known 
some  of  them  "  ye  space  often  yeares  "  and  the  locali- 
ties in  question  for  a  like  time.     He  said — 

"  yt  John  Quipp  now  vicar  of  Littlebroughe  hath  dy verse 
tymes  of  late  and  namely  upon  Mychaelmas  even  last  paste 
offrede  him  composicon  for  the  renewinge  of  all  such  Cattell 
belonginge  to  the  towne  of  Littlebroughe  as  eyther  did  or  should 
depasture  and  renue  of  any  of  those  grounds  on  the  West 
syde  of  Stafford  water  sayinge  further  yt  all  such  tythes 
except  corne  and  hay  as  did  renew  or  fall  on  the  West  syde 
of  Stafford  Water  was  due  unto  the  vicare  of  Sturton  and  yt 
ye  said  John  Quipp  did  heretofore  give  a  certaine  pofcon  of 
medowe  ground  unto  the  laste  vicar  of  Sturton  for  the  yearly 
composition  thereof." 

The  next  witness  to  be  sworn  and  examined  was 
"  John  Quipp,  Clerke  of  the  age  of  xxxiijtie  yeares," 
who  had  known  the  persons  and  places  "  by  the  space 
of  eight  yeares."  As  to  the  parcel  of  ground  between 
the  "  Cartbridge  and  Sudcrofte  leaes,"  he  did  not 
certainly  know  in  which  parish  it  was,  but  had  heard 
Robert  Cherbury  say  "  yt  the  Renewinge  wch  fell  in 
y*  place  came  to  Littlebroughe."     As  to — 

"  Sudcrofte,  Burcrofte  and  horse  leaes  the  tythe  hay,  if 
there  were  any,  went  to  ye  pson  of  Sturton  or  his  fermer  to 
the  said  deponents  knowledge,  for  other  renewinge  of  cattell 
belonging  to  the  p[ar]ishioners  of  Littlebroughe  fallenge  wthin 
ye  pishe  of  Sturton  he  beinge  Mynister  at  Littlebroughe  for 


390  APPENDIX   I 

ye  space  of  eight  or  ix  yeares  last  past  did  agree  wth  the  vicar 
of  Sturton  by  letting  hym  have  medowe  for  them  ...  he 
saith  yt  he  did  see  a  copie  of  an  agreement  in  ye  church  [Bible  ?] 
of  Littlebroughe  betwixt  Wittm  Harison  Mynister  of  Little- 
brough  deceased  and  John  Quipp  ministr  of  Sturton  deceased 
for  ye  renewinge  wthin  Sturton  pish  .  .  .  for  ye  pmbulac 
[perambulation]  he  said  y*  he  wth  ye  rest  of  his  neyghbours 
went  about  all  the  said  pcelles  yearly  to  his  knowledge  for 
the  space  of  viii  or  ix  yeares  or  thereabout  last  paste,  when 
they  could  for  water,  exceptinge  in  the  year  as  he  remembreth 
1602  when  they  were  phibited  by  ii  of  M>.  Thorn  eyes  men  at 
ye  Cartbridge." 

William  Twelles,  a  labourer  of  Fenton,  aged  sixty, 
corroborated  the  statement  that  the  vicar  of  Sturton 
had  from  the  vicar  of  Littleborough  one  acre  of  meadow 
by  way  of  composition  for  the  "  tythes  and  renewes  ': 
of  the  parcels  of  ground  in  variance.  Then  the  herds- 
man of  Fenton,  William  Harington,  aged  sixty  years, 
who  had  lived  there  for  eight  years,  was  called.  It 
was  he  who  at  divers  times  had  impounded  cattle  of 
the  Littleborough  men  found  straying  on  "  Sudcrofte 
and  Horseleaes,"  for  which  some  of  them  had  "  paid 
poundship  to  the  pinders  within  this  three  years." 
George  Toppyn  of  Thrumpton  and  William  Cooke  of 
Fenton,  both  of  them  "  labourers,"  also  gave  evidence. 

The  upshot  of  the  case  does  not  appear. 

The  Littleborough  Ferry 

The  next  case  to  which  I  would  draw  attention  is 
of  interest  both  because  it  brings  before  us  several  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  district  and  deals  with  one 
of  the  chief  means  of  communication  of  the  locality, 
and  also  because  old  John  Robinson  again  came  for- 
ward to  give  evidence.  His  gifted  son,  it  is  true,  had 
left  the  country  for  Holland  by  this  time,  but  the 
evidence  refers  to  the  conditions  in  which  the  Trent 
was  crossed  in  the  preceding  years.  The  ferry  over 
the  Trent  usually  landed  travellers,  passengers,  pack- 
horses  and  other  horses  and  cattle  with  their  packs 
and   burthens   on   the   Lincoln   side   of  the   river,  at 


L1TTLEB0R0UGH   FERRY  391 

"  the  great  highwaye  called  Marton  Streete,"  which 
was  in  the  parishes  of  Marton  and  Burton,  in  the 
county  of  Lincoln.  This  was  the  old  Roman  road. 
But  when  this  highway  was  "  overflowen  or  daun- 
gerously  covered  either  by  spring  tydes  from  the 
sea  or  by  meanes  of  the  swellings  of  fresh  watters," 
the  ferrymen  and  boatmen,  "  when  they  thought  good 
or  convenyently  might  wth  safetye,  used  to  sett  on 
land  and  disburden  and  also  to  take  in  and  loade 
at  a  bancke  or  place  known  by  the  name  of  Marton 
Bancke  and  the  passengers  after  that  they  have  been 
there  sett  on  shoare  quyetly  passed  uppon  the  same 
banke  with  their  horses  or  other  cattell  withoute 
interrupcon."  Of  late,  however,  the  Marton  people 
had  blocked  up  this  way.  They  said  there  was  an 
alternative  passage  at  "  a  place  called  Red  Hill  neere 
adjoyning  to  Littlebroughe  ferrie,"  and  that  the 
ferryboat  was  usually  kept  there  when  the  "  great 
ordinarie  Calsey  or  highwaye  was  wth  waters  over- 
flowen," and  that  the  ferrymen  had  "  there  made  to 
themselves  for  shilter  a  Cabbin  or  Lodge  under  the 
said  Red  hill."  They  further  asserted  that  when 
both  these  places  were  inundated  the  ferry  used  to 
land  passengers  and  goods  "at  a  place  called  the 
street  yate  or  streete  end  lyinge  at  the  East  end  of 
the  calsey  in  Marton."  They  recognized  no  obligation 
on  their  part  to  keep  Marton  Bank  in  repair,  and 
the  ferryman  had  only  been  allowed  to  land  people 
there  on  terms  which  he  had  not  observed.  He  was 
to  keep  the  bank  in  repair  in  order  to  protect  Marton 
Marsh,  and  put  a  "  sufficient  Slewce  "  with  a  door 
to  keep  out  the  water  from  the  marsh,  and  clean  the 
ditch  alongside  the  bank,  receiving  "  a  halfpenny 
for  every  Roode  of  the  said  ditche  soe  often  as  he 
did  skower  the  same,"  and  this  agreement  was  only 
for  eight  years. 

Edward  Howley,  who  rented  the  ferry  (of  which, 
by  the  way,  the  King  was  part  owner),  lodged  a  bill 
of  complaint  against  "  Edward  Fletcher,  Roger  Smith 
the  elder;  Willyam  Harryson,  Clarke;    Roger  Smith 


392  APPENDIX   I 

the  younger,  John  Sherieffe  and  Henry  Rogers  of 
Marton."  A  Commission *  was  accordingly  issued 
from  the  Court  of  Exchequer  to  investigate  the  case,  in 
virtue  of  which  witnesses  were  examined  and  deposi- 
tions taken  at  "  Gainsburgh  "  on  April  19,  1609, 
before  "  Sir  John  Thornagh,  knight,  Sir  John  Thorold, 
knight,  Sir  Thomas  Darell,  knt.,  and  ffrancis  Bussye, 
esquier." 

The  first  witness  was  "  David  Harrison  of  Little - 
brough,  laborer  of  the  age  of  threscore  years  or  there- 
abouts." He  testified  that  the  farmers  of  the  ferry 
(i.  e.  those  who  rented  it)  had  been  at  great  charges 
"  to  maintaine  and  repaire  great  staires  chardgable 
ferry  boats  and  servants  to  attend  and  labor  in 
them."  He  knew  this  because  he  had  been  "  many 
tymes  used  as  a  workman  for  repairing  of  the  same." 

The  second  witness  was  "  John  Robinson  of  Sturton 
in  the  County  of  Nott.  yeom.  of  thage  of  threscore 
years  or  thereabouts."  He  deposed  that  he  knew 
the  parties  to  the  suit.  The  towns  of  Marton  and 
Littleborough  he  had  known  by  the  space  of  forty 
years.  He  also  knew  Marton  Bank,  and  described  it 
as  "  neare  adioyning  to  the  great  highway  and  served 
wth  a  dike  of  the  North  side  of  the  said  Banck." 
Further  he  said— 

"  that  the  farmers  and  ferrymen  of  the  ferry  of  Littlebrough 
and  their  servants  and  boatmen  when  the  great  highway 
called  Marton  Street  hath  bene  overflowne  wth  water  had 
used,  as  nede  did  require,  to  sett  on  land,  disburden  and 
also  to  take  in  and  load  as  well  all  or  any  of  the  passingers 
at  the  said  ferry  passing  either  on  horseback  or  on  foote  as 
also  all  or  any  packhorses  or  other  horses  or  catle  wth  their 
Packes  and  their  Burdens  upon  the  said  Banck  or  place  called 
or  knowne  by  the  name  of  Marton  banck.  And  that  he  hath 
knowne  it  soe  used  by  the  space  of  40^  years.  And  that 
the  passingers  have  quietly  passed  upon  the  said  Banck  to 
and  fro  w^  their  horses  and  other  cattle  and  their  packes 
and  other  Burdens  whout  Interrupcon  to  his  knowledge  at 
such  tymes." 

1  Exchequer  Depositions,  7  James  I,  Easter,  No.  12,  Lines,  and  Notts. 


LITTLEBOROUGH   FERRY  393 

The  next  witness  was  old  "  Brian  Ry croft  "  of 
Littleborough,  aged  88  years,  and  there  is  a  pathetic 
touch  in  his  evidence,  that  he — 

"  knoweth  not  what  the  defendts  have  latly  done  by  cause 
he  hath  bene  six  years  blind  but  saith  the  said  passage  was 
never  before  that  tyme  stopped  to  his  knowledge  and  that 
he  knoweth  this  to  be  true  because  he  hath  alwaies  lived  in 
Littlebrough  as  an  Inhabitant  and  hath  many  tymes  bene 
used  as  a  ferryman." 

The  next  witness  was  Richard  Thornton  of  North 
Leverton,  aged  seventy  years,  and  then  came  "  William 
Sowbye  of  Haplesthorpe  yeoman  of  the  age  of  fower- 
score  yeares  or  thereabouts,"  who  for  threescore  years 
had  never  known  the  passage  by  Marton  Bank  to 
be  interrupted,  "  and  this  he  knoweth  to  be  true  for 
that  he  hath  most  comonly  in  ye  winter  tyme  weekly 
gone  on  that  Banke  wth  his  horses  loaded  wth 
Corne  to  Gainsburgh  Mrkett."  In  the  last  two  or 
three  years,  however,  "  stoopes  and  rayles  was  sett  " 
by  some  of  the  defendants,  as  he  thought.  The 
remaining  witnesses  were  John  Harewood  of  "  Leigh," 
in  the  county  of  Lincoln,  and  Robert  Cherebury,  a 
yeoman  of  Littleborough,  aged  sixty  years,  whom 
we  have  met  with  before. 

It  seems  to  me  likely  that  the  fact  that  Sir  John 
Thornhagh  had  been  granted  a  lease  of  the  Manor 
of  Oswaldbec  by  Letters  Patent  dated  August  15, 
4  an.  James  I,  to  which  the  ferry  rights  were  attached, 
had  something  to  do  with  this  endeavour  to  put  things 
on  a  satisfactory  footing.  In  the  State  Papers  there 
is  a  petition  x  from  Sir  John  Thornhagh,  assigned  to 
December  3,  1608,  addressed  "  To  the  righte  honour- 
able Robert  Earle  of  Salisbury  Lord  Highe  Treasuror 
of  England."  The  following  extract  throws  some 
light  on  the  matter — 

"  In  all  humblenes  sheweth  to  yor  good  Lop,  John  Thorn- 
hagh of  ffenton  in  the  countie  of  Nott.  Knighte.  That 
where  it  hath  pleased  his  Matie  of  late  under  the  great  seale 

1  State  Papers,  Domestic,  James  I,  vol.  xxxviii. 


394  APPENDIX    I 

of  England  to  demyse  to  yor  Lops  supplfc  the  Mannor  of 
Oswardbysoke  in  the  said  countye  for  fortie  yeares  under 
the  yearly  rente  of  xxxiiijii  a  great  parte  of  wc^  rente  is 
cheefely  raised  yearely  out  of  the  profitts  that  aryse  of  an 
oulde  decayed  house  called  the  Mannor  house  and  some  other 
poor  oulde  houses  and  of  the  passage  over  the  River  of  Trente 
by  twoe  fferry  boates  as  well  for  cartes  as  for  horses  and  f ote- 
men  out  of  the  said  countie  of  Nott.  into  the  count ie  of 
Lyncolne  and  soe  back  againe  from  the  one  countie  to  the 
other.  .  .  ." 

The  petitioner  goes  on  to  say  that  the  houses 
are  ruinous  ..."  also  the  saide  boates  are  both 
so  rotten  and  utterly  decayed  yfc  they  must  be  p'sntly 
new  made,"  and  he  therefore  prays  for  a  grant  of 
timber  for  the  needful  work  from  the  Royal  forests. 
A  note  is  endorsed  on  the  petition,  "  Lett  Mr  Baron 
Altham  consider  of  this  suitor  and  certifie  me  his 
opinion.  R.  Salisbury."  Accordingly  James  Altham 
got  the  opinion  of  two  local  Justices  of  the  Peace, 
Sir  Richard  Williamson  and  Mr.  Symcocke,  on  the 
matter.  He  then  reported  in  favour  of  a  grant, 
pointing  out,  however,  that  the  King  was  in  "  no  way 
tyed  unto  yt  by  any  clawse  in  the  lease."  The 
upshot  was  that  a  warrant  was  issued  for  150  tons 
of  timber  to  be  delivered  from  Sherwood  Forest 
to  Sir  John  Thornhagh  for  the  repair  of  the  Manor 
House  and  Ferry  Boats. 

From  another  source  1  I  find  that  the  remainder 
of  this  lease  of  Oswaldbec  Soke  and  the  ferry  rights 
was  made  over  by  Sir  John  Thornhagh  to  his  son 
Francis  on  October  29,  in  the  third  year  of  Charles  I, 
by  "  act  and  deede."  Christopher  Fielding,  clerk, 
of  Treswell  and  Sturton,  and  Godfrey  King  witnessed 
the  "  deed  of  gift." 

1  Exchequer  Depositions,  Notts.,  13  Charles  I,  Michaelmas. 


APPENDIX   II 

RESIDENTS  IN  STURTON  AND  FENTON  IN  THE  SIXTEENTH 
AND    SEVENTEENTH    CENTURIES 

Several  good  lists  of  residents  in  Sturton,  the 
neighbours  of  the  Robinson  family,  are  extant,  from 
the  time  of  Henry  VIII  down  to  the  reign  of  Charles. 
Most  of  these  I  have  transcribed,  but  the  space  at 
my  disposal  only  permits  the  printing  of  a  selec- 
tion. Here  is  a  Muster  Roll  for  the  parish  headed  as 
follows — 

"  Certyfycate  of  Musters  takyn  the  xxiiijte  daye  Marche  the 
xxxte  yere  of  oure  sufferand  Lord  Kyng  Henry  VIIIth  by 
Gerves  Clyftone,  John  Hercy,  John  Babyngton,  George  Was- 
tenes,  Antony  Nevyll,  Chareles  Morton  esquiers  commys- 
syoners  of  oure  sufferand  Lorde  the  kyng  by  v'tue  of  hys 
commyssyon  to  them  derectyd  ffor  the  Northe  claye  p'cell 
off  the  Wapyntake  of  Barsett-Law  for  the  county  of  Nottyng- 
hm  accordyng  to  the  devytyon  of  syd  the  commyssyoners 
unto  yem  allottyd 

Sturton  cum  Fenton 

b  x  George  Lassells  harnes  for  iij  men 
a  2  Antonye  thorney  harnes  for  a  man 
a  Thorns  ffenton  harnes  for  a  man 
a  Rauffe  hogson  harnes  for  a  man 
b  John  Drap  coman  harnes  for  iij  me 

1  b  stands  for  billman. 

2  a  stands  for  archer,  Harness  =  armour  or  fighting  equipment. 

395 


396 


APPENDIX   II 


b  Thoma  Stourton 
b  James  Tomson 
b  John  chadkerye 
b  John  corbrygge 
b  Wyllm  Hawton 
b  Robt  Sturton 
a  Wyllm  Sowbe 
b  Ry chard  shakloke 
b  Robt  Ha  worth 
b  Robt  Wolley 
b  Robt  hynd 
b  John  Stene 
b  Thorns  baleme 
b  Andyedykcons 
a  Rychard  Smyth 
a  An'y  harynton 
a  John  Smythe 


horse  &  harnes  for  a  man 


b  Wyllm  Stort 
b  Wyllm  Kechyng 
b  And  Tomson 
a  Rychard  Saunbe 
b  gylles  browyll 
a  Thorns  Saunbe 
a  Wyllm  kyrkbe 
b  Thorns  bynghm 
b  henry  fflowefr] 


horse  and  harnes  for  a  man 


Vidua  clarke 
Wyllm  bynghm 
george  Nysyor 
Thomas  Rake 
John  Smythe 
Wyllm  Lawcoke 
olyv'  Boythe 
Wyllm  Atton 

a  John  legett 

b  John  corver 

b  Rauffe  cawthorne 

b  Robt  Smyth 


,  horse  and  harnes  for  a  man 


STURTON   MUSTERS 


397 


b  Thorns  Smythe 
b  Rychard  cawtorn 
a  Henry  browne 
a  Rychard  dogeson 
b  Matthewe  Roger 
b  Wyllm  Crofte 
a  Thomo8  Whyt 
b  John  Shawe 
b  Rychard  Alyn 
b  george  cawtorne 
b  Roger  yewett 
b  John  powyll 
b  Wyllm  Wyvyll 
b  Wvllm  ffenton 
b  Wyllm  Eyton 
b  george  cosyn 
b  Thorns  Wensley 
b  Wyllm  bee  [?Lee] 
b  Wyllm  byrkyll 
b  Ric.  Mare 
a  hugh  unvyn 
b  Thorns  spense 
a  Thorns  Joye 
a  Edward  Or  wen  e 
a  Wyllm  Atkynson 
a  Thorns  catlyn 
b  Rychard  carver  [  ? 
b  Robt  Stafforth 
a  Rye  bylle 
a  george  dewyt 


\  horse  and  harnes  for  a  man 


Some  of  ye  harnes  ys  for  xiij  men 
Some  of  ye  archers  ys  xxij^ 
Some  of  ye  byll  men  ys  xxxvij^.' 


The  clerk  has  made  an  error  in  the  addition.  The 
list  gives  fifty  billmen  wha,  with  the  twenty-two 
archers  and  the  widow  Clarke,  give  a  total  of  seventy- 
three  names.  If  we  multiply  the  total  of  able-bodied 
men  by  six  to  give  the  women,  children  and  aged 
men,  we  get  a  population  for  the  parish  of  432, 
as  compared  with  an  estimated  population  for  the 
present  year  of  455. 

The   names    in   this   list   may   be   checked    by   an 


398  APPENDIX   II 

excellent  list  of  Sturton  taxpayers  for  the  thirty-fourth 
and  thirty-fifth  years  of  King  Henry  VIII,  containing 
sixty-two  names.1  Forty-one  of  the  names  in  this 
second  list  correspond  with  names  given  above, 
seven  others  merely  show  a  change  of  Christian  name, 
leaving  a  balance  of  only  fourteen  entirely  fresh 
names  since  the  muster  roll  was  compiled.  Widow 
Clarke  is  again  the  only  woman  in  the  list,  and  we 
get  her  full  name  "  Eliz.  Clerke."  She  paid  a  subsidy 
of  6s.  8d.  on  goods  valued  at  £10.  In  both  lists  the 
names  of  Thomas  White,  the  grandfather  of  John  Robin- 
son's wife,  and  John  Legatt,  the  father  of  Catherine 
White's  first  husband,  occur.  The  John  Corver  or 
Carver  mentioned  in  both  lists  I  take  to  have  been 
the  father  of  John  Carver,  the  second  husband  of 
Catherine  White  and  the  first  Governor  of  Plymouth 
Colony. 

In  a  list 2  of  Sturton  residents  who  contributed  to  a 
"  benevolence  "  3  for  King  Henry  VIII  in  the  thirty- 
sixth  year  of  his  reign  we  have  the  following  names 
and  the  respective  amounts  which  were  given.  Old 
John  Carver  joined  in  this  loyal  gift — 


"  Antony  Thorn ey  off  Sturton 
Thomas  Fenton              de  ead. 

XX8 

xxiij8  iiijd 

John  Legatt 

de  ead. 

XXs 

Geo.  frlowere 

de  ead. 

vjs  viijd 

Andr.  Dickson 

de  ead. 

iiij8 

Wyllm  Eyton 
John  Cawver 

de  ead. 
de  ead. 

ix8 

viij8 

Thorn  @  Bynghm 
Elizabethe  Clerke 

de  ead. 
de  ead. 

V8 

vjs  viijd 

Wyllm  Wolley 
Wyllm  Kyrkbye 
Wyllm  ffenton 

de  ead. 
de  ead. 
de  ead. 

iij8  iiijd 
xiij8  iiijd 

X8." 

John  Carver's  name  also  appears  in  the  roll  4  for  the 
thirty-seventh  year  of  Henry  VIII  as  paying  a  tax  of 

1  Lav  Subsidies,  Notts.,  Bassetlaw,  ]f  !J,  Record  Office. 

2  Ibid.,  36  Henry,  Notts.,  Bassetlaw  Hundred,  ££$. 

3  Benevolence  from  the  inhabitants  of  Notts,  town  and  county,  Membrane  1. 

4  Lay  Subsidies,  37  Henry  VIII,  Notts.,  Bassetlaw  J$£. 


CHRISTOPHER   ROBINSON  399 

13s.  on  goods  (not  lands)  of  the  value  of  £13.  This 
roll  is  the  first  in  which  I  have  noted  the  Robinson 
family  name  in  connexion  with  Sturton  parish. 
Christopher  Robinson  paid  2s.  Sd.  on  lands  of  the 
annual  value  of  £l  6s.  Sd. 

There  is  a  good  list  of  names  *  for  the  first  year 
of  Elizabeth's  reign — 


Bryan  Lassells 

in  lands 

xirjii 

xiij8  iiij1 

I XVJj8  Xd 

Larance  f  enton 

in  lands 

iiijii 

—  vs  iiij  a 

Thomas  Sturton 

in  lands 

iiijii 

—  v8  iiija 

Thomas  White 

in  lands 

iijii 

—  iiij8 

Edmunde  Mering 

in  lands 

xls 

~  ijs  viijd 

George  Dyckons 

in  lands 

iij" 

—  iiij8 

Raffe  Dyckons 

in  lands 

xl8 

—  ij8  viija 

George  flower 

in  lands 

Xls 

—  ij8  viija 

Robert  Sturton 

in  lands 

xl8 

—  ij8  viija 

George  Motson 

in  guds 

Vli 

v8 

George  Eaton 

in  lands 

xls 

—  ij8viija 

Xpoi  er  Robbinson 

l  in  lands 

xxvj 

viij 

—  xxja°b 

George  kyrkeby 

in  lands 

xxvj 

viij 

—  XX  job 

Rye.  Smyth 

in  lands 

XXs 

—  xv  j  a 

Cicilly  Smyth 

in  lands 

XXs 

—  xvja 

Antony  Powle 

in  lands 

XXs 

—  xvja 

Henry  Sturton 

in  guds 

yli 

v8 

Sma 

iijii  vijs  iiija." 

It  will  be  noticed  that  the  assessment  on  Bryan 
Lassells  was  not  quite  exact,  and  that  the  odd  half- 
penny in  the  charge  on  John  Robinson's  grandfather 
(the  obolus)  was  apparently  neglected  in  collection, 
as  it  is  not  included  in  the  sum  total.  The  rate  was 
sixteen  pence  in  the  pound  on  lands  and  a  shilling 
in  the  pound  on  goods. 

On  the  roll 2  for  the  subsidy  of  the  thirteenth 
year  of  Elizabeth  we  have  another  good  list  of 
"  Sturton-cum-Fenton  "  inhabitants.  The  clerk  in 
this  instance  affected  the  Latin  form  for  Christian 
names — 

1  Lay  Subsidies,  1  Eliz.  *{$,  Notts.,  Bassetlaw. 

2  Ibid.,  i{$,  Notts.,  Wapen.  de  Bassetlawe. 


400  APPENDIX    II 


4  Brianne  Lassells, 

Armig1 

in  terr. 

XXli 

—  liiis  iiijd 

Johes  Thornagh 

in  terr. 

viijii 

—  xxs  iiijd 

Thomas  Sturton 

in  terr. 

yli 

—  xiijs  iiijd 

Georgius  Eyton 

in  terr. 

xls 

—  vs  iiijd 

[Rob]tus  Sturton 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  v8  iiijd 

Radus  Dicons 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  v8  iiijd 

Lawrence  Smith 

in  terr. 

xl3 

—  v8  iiijd 

Xpoievus  Robinsor 

l  in  terr. 

xl8 

—  v8  iiijd 

Jaina  Mering 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  v8  iiijd 

Georgius  Sturton 

in  terr. 

XXs 

—  iis  viijd 

Antonius  Poole 

in  terr. 

XXs 

—  ij8  viijd 

Dionisius  Bameby 

in  bon. 

vjii 

X8 

Wiftus  Sturton 

in  bon. 

iijli 

v8 

Henr  :  Sturton 

in  bon. 

iiijli 

—  vj8  viijd 

Johes  Smith 

in  bon. 

iiijii 

—  vj8  viijd 

Jacobs  Wakef  eld 

in  bon. 

iijii 

v8 

Lawrenc  ffenton 

in  terr. 

iiju 

—  viij8 

Thomas  White 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  v8  iiijd 

Radus  Wastnes 

in  bon. 

iiij11 

—  vj8  viijd 

Willo  Bennington 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  v8  iiijd 

Georgius  Dicons 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  v8  iiijd 

Georgius  fflower 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  vs  iiij 

Giving  a  total  of  \ijxu  xiiij8  viijd." 

The  roll x  for  1585  gives  one  or  two  unusual  details. 
It  indicates  that  Sturton  had  suffered  from  some 
epidemic,  and  notes  that  the  raising  of  the  subsidy 
in  East  Retford  was  "  greatly  hindered  by  casualty 
of  fyer."  It  will  be  noted  that  the  names  of  "  John 
Smyth,  John  Robynson  and  Alexander  Whyte  "  here 
actually  occur  in  juxtaposition,  and  that  the  vicar 
of  the  parish  is  included  in  the  list.  The  heading  to 
this  roll  runs  as  follows — 


"  Nottingham 

"  North-clay e.  The  Taxacion  for  the  first  payment  of  the 
Subsidye  graunted  to  the  Queenes  Matie  in  the  xxvijth 
yeare  of  her  highnes  Raigne  p'sented  and  taxed  before  us 

1  Lay  Subsidies,  27th  Eliz.  -//,  Notts.,  Bassetlaw. 


STURTON   RESIDENTS  401 

Sir  Willm  Hollis  knight  and  Robert  Markam  esquier  two  of 
the  Queenes  Matie3  Commissioners  appointed  for  the  same 
taken  at  Estretford  the  xxviijth  day  of  maye  in  the  sade 
xxviju*  yr  of  her  highnes  Raigne  for  the  wapentake  of 
Bassetlawe  1585." 

The  Commissioners  appointed  Edward  North  of 
Walkeringham,  gent.,  as  "  high  collector "  for  the 
Wapentakes  of  Bassetlaw  and  Newark  and  for  Newark 
Town,  and  granted  an  allowance  for  the  "  petty 
collector  "  and  to  the  clerk  for  engrossing  the  roll, 
according  to  Act  of  Parliament.  The  list  for  Sturton 
is  as  follows — 


"  Sturton  com 

ffenton  vissited 

wth  sicknes 

John  Thorn  ey  Ar. 

in  terr. 

x" 

—  xxvj8  vii 

Wriim  Remington 

in  terr. 

vii 

— ■  xiijs  iiijd 

Thomas  Sturton 

in  terr. 

vii 

—  xiij8  iiijd 

George  Dickens 

in  terr. 

iiijii 

—  xs  viijd 

George  Eaton 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  vs  viijd 

Radus  Dickens 

in  terr. 

iijii 

—  viij8 

Nicus  ffenton 

in  terr. 

iijii 

—  viij8 

Johnes  Smyth 

in  terr. 

iip 

—  viij8 

John  Robynson 

in  terr. 

xl8 

. —  v8  iiijd 

Alexander  Whyte 

in  terr. 

iijii 

—  viij8 

Bryanus  Sturton 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  vs  iiijd 

Ricus  Smyth 

in  terr. 

xl3 

—  vs  iiijd 

Laurance  Smyth 

in  terr. 

xls 

—  vs  iiijd 

Anthony  Poole 

in  terr. 

XXs 

—  ijs  viijd 

George  fflower 

in  terr. 

xl8 

—  v8  iiijd 

Dennes  Barnebye 

in  bon. 

yjli 

—  X8 

John  Barneabye 

in  bon. 

iiijii 

—  vi8  viijd 

Johes  Turnell 

in  bon. 

vu 

—  viij8  iiijd 

Johes  Cowper 

in  bon. 

iiijii 

—  vj8  viijd 

Wittms  Walker 

in  bon. 

iij» 

v8 

weadowe  Halton 

and  her  sonn 

in  bon. 

iijii 

—  vj8  viijd 

Nicus  Dickens 

in  bon. 

iijii 

Vs 

John  Quipe,  Clarke 

in  terr. 

XXs 

—  ijs  viijd 

Som 

ixii  xxd. 

5J 

D  D 

402  APPENDIX   II 

In  the  roll x  of  subsidy  payers  dated  October  7th, 
36  Elizabeth  (1594),  we  find  another  excellent  list 
of  Sturton  names.  The  name  of  John  Robinson's 
father  is  not  far  away  from  that  of  Alexander  White, 
the  father  of  his  wife  (Bridget  White),  while  next  to 
this  name  comes  Brian  Smith,  the  oldest  brother  of 
John  Smith,  of  Christ's  College,  Cambridge,  who  led 
the  Separatist  movement  in  this  district. 


Sturton  cum  ffenton 

"  Johannes  Thorn ehaghe  af 
Georgius  Lassells  gen 
Thomas  Sturton  gen 
Wm.  Rmmington 
Nicus  ffenton 
Allexaundr  White 
Brianus  Smithe 
Georgius  Dickons 
Radus  Dickons 
Johannes  Robinson 
Laurentius  Smithe 
Ricus  Smith 
Thomas  Markham  af  for  the 

lands  of  George  Eaton 
Robte  Sturton 

Sfna  xijii." 

These  payments  were  for  the  second  of  three 
entire  subsidies  granted  to  the  Queen  in  the  Parlia- 
ment of  1593.  The  Commissioners  "  appointed  for 
assessing,  rating  and  taxing  "  this  part  of  Notts,  for 
this  subsidy  were  "  Sir  John  Holies,  knight,  Peter 
Roos,  Brian  Lasseles  and  John  Thornhagh  esquiers." 

After  a  considerable  gap  we  come  upon  another 
good  list  of  Sturton  names  in  the  subsidy  roll  2  for 
the  thirty-ninth  year  of  Elizabeth's  reign  as  follows — 

1  Lay  Subsidies,  Roll  35,  Eliz.  Notts.,  Bassetlawe  £§§,  Membrane  6. 

2  Lay  Subsidy  |g£,  Bassetlaw,  39  Eliz. 


in  ter. 
in  ter. 

xxu 

yli 

iiijli 

XXs 

in  ter. 

yli 

XXs 

in  ter. 

yli 

XXs 

in  ter. 

VH 

XXs 

in  ter. 
in  ter. 
in  ter. 

iijM 

iij» 

xl8 

xij3 
xij8 
viij8 

in  ter. 
in  ter. 
in  ter. 
in  ter. 

xls 
xl8 
xls 
xl8 

viij8 
viij8 
viij8 
viij8 

in  ter. 
in  ter. 

xl8 
xls 

viij8 
viij8 

STURTON   RESIDENTS  403 


"  Sturton  cu 

ffenton 

Johes  Thornhagh  Ar 

in  Terr. 

xxii 

iiijii 

Georgius  Lassells  gen 

in  Terr. 

Vn 

XXs 

Thomas  Sturton 

in  Terr. 

yh 

XXs 

Nichus  ffenton 

in  Terris 

iiijii 

xvj8 

Charolus  White 

in  Terr. 

iijii 

xij8 

Brianus  Smith 

in  Terr. 

iijii 

xij8 

Robtus  Pennington 

in  bon. 

xl8 

viij8 

Georgius  Dickons  son 

in  ter. 

xl8 

viij8 

Radus  Dickons 

in  Ter. 

xl8 

viij8 

Johes  Robinson 

in  Terris. 

xl8 

viij8 

Robtus  Sturton 

in  Terr. 

XXs 

iiij8 

Thomas  ffox 

in  Terris. 

XXs 

iiij8 

Johes  Barmeby 

in  bonis. 

iijii 

viij8 

Sum  x11  viijs." 

This  subsidy  of  four  shillings  in  the  pound  on 
lands  was  taken  up  at  one  collection.  Frequently 
a  subsidy  was  taken  up  in  instalments.  This  roll  is 
signed  at  the  foot  by  Brian  Lassells  and  John 
Thornhagh. 

When  we  reach  the  reign  of  James  I  we  have 
further  lists.  Parliament  granted  this  King  "three 
entire  subsidies  "  in  the  third  year  of  his  reign.  The 
"  Commissioners  for  assessing,  rating  and  taxing  of 
the  first  payment  of  the  third  subsidy " x  in  the 
Bassetlaw  Wapentake  in  Nottinghamshire  were 
"  Henry  Pierpoint,  Bryan  Lassells  and  John  Thorn- 
hagh knights  and  William  Coop  esqr."  Two  of  these 
were  connected  with  Sturton  and  Fenton,  and  thus 
we  may  be  sure  the  assessment  in  that  parish  would 
be  carefully  made.  They  appointed  Gervase  Bellamy 
of  Laneham  their  "  high  collector."  We  can  picture 
him  going  round  for  the  tax  and  drawing  up  his 
roll,  which  is  dated  March  10  in  the  sixth  year  of 
James  I. 

1  Lay  Subsidy  if£,  Bassetlaw,  Notts.  3,  James  I.     The  rolls  for  the  first 
two  of  these  subsidies  are  missing. 


in  terr. 

XXli 

liij8  iiijd 

in  terr. 

XX11 

liijs  iiijd 

in  terr. 

iijii 

viij8 

in  terr. 

iijii 

viij8 

in  terr. 

iijii 

viij8 

in  terr. 

xl8 

vb  iiijd 

in  terr. 

xl8 

v8  iiijd 

in  terr. 

XXs 

ij8  viijd 

in  terr. 

XX8 

ij8  viijd 

in  bonis. 

iijii 

V8 

in  bonis. 

iijii 

V8 

xxj8     viij 

d." 

404  APPENDIX   II 

"  Sturton  cum 
Fenton 

Johes  Thorn hagh,  miles 
Geor.  Lassells,  miles 
Roger  Sturton,  sesso 
Carolus  White,  sessor 
Richo  et  Willm  ff enton 
Tho  :  Dickons,  sessor 
Johes  Robinson,  sessor 
Johes  Cowp 
Johes  Barmeby 
Robtus  Sturton 
Grego  Steedman 

Sum* 

We  also  have  the  names  of  those  assessed  for  this 
subsidy1  who  paid  their  second  instalment  in  the 
following  year  (seventh  James  I),  1610.  The  name 
of  Robinson's  father  still  appears — 

"  Sturton  with    Johes  Thornhagh  miles 
ffenton  Georgius  Lassels  miles 

Roger  Sturton 
Carolus  White 
Rich  et  W.  ffenton 
Thomas  Dickons 
Johes  Robinsonne 
Johes  Coop 
Johes  Barmeby 
Robtus  Sturton 
Gregorius  Steedman." 

All  were  assessed  on  lands  except  the  last  two,  who 
were  assessed  on  goods  (in  bonis).  The  roll  is 
damaged  at  the  edge,  so  the  individual  payments 
cannot  be  recovered.  The  sum  total  from  the  parish 
was  iij]i  xs. 

When  we  come  to  the  next  available  list  of  inhabi- 
tants and  landowners  in  Sturton  in  a  subsidy  roll  2 
of  the  eighteenth  year  of  James  I,  we  notice  that 
the  name  of  Robinson  has  died  out,  though  that  of 

1  Lay  Subsidies  £f£,  Bassetlaw,  3  James  I. 

2  Ibid.,  $$#,  Bass*etlaw,  Notts,  18  James  I. 


STURTON   RESIDENTS  405 

Charles  White,  the   brother-in-law   of  the   pastor   of 
the  Pilgrim  Fathers,  still  appears — 


"  Sturton  cu 

ffenton 

Johannes  Thornhagh  mil. 

in  ter. 

xxli 

—  xxxvjs  viijd 

Wittms  ffenton 

in  ter. 

xls 

—  ijs 

viijd 

Carolus  White 

in  ter. 

xls 

_  ija 

viijd 

Gregorius  Steedman 

in  ter. 

xls 

—  ije 

1  viijd 

Robtus  Byshopp 

in  ter. 

XXs 

— 

XVJd 

Vidua  Brian i  Smith 

in  ter. 

XXs 

— 

XVJd 

Robtus  Sturton 

in  ter. 

XXS 

— 

XVJd 

WiUms  fflower 

in  ter. 

XXs 

— 

XVJd 

Thomas  ffox 

in  ter. 

XXs 

— 

XVJd 

Nieus  White 

in  ter. 

XXs 

— 

XVJd 

Thomas  Nayler 

in  bon. 

iijli 

— 

iijd 

Sma     xlvs     viijd." 

For  the  names  of  leaseholders  and  tenants -at-will 
in  the  Sturton  of  Robinson's  day  other  sources  must 
be  consulted.  For  example,  a  family  of  Lamberts  is 
disclosed  in  the  will  of  William  Lambert  of  Sturton, 
dated  October  9,  1592.1  This  document  is  witnessed 
by  Robinson's  father-in-law,  "  Alexander  Whyte,"  and 
by  the  vicar,  "  John  Quipe,"  amongst  others.  Its 
provisions  indicate  the  custom  of  leases  and  one  of 
the  quarterly  terms  for  wage -paying. 

"  The  lease  of  Willowes  Farme  I  give  unto  Robt.  Lambert, 
Edward  Lambert,  Thomas  Lambert  my  children. 

"  Whereas  yt  hath  pleased  my  good  and  worshipfull  maister 
of  his  good  and  benevolent  will  to  grant  unto  me  the  dis- 
posinge  of  the  farme  wherin  I  now  dwell  for  and  duringe  his 
naturall  lyef,  I  give  and  bequeathe  the  same  farme  during 
the  tearme  and  tyme  unto  William  Lambert  George  Lambert 
and  Ralfe  Lambert  three  of  my  eldest  sonnes. 

"  My  servants  to  have  ther  quarters  wages  payde  duely 
unto  them  att  Martinmas  nexte. 

"  I  humblely  desyre  my  good  maister,  Maister  Bryan 
Lassels  and  Mr.  Jarvase  Lassels  and  Mr.  Alexander  Whyte 
to  be  the  supervisors  of  this  my  last  will." 

i  Probate  Registry  at  York,  Vol.  25,  f.  U9? 


406  APPENDIX   II 

It  seems  to  me  that  the  Whites  were  more  closely 
associated  with  the  Lassells  family  and  the  Robinsons 
with  the  Thornhagh  family  in  the  parochial  and  public 
affairs  of  Sturton. 

A  bequest  in  the  will  of  "  Henrie  Broomehead," 
clerk  or  parson  of  North  Wheatley,  dated  20  October,  20 
James,  i.  e.  1623,  may  help  local  antiquaries  to  deter- 
mine the  site  of  the  Robinson  holding  in  Sturton. 
"  I  give  unto  my  brother  Henrie  Bromehead  (sic) 
[apparently  there  were  two  brothers  Henry  in  one 
family]  one  acre  and  a  halfe  of  meadow  lyeinge  in 
Storton  overinge,  thre  Rood  lyeinge  in  littlemarsh  at 
Littlebrough  bancke,  one  Rood  above  little  marsh 
furlonge,  1  half  acre  buttinge  on  Robinson  close 
nooke."  1     Can  this  last  spot  be  identified  ? 

Note. — In  the  Subsidy  Roll  for  1585  only  two  taxpayers 
are  mentioned  under  Scrooby  and  Ranskill.  one  of  whom 
was  the  father  of  William  Brewster,  the  "Elder"  of  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers'  Church. 

"  Scrobe  j  M  wmim  Bruster  in  bonn.  vjii-x8 
"Rimk  11 "  I       J°nn  Danson  in  terr.  xx8-ij8  viijd." 
Among  other  names  in  this  roll  for  the  parish  of  Ragnall 
we  have  a  reference  to  Robert  Neville,  the  father  of  Gervase 
Neville.     He  had  recently  died,  and  his  children  were  under 
age. 

44  Robtes  Nevell     .     in  terr.  Ixls-vsiiia" 

beinge  deade  &  his  childerne  infants/  J 

1  York  Probate  Registry,  Vol.  37.  f.  157. 


APPENDIX  III 

A    STATEMENT    AND    EXPLANATION    BY    JOHN    BURGESS 

Dr.  Augustus  Jessop  contributed  a  good  account  of 
John  Burgess  to  the  Dictionary  of  National  Biography, 
He  had  in  his  possession  a  manuscript  of  the  sermon 
preached  by  Burgess  at  Greenwich.  He  tells  us 
that  while  Convocation  was  deliberating  on  the 
"  Canons,"  Burgess  "  was  called  upon  to  explain 
the  ground  he  took,  and  to  preach  before  the  King 
at  Greenwich  on  June  19,  1604.  Burgess  chose  his 
text  from  Psalm  cxxii.  8-9  :  For  my  brethren  and 
companions'  sake  I  will  now  say  Peace  be  within  thee. 
Because  of  the  house  of  the  Lord  our  God  I  will  seek 
thy  good. 

"  The  sermon,"  says  Jessop,  "  was  a  poor  performance 
and  somewhat  offensive  in  its  tone,  but  one  passage  seems 
to  have  provoked  the  king  beyond  measure,  though  it  is 
difficult  to  say  why.  Burgess  likened  the  ceremonies  to 
Pollio's  glasses  4  which  were  not  worth  a  man's  life  or  liveli- 
hood,' and  for  this  and  other  expressions  he  was  sent  to  the 
Tower."— Article  on  "Burgess,  John"  (1563-1635),  in  Diet 
Nat.  Biog. 

The  following  document  in  the  State  Papers  in 
Burgess's  handwriting  refers  to  this  occasion.  It 
illustrates  the  position  of  one  who  opposed  John 
Robinson's  separation  from  the  Anglican  Church, 
and  yet  was  far  from  comfortable  himself  within  her 
borders — 


it 


I  doe  thinke  &  beeleive  touchinge  the  governmente  of 
the  churche  by  Bishops  as  wth  us  in  Englande,  or  by  rulinge 
elders  as  in  other  churches  of  god  :  that  neither  of  them  was 

407 


408  APPENDIX   III 

prescribed  by  the  apostles  of  Christ,  neyther  of  them  is 
repugnant  to  the  woorde  of  god,  but  may  be  well  &  pro- 
fitably used  if  more  faulte  bee  not  in  the  persons  then  in  the 
orders  themself  es 

"  I  doe  houlde  &  am  pswaded  of  the  crosse  in  baptisme  & 
the  surples  that  as  our  church  useth  them,  they  bee  not 
unlawfull;  though  in  some  men  &  places  so  inexpedient,  as 
I  think  no  man's  ministery  lykely  to  doe  so  much  good  as 
some  mens  sodeyne  use  of  theis  thinges  mighte  doe  hurte 

"  ffor  the  subscription  to  the  articles  of  62  [i.e.  1562]  as 
the  lawe  requireth  it,  &  to  his  Maties  supremacie,  I  approve 
it  w^out  any  deception  or  qualification  :  And  touchinge  the 
thirde  article  about  the  book  of  common  prayer  &  booke  of 
ordination  doe  houlde  that  howsoever  they  have  some  thinges 
in  them  wch  cannot  simply  bee  allowed  as  false  translations 
&c  yet  considered  in  the  porpose  &  entention  of  the  churche 
of  Englande,  &  reduced  to  the  -prositions  [propositions]  & 
doctrines  wch  it  publiquely  pfessethe,  they  conteyne  nothing 
contrary  to  the  woorde  of  god. 

"  And  in  witnes  that  this  is  my  unfayned  iudgment  in  the 
prmisses  I  have  sett  to  my  name  this  2  of  July  1604 

"  t  and  will  be  all  waves  reddy  to  pfesse  by  any  meanes  at 
his  Maties  commande  j * 

"  John  Burges 

"  ffor  my  sermon  preached  before  his  excellent  Matie  [I] 
doe  take  god  to  witnes,  that  I  was  not  incited  advised  or  moved 
thereto,  by  any  but  myne  owne  hearte,  that  I  had  no  porpose 
to  glaunce  at  such  pticulareties,  as  his  Matie  (very  pbably) 
conceived  me  to  ayme  a[t]  that  I  had  not  so  wicked  a  thought 
in  me,  as  to  compare  his  Matie  to  any  evel  example  wch  I 
alleaged,  no  porpose  to  gall  or  discipher  pticuler  psons,  that 
I  spake  nothinge  but  out  of  the  deernes  &  integretie  of  my 
affections  to  his  Matie  and  the  state  &  out  of  opinion  that  it 
was  such  a  dutie,  as  I  ought  to  psew  to  all  myne  owne  hopes 
or  possibilities  of  prferment,  or  els  let  the  god  of  truth  cut 
me  of  from  his  favour  for  ever 

"  John  Burges."  2 

The  paper  is  endorsed  in  a  later  hand  "  Mr.  Burgess 
his  profession." 

1  The  words  between  daggers  were  evidently  interlined  after  the  signature 
was  appended. 
i  State  Papers,  Domestic,  James  I,  vol.  viii.  No.  8fi: 


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4%    P 


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APPENDIX  IV 

DID    JOHN    SMITH    THE    SE-BAPTIST    SPRING    FROM 

STURTON  ? 

There  was  another  family  in  Sturton  with  a  member 
of  which  our  story  concerning  Robinson  is  inter- 
twined :  I  refer  to  the  Smiths,  Smyths  or  Smythes — 
the  name  is  one,  though  the  spelling  varies.  There 
were  indeed  two  families  of  Smiths  in  Sturton  with 
various  branches,  the  one  in  quite  a  humble  station, 
the  other  a  trading  and  yeoman  family  in  comfortable 
circumstances  and  of  equal  station  with  the  Whites 
and  Robinsons.     It  is  of  the  latter  I  write. 

In  1537  Richard  Smyth  and  John  Smythe  appear 
in  the  list  of  "  archers  "  for  Sturton.  In  1544  "  John 
Smythe  "  was  assessed  on  a  substantial  amount  of 
goods  in  the  same  parish.  The  name  is  still  there  in 
1571.  This  John  Smith,  who  paid  tax  in  that  year, 
had  a  goodly  family  of  boys.  There  was  Brian,  the 
eldest,  so  named  perhaps  in  honour  of  the  local  mag- 
nate Brian  Lassells,  then  came  George,  born  about 
1563,  who  went  to  a  farm  at  Gringley-on-the-Hill. 
He  testified  at  Gainsborough  in  1603  *  that  he  was 
then  forty  years  old  and  born  at  Sturton.  Next  came 
Thomas  Smith.  The  fourth  son  was  John  Smith, 
and  I  venture  to  identify  him  with  John  Smith  the 
pioneer  in  the  Separatist  movement  in  this  part  of 
England,  who  took  the  lead  in  moulding  distinct 
"  Churches  of  Christ  "  on  the  New  Testament  model, 
apart  from  the  Anglican  and  Catholic  Churches. 
The  last  boy  in  the  family  was  Anthony,  and  there 

1  Exchequer  Depositions,  Notts.,  1  James  I,  Michaelmas  Term,  No.  14^ 

409 


410  APPENDIX   IV 

was  one  girl,  Katherine,  who,  we  may  be  sure,  had 
a  lively  time  amongst  her  brothers.  If  I  am  right 
in  my  identification  John  Smith,  the  fourth  son,  was 
sent  up  to  Cambridge,  and  matriculated  as  a  sizar  at 
Christ's  College  early  in  1586,  when  John  Robinson 
was  about  ten  years  old.  Two  years  later  (June  1, 
1588)  John  Smith  of  Sturton,  yeoman,  made  his 
will.  To  Brian  Smith,  his  heir,  he  left  "  lands  and 
tenements,"  to  his  other  children  "  40"  apece,"  and 
to  each  of  his  four  sons,  other  than  Brian,  "  xxs  yerely 
after  the  death  of  Alice  Smith,"  his  wife;  to  her  he 
left  a  third  of  his  lands  and  a  third  of  his  lease  of 
Torksey,  a  few  miles  up  the  Trent,  on  the  Lincolnshire 
side  of  the  river,  the  port  of  the  cathedral  city.  To 
the  "  poor  people  of  Sturton  "  he  left  xls,  to  John 
Quipp,  the  vicar,  who  witnessed  the  will,  xs  and  "  to 
Brian  Lassels,  Esq.,  xxs."  As  young  John  Smith 
had  a  year  or  two  to  run  before  he  came  of  age  his 
father  entrusted  him  to  the  guardianship  of  his  eldest 
brother,  Brian,  while  for  him  there  was  a  special 
bequest  which  would  help  him  with  his  expenses  at 
Cambridge :  "  To  John  Smith  my  son  xl8  yerely  out 
of  a  close  called  Intake  Close." 

Though  the  five  younger  children  (if  Brian  re- 
nounced the  duty)  were  nominated  as  executors, 
yet  when  the  will  was  proved  (October  9,  1589)  it  was 
only  George  and  Thomas  who  acted.  John  was  away  at 
Cambridge  and  still  under  age,  but  power  was  reserved 
to  him,  with  Anthony  and  Katherine,  the  other  exe- 
cutors. In  due  course  young  John  Smith  took  his 
degree,  was  elected  to  a  Fellowship  in  his  college, 
and  was  then  ordained  by  Wickham,  Bishop  of  Lincoln. 
When  he  married  the  problem  arose  as  to  where  he 
and  Mary  his  wife  should  settle.  Now  Brian  Smith, 
his  eldest  brother,  had  married  into  another  family 
of  Smiths  connected  with  Welton  and  Lincoln.  This 
leads  to  a  multiplication  of  Smiths,  and  is  rather 
confusing,  but  a  careful  study  of  the  adjoining  tables 
(Smith  pedigrees  II.,  III.,  IV.),  will  help  to  make  the 
matter  clear.     Brian's  wife  was  Jane  Smith,  eldest 


SMITH   OF  HONINGTON 


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414  APPENDIX   IV 

IV.  Smith  of  Lincoln 

(Arms,  argent,  a  chevron  between  three  roses  gules) 

Richard  Smith,  =     Mary,  daughter  of  Wm.  Bay  ley 

Attorney  and  Town  of  Louth,  at  St.  Margaret's, 

Clerk  of  Lincoln,  Lincoln,  Oct.  21,  1576. 

Warden  of  St.  Peter's 
at  Arches,  Executor 
of  Dr.  Richard  Smith. 
Mentioned  in  will 
of  Brian  Smith  of 
Sturton,  1621. 

Robert  Smith  of     =  Susan,  daughter  of 


Lincoln,  At- 
torney.    Appointed 
"  City  Attor- 
ney-General" in 
the  room  of  his 
father,  1618. 


Gervase  Wastneys 

of  Headon,  Notts., 

1609. 


(1)  Robert,  d.  s.p.,  1627. 

(2)  Elizabeth,  m.,  1627,  Sir  Charles  Dalyson, 

Recorder  of  Lincoln. 

daughter  of  Robert  Smith  of  Lincoln,  a  nephew  of 
the  Richard  Smith  of  Welton  and  London  who  had 
amassed  a  fortune  in  the  metropolis  as  "  Doctor  of 
Physick."  This  marriage  of  Brian  Smith  with  Jane 
Smith  of  Lincoln  brought  him  into  touch  with  a  group 
of  prominent  citizens  of  that  city  actively  interested 
in  civic  affairs. 

Dr.  Richard  Smith  *  died  in  1603,  without  children. 
He  left  munificent  bequests,  which  to  this  day  help  the 
education  of  the  boys  of  Potter  Han  worth  and  Lincoln, 
and  in  his  will  he  remembered  the  children  of  his 
grand-niece  Jane,  the  wife  of  Brian  Smith  of  Sturton. 

One  more  point.  He  appointed  a  namesake  (though 
no  apparent  blood  relation),  as  executor  of  his  will, 
a  Richard  Smith,  attorney  and  town  clerk  of  Lincoln, 
one  whose  legal  knowledge  ought  to  have  been  of 
service  in  settling  the  educational  trusts  of  the  will. 
This  Richard  Smith  was  also  Warden  of  the  Church 
of  St.  Peter  at  Arches,  which  the  Corporation  of  the 
City  of  Lincoln  attended.     The  indications  are  that 

1  In  a  list  of  Recusants  in  and  about  London  committed  to  Prison,  dated  1592, 
I  find  "  Richard  Smith  of  Christ  Church,  Doctor  of  Physic."     Is  it  the 
man  ?     Calendar  of  Salisbury  Papers,  Pt.  IV,  p.  267. 


JOHN  SMITH   AND   STURTON  415 

Brian  Smith  was  acquainted  not  only  with  Richard 
Smith  the  physician,  whose  relative  he  married,  but 
also  with  Richard  Smith  the  attorney.  He  certainly 
had  intercourse  with  him  on  legal  business. 

What  more  natural  than  that  Brian  Smith  should 
suggest  his  younger  brother,  John  Smith,  to  the 
warden  of  St.  Peter's  as  a  suitable  candidate  for  the 
post  of  "  lecturer  "or  "  preacher  to  the  City  of 
Lincoln  "  ?  It  is  a  fact  that  with  the  powerful  backing 
of  the  clan  of  Smiths,  and  others  in  Lincoln,  John  Smith 
was  elected  to  that  office  on  September  27,  1600, 
though  not  without  strong  opposition.  His  forceful 
and  searching  sermons  made  for  him  both  friends  and 
enemies.  The  ecclesiastical  authorities  came  down 
upon  him  and  he  lost  his  post.  Moving  to  Gains- 
borough, within  easy  reach  of  his  brother  George 
at  Gringley,  he  took  upon  him  to  expound  the  Psalms 
to  the  congregation  in  the  parish  church  in  the  absence 
of  Jerome  Phillips,  the  vicar.  In  this  good  work  too 
he  was  stopped.  It  was  out  of  order.  Then  it  was 
that,  following  the  example  of  Francis  Johnson,  his 
Cambridge  tutor,  he  deliberately  severed  his  connexion 
with  Anglicanism  and  gathered  a  separate  Church 
at  Gainsborough,  of  which  he  was  made  "  Pastor." 
Toleration  for  his  movement  was  not  accorded,  and 
he  removed  with  his  followers  to  Amsterdam,  where 
he  advanced  to  the  theological  position  of  the  liberal 
Mennonites,  practised  physic  for  a  livelihood  and 
died  of  consumption.  His  books  show  him  to  have 
had  an  intimate  knowledge  of  the  Sturton  district. 
He  was  aware  of  the  clerical  gossip  of  the  locality, 
and  refers  to  Richard  Bernard's  "  vehement  desire  " 
to  secure  the  living  of  "  Sawenbie,"  i.  e.  Saundby, 
between  Gainsborough  and  Sturton.  He  had  some 
knowledge  of  the  state  of  feeling  in  regard  to  religion 
among  the  people  of  Worksop.  He  was  intimate 
with  the  Helwys,  Hamerton  and  Neville  families, 
which  had  connexions  with  Broxtowe,  Askham, 
Habblesthorpe,  Saundby  and  Ragnell.  When  Richard 
Clifton  was  deprived  of  his  living  at  Babworth,  the 


416  APPENDIX   IV 

arguments  of  John  Smith  won  him  to  his  side.  He 
was  intimate  with  Hugh  Bromehead,  "  curate  "  of 
North  Wheatley,  the  next  parish  but  one  to  Sturton, 
and  induced  him  to  break  with  Anglicanism  and  join 
the  new  "  Church  of  Christ "  in  its  migration  to  Holland. 
Last,  but  not  least,  he  exerted  a  marked  influence 
upon  John  Robinson,  the  Pastor  of  the  Pilgrim  Church, 
who  writes  of  him  as  of  one  with  whom  he  had  been 
long  acquainted. 

Dr.  W.  T.  Whitley,  in  his  recent  biography  of  "  John 
Smyth,"  is  baffled  by  the  problem  of  his  identity. 
What  other  John  Smith  meets  the  requirements  of  the 
case  so  well  as  this  one  ?  The  evidence  is  not  decisive, 
but  the  indications  point  to  this  John  Smith  of  Sturton 
as  the  one  who  stands  in  the  ranks  of  the  originators 
of  the  Free  Churches  of  the  English-speaking  world ; 
the  one  who  left  the  mark  of  his  thought  upon  the 
minds  of  his  followers  and  the  sweet  influence  of  the 
gracious  Christian  temper  of  his  last  days  as  a  whole- 
some leaven  in  their  hearts. 

A  paragraph  from  the  will  of  Brian  Smith,  the 
eldest  brother  of  John  Smith,  illustrates  and  confirms 
part  of  what  I  have  said.  It  is  dated  at  Sturton, 
June  20,  1621— 

"  To  Marie  and  Faith  Smith  my  daughters  £50  a  piece  .  .  . 
in  consideration  of  a  legacy  bequeathed  unto  them  amongst 
my  other  children  by  .  .  .  Richard  Smith  late  of  Welton  .  .  . 
Doctor  of  Phisicke  deceased  and  since  his  death  was  ordered 
unto  the  said  Marie  and  Faith  ...  by  the  charitable  dis- 
position of  Richard  Smith  of  the  Cittie  of  Lincoln,  Gent.,  .  .  . 
unto  whom  I  stand  bound  in  the  sum  of  £300  to  pay  and 
discharge  the  same." 

One  more  point.  I  discovered  the  will  of  a  son  of 
Brian,  and  nephew  of  John  Smith  of  Sturton,  in  the 
Probate  Registry  at  Lincoln.  It  was  proved  in  that 
diocese  because  the  young  man  apparently  died  at 
the  house  where  his  Aunt  Faith  (nee  Smith),  his 
mother's  sister,  who  married  Anthony  Monson  of 
Carlton    in    Lincolnshire,    had    resided.     Remember 


JOHN   SMITH   THE   SE-BAPTIST        417 

there  was  a  tendency  to  consumption  in  the  family. 
"  Robert  Smith  of  Sturton  in  the  County  of  Notts, 
sonne  of  Bryan  Smith  yeoman,  sicke  in  body  but  whole 
of  minde,"  made  his  will  October  7,  1620.  I  only 
cite  one  sentence  of  this  document — 

"  Itm  I  give  and  bequeath  the  O*  pound  wch  my  uncle 
George  Smith  did  give  unto  me  wch  now  remayneth  in  my 
father's  hands  and  my  uncle  John  Smith's  exequtors  to  my 
uncle  George  Smith." 

The  reference  to  the  executors  of  John  Smith  accords 
with  our  provisional  identification ;  because  the  Free 
Church  pioneer  (called  for  the  sake  of  distinction 
John  Smith  the  Se- baptist)  had  died  at  the  end  of 
August  1612,1  leaving  young  children  to  be  provided 
for.  Pending  further  discoveries  I  suggest  that  John 
Smith  and  John  Robinson  were  natives  of  the  same 
village. 

1  The  will  of  Nicholas  White  of  Sturton,  dated  December  14,  1638,  refers 
to  lands  "  which  I  lately  purchased  of  William  Smyth  and  the  heires  of  John 
Smyth  ...  as  also  all  and  singular  Muniments  touching  and  concerning  the 
same."  It  also  refers  to  a  piece  of  land  "  in  the  lowe  meld  "  of  Sturton 
abutting  on  "  the  lande  of  Mary  Smyth."  This  date,  however,  allows  time 
for  another  generation  of  Smyths  to  have  come  on  the  scene. 


EE 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE   OF  THE  WRITINGS    OF 
JOHN  ROBINSON 

Sometime  Fellow  of  Corpus  Christi  College, 
Cambridge 

The  extent  and  range  of  the  writings  of  Robinson  which 
have  survived  afford  ample  testimony  to  his  industry  and 
scholarship.  He  was  thoroughly  well  versed  in  the  theo- 
logical literature  of  his  day  and  a  keen  student  of  Biblical 
and  theological  topics  to  the  end  of  his  life.  We  may  note 
that  he  accepted  and  made  use  of  the  Authorised  Version 
of  the  Bible  almost  as  soon  as  it  appeared.  The  Genevan 
Version  had  previously  been  favoured  by  the  Puritan  wing 
in  the  Anglican  Church. 

1.  Controversy  with  John  Burgess  embodied  in  Jones 

MS.,  30,  "in  the  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford  .  .1608-9 

2.  ,,  An  Answer  to  a  Censorious  Epistle."     A  "  pam- 

phlet "  replying  to  a  "  monitory  letter  "  from 
Joseph  Hall,  then  Rector  of  Halstead         .  .     1609 

3.  "  A  Justification  of  Separation  from  the  Church  of 

England."     A  reply  to  Richard  Bernard  .  .     1610 

4.  Letter  to  the  Church  at  Amsterdam  concerning 

Dismission  of  Members  and  method  of  handling 
cases  of  Discipline.     14  Nov.   ....     1610 

5.  Letter  on  Christian  Fellowship  to  WTilliam  Ames, 

printed  in  The  Prophane  Schism  of  the  Brownists     1611 

6.  "Testimonie    of    the    Elders    of   the    Church    at 

Leyden."  This  was  by  Robinson  and  Brewster 
jointly 1612 

7.  A   Brief  Answer   to   the    Exceptions   of  Francis 

Johnson  against  points  in  Robinson's  Justifica- 
tion of  Separation.  This  is  printed  in  Ains- 
worth's  Animadversion  to  Mr.  Richard  Clyfton, 

1613 1612 

418 


CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE  419 

8.  A  volume  of  Five  Tracts  : — 

(a)  Of  Religious  Communion  Private  and  Public. 

(b)  Of  Flight  in  Persecution. 

(c)  The  Outward  Baptism  received  in  England 

Lawfully  retained. 

(d)  Of  the  Baptism  of  Infants. 

(c)  A  Survey  of  the  Confession  of  Faith  published 
in  certain  Conclusions  by  the  remainders 
of  Mr.  Smyth's  Company         .  .         1613-14 

9.  "  A  Manumission  to  a  Manuduction  or  answer  to  a 

Letter  inferring  public  communion  in  the  parish 
Assemblies  upon  private  communion  with  godly 
persons  there  "......      1615 

10.  Admonitio  ad  Lector  em  prefixed  to  Robert  Parker's 

De  Politeia  Ecclesiastica  Christi         .  .  .1616 

11.  Seven  Articles  sent  to  the  Privy  Council  giving  the 

judgment  of  the  Leyden  Church  on  matters  of 
religion,  occasioned  by  their  proposal  to  migrate 
to  Virginia     .......     1617 

12.  Letter  to   Sir   Edwin  Sandys   by   Robinson  and 

Brewster,  Leyden,  15  Dec.        .  .  .  .1617 

13.  Letter    to    Sir    John    Wolstenholme    with    Two 

Declarations,  Robinson  and  Brewster.     Feb.     .     1618 

14.  "  The  People's  Plea  for  the  Exercise  of  Prophecy 

against  Mr.  John  Yates  "  1618 

15.  Apologia  Justa  el  Necessaria  quornndam  Christiano- 

rum  .  .  .  per  Johannem  Robinsonum,  Anglo- 
Leidenensem,  suo  et  Ecclesia  nomine,  cut  prae- 
ficitur 1619 

16.  Letter  to  John  Carver.     June  14  1620 

17.  "  The  Wholesome  Counsel  Master  Robinson  gave 

that  part  of  the  Church  whereof  he  was  Pastor  at 
their  Departure,"  reported  by  Edward  Winslow. 
July 1620 

18.  Letter  to  John  Carver.     Dated  Leyden,  27  July  .     1620 

19.  "  Certain  useful  Advertisements  sent  in  a  Letter 

.  .  .  unto  the  Planters  .  .  .  at  their  first  setting 

sail  from  Southampton."     July         .  .  .     1620 

20.  Letter   "to   the   Church   of  God   in   Plymouth." 

30  June 1621 

21.  Letter  to  William  Brewster  on  the  faint  prospects 

of  Robinson  joining  him  and  giving  advice  on 
church  matters        ......      1623 

22.  Letter  to  William  Bradford  pleading  for  a  moderate 

and  Christian  course  with  the  Indians.    19  Dec.     1623 

EE  2 


420  CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE 

23.  A  Briefe  Catechism  concerning  Church  Govern- 

ment, an  appendix  to  Mr.  Perkins'  Six  Principles 

of  the  Christian  Religion  (  ?)1623 

24.  "  A  Defence  of  the  Doctrine  propounded  by  the 

Synod  at  Dort  " 1624 

25.  A   Letter  to  the   Church   of  Christ   in   London. 

5  April 1624 

26.  "  An  Appeal  on  Truth's  Behalf,"  being  a  Letter 

"  to  the   Elders   and   Church  at   Amsterdam." 

18  Sept 1624 

27.  "  Treatise    on    the    Lawfulness    of    Hearing    the 

Ministers    of   the    Church    of    England "    (not 
printed  till  1634) 1624 

28.  "  Observations  Divine  and  Moral "  .  .     1625 

29.  "A  Just  and  Necessary  Apology  of  certain  Chris- 

tians .  .  .  commonly  called  Brownists  or  Bar- 
rowists."     English  Translation  by  Robinson  1625 


INDEX 


Abbot,  Archbishop  George,  257 

Act  of  Supremacy,  42,  216 

Adventurers,  225,  249;  composition 
with,  316 

Ainsworth,  Henry  (1570-1622), 
scholar  of  Gonville  and  Caius  Coll., 
Cambridge,  1587-1591,  son  of 
Thos.  Ainsworth,  yeoman,  of 
Swanton  Morley,  where  he  was 
educated  by  Mr.  Clephamson  for 
three  years.  Went  first  to  St. 
John's  Coll.,  Camb. ;  transferred 
to  Caius.  Left  without  a  degree. 
Ministered  for  a  time  amongst 
religious  refugees  in  Ireland.  Ap- 
pears at  Amsterdam  in  poverty. 
Married  there  March  29,  1607,  to 
Margery  Appleby,  a  widow.  Elected 
"teacher  "  of  the  Separatist  Church 
of  which  Francis  Johnson  was 
pastor,  85;  reply  to  Bernard,  112, 
128,  188,  192,  202 ;  death  of,  203 
note,  291,  315,  362 

Alden,  John,  246 

Aldrich,  Henry,  bequest  of,  33 

Allerton,  Isaac,  229,  316,  333,  362 

John,  108,  246 

Mary,  362 

Ames,  Elizabeth,  338 

Joan,  338 

Wm.,  123,  165,  173,  283  note, 

338 

Wm.,  jun.,  338 

Amsterdam,  71,  79;  refugees  at,  85, 
93 ;  letter  from,  196,  391 

Articles  of  Association  for  the  Plan- 
tation, 226,  259,  274 

Argall,  Captain  Saml.,  221 

Arminius,  159 

Austerfield,  3 

Aylmer,  Bishop,  44 


Babworth,  68,  71,  188,  190  note 
Baillie,  Robert,  141,  336 
Bancroft,  Richard,  44,  64 


Baro,  Peter,  49 
Barrett,  William,  49 
Baslyn,  Thos.,  86 
Baynes,  Paul,  69 
Beau  vale  Abbey,  7,  20,  46,  341 
Belvoir  Castle,  6,  380 
Benet  (Benedict)  Church  and  College, 
33,  39,  146 

Sir  John,  184 

Benevolence    to    Henry    VIII,    10, 

398 
Bernard,  Richard,  71,  94,  111  note  ; 

his  Plaine  Evidences,  113;  rhyming 

rhetoric  of,  118 
Best,  Wm.,  125 
Billericay,  236 

Blackwell,  Francis,  202,  219,  221 
Blossom,  Thos.,  307,  309,  360 
Bontius,  Dr.  Wm.,  171 
Boston,  83 
Bradford,  Wm.,  3,  56,  161,  265;  his 

History    of   Plimouih    Plantation, 

267 ;  opinion  of  Robinson,  305,  332 
Bradshaw,  Wm.,  128 
Brewer,  Thos.,  109,  157,  171  scq. 
Brewster,  James,  83,  188,  339 

Jonathan,  164 

Mary,  81,  103 

Robert,  339 

William,  the  Pilgrim  Elder,  67, 

79,  102-3;  his  press,  164,  209, 
357 

Wm.,  senior,  80,  406 

fright,  Francis,  330 
Bromehead,  Hugh,  71 
Broome,  John,  190  note 
Brouckhoven,  Jacob  von,  170,  177 
Browne,  Robert,  66,  146  note 
Burgess,  John,  97,  406 
Burton,  William,  98 
Busher,  Mark  Leonard,  154 
Butler,  Silvester,  90 
Butten,  Wm.,  262 
Butterfield,  Stephen,  359 
Buttes,  Henry,  40,  46 


421 


422 


INDEX 


Cambridge,  29 ;  Life  at,  35 

Canne,  John,  357 

Canons,  Book  of,  45 

Cape  Cod,  263 

Carleton,  Dudley,  162,  314 

Cartwright,  Thos.,  165 

Carver,  Catherine  (White),  269 

John,  212,  225,  251,  269,  398 

Castle  Combe  (Wilts),  90 

Cathkin,  James,  166 

Chaderton,  Laurence,  47,  50,  55 

Charlestown,  333 

Chauncy,  Charles,  361 

Church  Order,  337 

Clapham,  Enoch,  85 

Clarke,  John,  231,  245 

Clifton,  Richard,  71;  arrives  a>' 
Amsterdam,  84,  110,  187,  190 

Coats,  Matthew,  353 

Common  Apologie,  A,  96 

Conant,  Roger,  326 

Conditions  of  Association  of  Ply- 
mouth Plantation,  249 

Coppin,  Robert,  245 

Corpus  Christi  College,  32,  45; 
Fellows  of,  46 

Cotton,  John,  141,  334 

John,  jun.,  361 

Covenant  of  the  Pilgrim  Church,  115, 
215,  241,  332,  339 

Crabe,  Master,  a  minister,  243 

CuUimer,  Thos.,  89 

Cushman,  Isaac,  362 

Robert,  157,  212,  220,  225,  230, 

236,  261 

Thomas,  360 

Dartmouth,  257,  261 
Davison,  Wm.,  80 
Delftshaven,  237,  248 
Dermer,  Captain  Thos.,  262 
Disney,  John,  256 

Thos.   19,25 

Dort,  Synod  of,  160,  288 
Drakes,  Thos.,  139,  204,  207 

Emden,  202 
Endicot,  John,  326 
English,  Thos.,  246 
Episcopius,  159,  161 
Euring,  Wm.,  204,  207 

Falmouth,  New  England,  350 
Fenton,  383 

family  of,  7 

Hall,  30 


Fenton,  Wm.,  14 

Fielding,  Christopher,  12,  389,  394 

Forbes,  John,  142 

Fuller,  Samuel,  229,  327,  333.  He 
is  referred  to  by  an  opponent  as 
one  that  "  had  taken  the  oath  of 
abjuration  "  (Morton's  New  English 
Canaan).  This  means  that  on 
account  of  his  nonconformity  he 
had  to  abjure  the  realm  and  was 
banished  from  the  homeland  on 
the  expiration  of  three  months 
after  sentence  of  the  Court. 

Gainsborough,  27,  67,  75,  353,  384, 
386,  415 

Goade,  Roger,  50,  55 

Gorton  (Lanes.),  preacher  at,  358. 
Mr.  Ernest  Axon  suggests  to 
me  that  the  "  preaching  minis- 
ter "  here  referred  to  may 
have  been  Thomas  Paget, 
sometime  curate  of  Blackley, 
Manchester,  who  was  sus- 
pended for  nonconformity  and 
withdrew  to  Amsterdam. 

Samuel,  357 

Gott,  Charles,  326;  letter  to  Wm. 
Bradford,  330 

Gouda,  160 

Greasley,  20,  46,  307,  343 

Greenwood,  John,  348 

Gringley-on-the-Hill,  387 

Guiana,  211 

Gurnay,  Edmund,  39,  40 

Habblesthorpe,  5,  385,  393 
Hall,  Joseph,  38,  64,  94,  146 
Halton,  John,  shoemaker,  27 
Hampton  =  Southampton,  258 
Harrison,  David,  385 

Richard,  66 

William,  370,  390 

Hatherley,  Timothy,  350 
Heale,  Giles,  246 
Heinsius,  Daniel,  179,  184 
Helwys,  Thomas,  77,  82,  143,  285 
Heneage  House,  257 
Hetherington,  John,  143 
Higden,  Marlian,  40,  46 
Higginson,  Francis,  328,  335 
Hildersham,  Arthur,  336 
Hommius,  Festus,  16.1,  283 
Honington,  18 
Hopkins,  Elizabeth,  262 
Oceanus,  262 


INDEX 


423 


Hopkinson,  Francis,  354 

Wm.,  28 

Hudson  River,  262 
Hunt,  Clement,  66 

Indians,  211,  279 

Jacob,  Henry,  137,  140,  212,  291 
James,  King,  159,  166,  175,  183,  303 
Jamestown,  314 
Jegon,  John,  29,  40,  50,  61,  300 

Thos.,  46 

Jennens,  Abraham,  263 
Jepson,  Henry,  108 

Rosamund,  107 

William,  106 

Jessop,  Francis,  289,  307 
Johnson,  Francis,  79,  87-9 
Jones,  Christopher,  245,  257 
Justice,  Thos.  (of  Scrooby),  374 

Keble,  John,  359 
Knollys,  Hanserd,  353 

Lalaing,  Johann  de,  107 
Lambeth  Articles,  49 
Lassells,  Brian,  376,  399,  402-3 

family  of,  6 

Thos.,  12,  382 

Laud,  Archbishop  Wm.,  104,  347 
Lawne,  Christopher,  189 
Lawson,  Roger,  14 
Legate,  Bartholomew,  180 
Leggatt,  George,  22,  25 
Leigh,  Captain  Charles,  211 
Leverton,  North,  28 

South,  29 

Leyden,  100;  letter  from,  197 
Lincoln,  28,  414 
Lyford,  John,  277,  326 

Maisterson  (Masterson),  John,  359 

Richard,  307-8,  360 

Manners,  Roger,  29,  374 
Marriage,  form  of,  103 
Martin,  Christopher,  169,  236,  258 
Martin,  Sir  Henry,  184,  257  note 
Marton,  392 
Mason,  Francis,  65 
Mattersey,  5 
May,  Henry,  312 

Mayflower,  230, 238,  244 ;  log  of,  245 ; 
compact  and  signatories,  265,  267 
Middelburg,  283 
Millenary  Petition,  44 
Millington,  Gilbert,  341 


Mitchell,  Experience,  257,  274 
Monson,  Wm.,  19 
More,  John,  59 
Morton,  George,  273 
Mullins,  Priscilla,  246 

William,  246 

Murton  (Morton),  John,  143, 154, 180, 
285 

Nash,  Thos.,  227,  307 
Naumkeak,  vide  Salem 
Naunton,  Sir  Robert,  167,  215 
Nelson,  John,  post  of  Scrooby,  81 

note 
Neville,  Anthony,  5 

Gervase,  72  seq. 

Robert,  72,  406 

Newhouse,  Thos.,  59 
Norton,  John,  361 
Norwich,  58  seq.,  204 

Occupations  of  the  Pilgrims,  104 
Oldham,  John,  275 
Ormerod,  George,  26 
Oswald  Beck,  27 
Overall,  Dr.  John,  50 

Paget,  John,  125,  136 
Parker,  Matt,  33 

Robert,  135 

Patent  for  the  Colony,  266 
Patuxet,  267 
Pearte,  Original,  346 

Wm.,  15,  345 

Pecke,  Anne,  102 

Robert,  103 

Peirce,  John,  235,  266 

William,  275-9 

Penry,  John,  86 

Perkins,  William,  48,  59,  320,  362 
Perth  Assembly,  166 
Phillip,  John,  338 
Pickering,  Edward,  186,  233 
Piggott,  Thos.,  151 
Pifiowbeeres,    24.     This    word    was 
"  carried  to  Plymouth,  N.E.,  where 
it  occurs  in  a  Will  of   the  year 
1633. 
Plymouth  (Devon),  261 
(New  England),  241,  266,  267 

note,  314 ;  Church  at,  326, 332, 

358-9 
Polgeest,  107 
Polyander,  John,  57,  158,  171,  179, 

185 
Pomeroy,  Leonard,  263 


424 


INDEX 


Porter,  Katherine,  19 
Pory,  John,  314-16 
Powell,  Thos.,  88 
Psalm  Book,  362 

Quakers,  349 

Queenborough,  323 

Quick,  John,  283  note 

Quipp,  John  (of  Littleborough),  388-9 

John  (of  Sturton),  12,  373,  379, 

401,  409 
William,  354,  388 

Ragnell  (Notts),  73 

Rampton  (Notts),  361 

Religion,  disputations  on,  51  seq. 

Reyner,  John,  361 

Reynolds,  Captain,  231,  257 

John,  printer,  165 

Rhodes,  John,  321 

Ring,  William,  260 

Robinson,  Ann,  junior,  282,  348 

Ann,  senior,  will  of,  15,  345 

Bridget  the  younger,  348 

Bridget  (vide  Bridget  White), 

15,  108,  307,  352 

Christopher,  10,  399,  400 

Ellen,  15,  352 

Fear,  351 

Isaac,  349 

John,  junior,  15,  348 

John,  senior,  9,   12,  375,   377, 

388,  392,  401,  403,  404;  will 
of,  13 

John,  the  Pilgrim  Pastor,  1 1 ; 

admission  to  College,  34 ;  takes 
his  degree,  37 ;  elected  Fellow, 
38;  signs  letter  to  Cecil,  39; 
resigns  Fellowship  and  mar- 
ries, 46;  religious  discussion 
by,  56;  at  Norwich,  58;  re- 
visits Cambridge,  67;  leaves 
Anglican  Church,  70;  confer- 
ence with  John  Smith,  93; 
controversy  with  Hall  and 
Burgess,  95-7 ;  house  at  Ley- 
den,  106 ;  replies  to  Bernard, 
113;  opinion  on  Church  order, 
116;  follows  Smith,  117;  dis- 
cussion with  forward  Puritan 
preachers,  123 ;  his  Manumis- 
sion, 129;  on  baptism,  143; 
limits  of  religious  liberty,  152 ; 
matriculates  at  Leyden  Uni- 
versity, 158 ;  his  advice  sought, 
192;    plea  for  lay  preaching, 


204;  intercourse  with  the 
Dutch,  224 ;  letter  to  Carver, 
232;  parting  counsel  of,  239, 
251 ;  letter  to  colonists,  268 ; 
to  Brewster,  276 ;  concern  f  or 
Indians,  279;  his  household 
in  1622,  284;  letter  to  Am- 
sterdam, 293;  essays,  298; 
death  of,  302;  Bradford's  ap- 
preciation of,  304;  his  Cate- 
chism, 319,  362;  books  re- 
printed, 323 

Robinson,  Mary,  11,  16,  355 

— —  Mercy,  351 

Nathaniel,  355 

William,  11,352-3 

Rogers,  Thos.,  236 

Rutherfurd,  Samuel,  324 

St.  Andrew's  Church,  Norwich,  58, 
98 

Plymouth,  263 

St.  Benet's  (Benedict's),  Cambridge, 

33 
St.  Botolph's,  Cambridge,  33 
Salem  (Naumkeak),  317,  327-9,  333, 

338 
Saltmarshe,    Edward,    of    Strubby, 

Lines.,  19 
Sandys,  Sir  Edward,  212;   letter  to, 

214,  217 
Saundby,  377,  382,  415 
Scrooby,  3,  70,  75,  80,  104,  374 
Sherley,  James,  277,  317 
Sherwill,  Nicholas,  263 
Ships : — 

Anne,  81,  109,  273,  275 

Charity,  272,  278 

Fortune,  266;  captured,  270,  360 

James,  or  Little  James,  109,  273 

Jonathan,  263 

Lion,  349 

Mary  Rose,  8 

Mayflower,  1,  19,   105,  244,  264, 
266,  275 

Providence,  263 

Sparrow,  272 

Speedwell,  233,  261 

Swan,  272 

Talbot,  349 
Simmons,  Matt.,  323 
Skelton,  Samuel,  328 
Slade,  Matthew,  97,  160,  174,  190 
Slaughterford,  identified  with  Sech- 

tenfort,  88 
Smith,  Brian,  402,  409,  415 


INDEX 


425 


Smith,  Captain  John,  of  Lines.,  navi- 
gator, 235,  263 

George,  387,  417 

John,  senior,  of  Sturton,  400, 

401 

John,    the   Sebaptist,    67 ;    his 

Paralleles,  112,  126;  death  of, 
144 ;  Confession  of  Faith,  151 ; 
influence  on  Clifton,  188,  285, 
292 ;  did  he  spring  from  Stur- 
ton ?,  409 

Mary,  wife  of  John  the  Sebap- 
tist, 410 

Ralph,  328,  331 

Richard,  of  Sturton,  painter,  27 

Richard,  of  London  and  Welton, 

Lines.,  Doctor  of  Physic,  413- 
415 

Richard,  Town  Clerk  of  Lincoln, 

414-16 

—  Robert,  417 

Thomas  (deacon  at  Amsterdam), 

157 

Wm.  (Bradford-on-Avon),  87 

Wm.  (Honington,  Lines.),  tomb 

of,  18 

Wm.  (Honington,  Lines.),  jun., 

25 

Wm.  (Sturton),  28 

Southampton,  237 

Southworth,  Alice,  273 

Edward,  9,  104,  257,  379 

Robert,  110 

Stafford  Bridge,  27,  373 

Standish,  Miles,  274,  280,  305 

Staresmore,  Sabine,  140,  203  note, 
217,  291,  293 

Studley,  Daniel,  195 

Sturton-le-Steeple  (Notts.),  4;  infec- 
tious sickness  at,  11;  life  at,  in 
Elizabethan  times,  369;  residents 
in,  395 

Teellinck,  Wm.,  283 
Testimonie  of  Leyden  Elders,  192 
Thickins,  Randall,  107 
Thomson,  David,  263 
Tithes,  5,  389 
Thornhagh  family,  8 

Francis,  9 

John,  senior,  9:  20,  376, 378,  384 

Sir  John,  20,  378 ;    petition  of, 

393 
Thorpe,  Giles,  174 
Trevore,  Wm.,  246 
Turner,  John,  231 


Undertakers,  318.  This  was  the 
name  given  to  the  eight  leading 
colonists  in  Plymouth  Plantation 
and  the  four  London  merchants 
who  undertook  to  be  responsible 
for  the  debts  of  the  Colony  under 
the  Composition  Deed  of  November 
1626.  In  return  they  were  granted 
the  privilege  of  managing  the  trade 
of  the  Plantation.  They  were 
sometimes  called  the  "Purchasers." 
The  four  in  London  were  Richard 
Andrews,  Timothy  Hatherley,  John 
Beauchamp,  James  Sherley.  Beau- 
champ  was  a  drysalter  and  a 
grantee  of  land  in  New  England; 
Hatherley  subsequently  crossed  to 
the  Plymouth  Colony ;  Sherley  was 
treasurer  of  the  Plymouth  Adven- 
turers. 

Unitarian  Church,  Boston,  Mass., 
334;  Gainsborough,  353;  New 
Plymouth,  Mass.,  359 

Virginia,  202,  208-9,  241,  258,  313 

Company,  220,  225 

Vorstius,  Conrad,  159,  321 

Walrus,  179,  283 

Watkins,  Nicholas,  102  note 

Watson,  Anthony,  40,  45 

Wessagusset,  279 

Weston,  Thos.,  186,  224-8,  234,  249, 

259  271 
Whitgif  t,  John,  42,  49 
White,  Alexander,  17 ;  marriage,  18; 

will  of,  20,  401 

Bridget,  21,  25,  46-7,  402 

Captain  Charles,  341 ;  dispatch 

from,  342 
Charles,   16,  22,  25,  289,  307, 

403-5 

Catherine,  19,  24 

Edward,  19,  24 

, Eleanor,  22 ;  will  of,  23 

Frances,  19,  25,  307 

Jane,  19,  23,  104,  107 

Nicholas,  107,  417  note 

Roger,  19, 24, 289 ;  letters  from, 

302,  307,  311 

Thos.,  of  Sturton,  17 

Thos.,  of  Slaughterford,  88,  91 

Willet,  Thos.,  109 
Williams,  Roger,  361 
Williamson,  Mr.,  245 
Willoughby,Lord(RobertBertie),300 


426 


INDEX 


Wilson,  John,  334 

Roger,  105 

Wincob,  John,  222 
Winkburn,  9 

Winslow,  Edward,  229,  247,  303 
Winthrop,  John,  333 
Wolstenholrne,  Sir  John,  216 
Women  in  the  Church,  293 
of  Littleborough,  370 


Wood,  Henry,  105,  108 
Worksop,  5,  71,  415 
Wrentham,  338 
Wright,  Reuben,  376 
Wrington,  157 

Yates,  John,  204 

Zouche,  Sir  William,  181 


Note 

For  an  account  of  the  relation  between  the  work  of  John  Smith  and 
John  Robinson  and  the  influence  of  their  respective  churches  the  reader  is 
referred  to  the  author's  little  volume  on  John  Smith,  the  Sebaptist,  Thomas 
Helwys  and  the  first  Baptist  Church  in  England,  with  fresh  light  upon  the 
Pilgrim  Fathers'  Church,  1911. 


PBrarJED  in  Great  Britain  ey  Richard  Clay  &  Sons,  Limited, 

BRUNSWICK   ST.,    STAMFORD  ST.,    S.E.  1,    AND  BUNGAY,    SUFFOLK. 


University  of 
Connecticut 

Libraries 


